This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized
by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the
information in books and make it universally accessible.
Google' books
https://books.google.com
I'if.l
^ °\%z
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
A HISTORY OF CHESS
Digitized by Google
A
HISTORY OF CHESS
H. J. R. MURRAY
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1913
Digitized by u.ooQLe
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
HUMPHREY MILFORD, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
a’
Digitized by
PREFACE
The aim of this work is threefold : to present as complete a record
as is possible of the varieties of chess which exist or have existed in
different parts of the world ; to investigate the ultimate origin of these
games and the circumstances of the invention of chess ; and to trace the
development of the modern European game from the first appearance of
its ancestor, the Indian chaturanga , in the beginning of the seventh
century of our era. The subject accordingly falls naturally into two
parts : the history and record of the Asiatic varieties of chess, and the
history of chess in Europe with its influence on European life and
literature.
Many books have been written upon the history of chess, but none
covers exactly the same field as this work. The English writers, Hyde
(1694) and Forbes (1860), in the main confine their attention to Oriental
chess; the great German writer, Yon der Lasa (1897), treats almost
exclusively of the European game. Van der Linde alone deals with
both Oriental and European chess in approximately equal detail, but it
is in three distinct works (1874-81).
In his great work, the Geschichte und Litteratur des Schacfispiels (1874),
v. d. Linde was able to incorporate the results of Professor A. Weber’s
examination of the early references to chess in Sanskrit literature, and
to show that Forbes’s History was both inaccurate and misleading.
Since the publication of the Geschichte , however, there have been many
additions to our knowledge of special features of chess history. The
earliest of these were incorporated in v. d. Linde’s last work, .the
Quellenstudien (1881), but the later additions can only be found in
isolated papers, such as those of Mr. H. F. W. Holt (Chinese chess),
Herr A. v. Oefele (Malay chess), Professor A. A. Macdonell (early Indian
chess), M. E. V. Savenkof (Siberian and Russian chess), Herr F. Stroh-
meyer (chess in mediaeval French literature), and Mr. W. H. Wilkinson
(Chinese and Corean chess). It was with the idea of making all this
information easily accessible to English readers that I formed the plan
of writing the present work more than thirteen years ago.
To all these writers, and many others whose names will be found in
Digitized by Google
6
PREFACE
the list of works consulted, I am greatly indebted, and in particular to
Hyde, to v. d. Lasa (whose kindly encouragement to me in 1897 to
proceed with work on the history of chess I recall with pleasure), and
to y. d. Linde. But the greater part of the book is based upon my own
work at original sources, especially at unpublished Arabic and early
European manuscripts on chess. It was my good fortune, at an early
stage of my work, to enlist the interest of Mr. John G. White, of Cleve-
land, Ohio, U.S.A., the owner of the largest chess library in the world.
Mr. White’s generous and unfailing courtesy in placing his library freely
at the service of any student of chess has been acknowledged over and
over again. To me he has given not only this, but far greater help.
He has repeatedly obtained copies of manuscripts which it was important
that I should see, but which were inaccessible to me, and has placed
these copies unreservedly at my service. Whatever in the way of com-
pleteness I have been able to achieve is entirely due to Mr. White’s
help. Without that help, the book would never have been written.
I must also record my indebtedness to Mr. J. W. Rimington Wilson, of
Bromhead Hall, Yorkshire, who has lent me many rare books and manu-
scripts from the chess library which was collected by his father, the late
Mr. F. W. Rimington Wilson; to Mr. J. A. Leon, who lent me the
valuable sixteenth-century problem manuscript in his possession; to
Mr. Bernard Quaritch, who allowed me to examine the Fountaine MS.
when it passed through his hands in 1902 ; and to Mr. H. Guppy, of the
John Rylands Library, Manchester, who made special arrangements in
1903, by which I was enabled to consult two important Arabic manu-
scripts at that time in the possession of the late Mrs. Rylands.
But apart from this assistance in making the original sources avail-
able, the very width of the distribution of chess and the many languages
in which the literature of the game is written, would have made my
task an impossible one if I had not received the help of many scholars.
Among these are my father, Sir J ames A. H. Murray, who has not only
helped me with advice of the greatest value, but hats introduced me to
many scholars whom otherwise I should have scarcely ventured to
approach; Dr. A. C. Haddon, F.R.S. ; Professor E. J. Rapson, and
Dr. W. H. D. Rouse, who have helped me with Sanskrit references;
Mr. S. F. Blumhardt, who translated a small Hindustani work on chess
for me; Mr. E. J. Colston, LC.S., to whom I owe the first complete
account of Burmese chess ; Professor D. S. Margoliouth, to whom I have
taken all my difficulties in reading my Arabic sources ; Bodley’s
Digitized by Google
PREFACE
7
Librarian, Mr. Falconer Madan, who has dated many manuscripts for
me ; my sister, Miss Murray, of the Royal Holloway College, who has
helped me with Icelandic references ; Mr. W. W. Skeat, who has helped
me in connexion with Malay chess; Mr. I. Abrahams, whom I have
consulted about Jewish allusions; Mr. B. G. Laws, who has helped me
to establish the European source of the problems in modem Indian text-
books of chess ; and Mr. Charles Platt, of Harrow, who has allowed me
to include illustrations of Oriental chessmen from his unique collection.
To all these and others I express my most grateful thanks for their
help. Unhappily, my thanks can no longer reach the late Professor
W. R. Morfill, who gave me most valuable assistance with Russian and
Czech, and the late Mr. J. T. Platts and Lieut.-Col. Sherlock, who gave
me similar help with Persian and Hindustani.
In conclusion, I should like to express my personal gratification that
this book is appearing from the same University Press which, more than
two hundred years ago, published the pioneer work on its subject,
Thomas Hyde’s Mandragorias seu Historia Shahiludii.
H. J. R. MURRAY.
Cambridge, 1913.
Digitized by Google
ERRATA
Page 67, line 9, for pp. 88, 89, read p. 89 and plate facing p. 86.
Page 184, line 2 up, for caliphal-Muqtadir read caliph al-Muqtadir.
Page 218, line 18, for al-Blrunl read al-Berflnl.
Page 236, line 14, for khurug read khurflj.
Page 237, dia. 4, for 9 moves read 19 moves.
Page 337, line 13, for AH 95 read AH 94.
Page 383, line 6, for 1849 read 1649.
Page 446, line 33, for thisgame read this game.
Page 459, line 12, for Marocco read Morocco.
Digitized by boogie
CONTENTS
PART I. CHESS IN ASIA
CHAPTER L INTRODUCTORY
PAGE
European chess of Indian ancestry. — Asiatic games of similar ancestry. — Classifi-
cation of Board-games. — Indian Board-games.— The Ash$apada. — Speculations
on the nature of the original Indian chess. — Previous theories as to the ancestry
of the game . 25
CHAPTER II. CHESS IN INDIA. I
The earliest references in Subandhu, Bana, & c. — The chess-tours in Rudrata. —
Position in India c. 1000. — Some Arabic references. — Later Indian references. —
NHakan$'ha 51
CHAPTER III. CHESS IN INDIA. II
The Four-handed Dice-game. — The account in Raghunandana. — The method of
play. —The modem four-handed game 68
Appendix. Attempts to reconstruct the four-handed game .76
CHAPTER IV. CHESS IN INDIA. Ill
The modern games. — Three main varieties of chess played. — Summary of the
nomenclatures. — The crosswise arrangement of the Kings. — Hindustani chess. —
Parsi chess. — Standard of play.— Specimen games. — Native chessmen. — The
problem 78
Appendix. A selection of problems from Indian sources 92
CHAPTER V. CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
Introductory. — Spread in Malay lands. — Early references. — The chessboard. —
Nomenclature.— Mo ves of the pieces. — Rules. —Illustrative games. — Malay
chessmen. — Concluding observations 95
CHAPTER VI. CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
Introductory remarks. — I. Burmese chess. — Name of the game. — The chessboard. —
The chessmen. — Nomenclature. — Initial arrangement — Rules. — II. Siamese
chess. — Name of the game. — The chessboard.— The chessmen. — Nomenclature. —
Initial arrangement. — Rules. — Specimen game. — III. Annamese chess . . 108
CHAPTER Vn. CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
The inter-relationships and ancestry of these games. — I. Chinese chess. — The name. —
Early references. — The modem game. — The board. — Nomenclature. — Rules. —
Openings. — End-games and problems. — Specimen games. — The games ta-ma and
kyu-kung . — Derivative games. — II. Corean chess. — Board. — Nomenclature. —
Rules. — Specimen game. — HI. Japanese chess. — The name. — History. — Litera-
ture. — Board. — Nomenclature. — Rules. — Specimen game. — Derivative games. —
Problems 119
Digitized by Google
10
CONTENTS
CHAPTER VIIL CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
PAGE
Literary references. — The Kamdmak . — The Chatrang-ndmak . — Probable introduc-
tion under Nfishlrwan. — The story in the Shdhndma 149
Appendix. Some notes on the Persian nomenclature 168
CHAPTER IX. CHESS IN THE EASTERN EMPIRE
Chess not a classical game. — The name zatrikion. — First references in Arabic
works.— References in late Greek literature. — Ecclesiastical censures — Chess
in the Turkish rule, and in modern Greece 161
CHAPTER X. THE ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE
OF CHESS
The chess works mentioned in the Fihrist , and other bibliographies. — MSS. used
for the present work. — Other MSS. in European libraries. — Poems and im-
promptus on chess, &c 169
CHAPTER XI. CHESS UNDER ISLAM
Its Persian ancestry. — The date of introduction. — The legal status of chess. — Early
Muhammadan chess-players. — The game during the Umayyad and 'Abbasid
caliphates. — A$-Sull.— Later references. — A§-§afadI. — Chess at the court of
Timur.— Chess in Damascus in the sixteenth century 186
CHAPTER XII. THE INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM
LEGEND
A variety of stories.— The oldest versions associated with India. — The connexion
with nard.— The earlier legends from the chess MSS., al-Ya'qubl, al-Masudl,
and Firdawsl. — The dramatis personae. — The story of the reward for the
invention. — The Geometrical progression in literature. — Later stories introducing
Adam, the sons of Noah, &c., and Aristotle 207
CHAPTER XIII. THE GAME OF SHATRANJ: ITS THEORY
AND PRACTICE. I
The chessboard. — The names of the chessmen in Muslim lands. — Symbolism of the
game. — Forms of the chessmen. — The arrangement of the men for play. — The
moves of the chessmen and technical terms. — Relative values of the pieces. — Aim
and method of play. — Notation. — Concordant and discordant men. — Classification
of play era. — Gradations of odds — Etiquette of play 220
CHAPTER XIV. THE GAME OF SHATRANJ : ITS THEORY
AND PRACTICE. II
The divisions of the game. — The Opening. — The ’akhrajat or ta'blyat. — Al-*AdlT and
a§-S0lI. — The work of al-Lajlaj. — Later treatment of the Openings.— Mid-game
tactics 234
Appendix. Al-Lajlaj ’s analysis of the Mujannal?, Masha’IkhI, Saif, and Sayyal
Openings • • 247
Digitized by Google
CONTENTS
11
CHAPTER XV. THE GAME OF SHATRANJ : ITS THEORY
AND PRACTICE. IH
PAGE
The End-game. — Chess Endings in Muslim literature. — Summarized conclusions on
the more elementary Endings. — The manftlbat : their classes and characteristics.—
The history of the collections. — The man$Obat material ; diagrams and solutions.—
The Knight’s Tour and other Exercises with the chessmen 266
CHAPTER XVI. GAMES DERIVED FROM MUSLIM AND
INDIAN CHESS
I. Arabic games. — Oblong chess.— Decimal chess. — Chess as-su'dlya. — Round
chess. — Astronomical chess.— Limb chess. — II. Persian games. — Citadel chess. —
Great chess.— Other modern forms.— III. Indian games. — IV. Early Spanish games 339
CHAPTER XVII. THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
The origin and history of the changes in the game. — The modern game of Persia,
Turkey, and the lands bordering the Mediterranean. — Rum! chess, or the Muslim
game of India. — Abyssinian chess 352
CHAPTER XVIII. CHESS IN CENTRAL AND NORTHERN ASIA,
AND IN RUSSIA
Unclassified varieties. — Paucity of information. — Nomenclature. — References to
chess as played by the Tibetans, Mongols, and other Siberian races.— Probable
origin of this game. — Chess in Turkestan, Armenia, and Georgia. — The older
chess of Russia. — Its ancestry. — Nomenclature. — History. — Pieces. — Possible
traces of Asiatic influence farther West. — StrObeck. — Conclusion . . . 366
PART II. CHESS IN EUROPE
CHAPTER L CHES8 IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM: ITS
ORIGIN AND BEGINNINGS
The ancestry of the game. — The evidence of nomenclature, and the light it throws
upon the date of the introduction of chess into Christian Europe. — The European
names for chess. — Where was the European game first played? — Mythical
stories.— Earliest certain references to chess or chessmen of contemporary date .
Appendix. Original texts
CHAPTER II. CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
The mediaeval period and its chess literature. — Earliest contemporary references
in the different European countries. — The European nomenclature composite. —
The game the typical chamber-recreation of the nobility. — A branch of a noble’s
education.— Played by the ladies.— Reasons for the popularity of chess with the
leisured classes.— Chess played by the members of a noble’s household. — By the
burgesses of the towns. — Frowned on by the Universities. — Does not reach
the lowest ranks of society. — The altered position of chess in modem days . .417
Appendices. I. Chess in Iceland, &c. — II. Chess among the Jews. —
III. Some inventories of chess. 443
394
413
Digitized by Google
12
CONTENTS
CHAPTER III. THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
PAGE
Earliest rules. — The chequered board. — Attempts at improvement. — Assizes.— Rules
in Spain. — In Lombardy.— In Germany. — In France and England. — In Iceland. —
Notation. — Science of play. — Openings.— Odds. — Other arrangements. — The
Courier game 452
Appendices. I. The Alfonso MS. of 1283. — II. Description of the Lombard
Assize in MS. Paris, Fr. 1173 (PP.).— III. Extracts from EgenolfTs Frankfort
edition of Mennel’s Schachzabel, 1536. — IV. Description of a chess notation in
MS. Paris, Fr. 1173 (PP.).— V. From MS. Vatican, Lat. 1960, f. 28 . . 485
CHAPTER IV. THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
Introductory remarks. The Einsiedeln and Winchester Poems. — Alexander
Neckam, De scaccis. — Cod. Benedictbeuren. — The Elegy {Qui cupit). — The Deven-
ter Poem. — It pedes , and the Corpus Poem. — The Reims Poem.— The Vetula . —
The Cracow Poem. — The Hebrew poem of Abraham b. Ezra, and other Hebrew
works 496
Appendix. Original texts 511
CHAPTER V. THE MORALITIES
Introductory remarks.— The Innocent Morality, — John of Waleys (Gallensis) and
Alexander of Hales. — Later references to this work. — The Liber de tnoribus
hominum et officiis nobilium of Jacobus de Cessolis. — Translations and imitations.
—Gal wan de Levan to. — The chess chapters in the Gesta Romanorum. — Ingold’s
Qvldin Spil. — Lee Eschez amoureux. — Other moralizing works .... 529
Appendix. Original texts . 559
CHAPTER VI. THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. I
Introductory. — The function of the problem in mediaeval European chess. — The
problem of Muslim origin. — Its European names. — The European MSS. — Their
historical development. — The Alfonso MS. and its European problems. The
Archinto MS. — The Anglo-Norman or English group of MSS. — The two British
Museum MSS.— The Porter and Ashmole MSS. — The Dresden MS. . . 564
Appendix. Merels and allied games 613
CHAPTER VII. THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. H
The great collections. — The MSS. of the Bonus Socius work classified.— The author-
ship and date of the work.— Contents.— Additional material in the MSS. of the
Picard group.— The MSS. of the Civis Bononiae work. — Authorship and date.—
Classification of the MSS. — General remarks on the mediaeval problem. — Contents
of the Civis Bononiae work. — Additional material from single MSS. . . . 618
Appendices. I. The Latin Preface to the Bonus Socius work. — II. The
introductions to the French translations of the Bonus Socius work. — III. Intro-
duction to MS. Florence, Bibl. Nat. XIX. 7. 37 (F). — IV. Some notes on the
sections on Tables and Merels in the Bonus Socius and Givis Bononiae works . 700
CHAPTER VIH. THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. Ill
Unclassified and later works. — The Munich MS. — MS. Wolfenbtittel 17.30. Aug. 4. —
Kfibel’s Schachtzabel Spiel,— Janot’s Sensuit Jeux Partis des Eschez,— MS. Florence
XIX, 11. 87. — The Sorbonne MS. — The Casanatense MS. — Mediaeval problems in
the early works of modern chess 704
Digitized by Google
CONTENTS
13
CHAPTER IX. CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
Longer chess incidents in the Chansons de geste . — The magic chess of the Arthurian
romances. — Chess in the Beast romances . — Allegories based on chess. — Other
comparisons and metaphors
CHAPTER X. CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
Mediaeval boards. — Combined boards for chess and other games — Carved chess*
men. — The ‘ Charlemagne chessmen ’. — The Lewis chessmen. — Conventional
chessmen. — The Ager and Osnabrttck pieces — The 4 St Louis chessmen ’.—Chess-
men in MSS. and printed books. — Chess in cookery.— Chess in heraldry
CHAPTER XI. THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
Time and place of first appearance. — ftarly literature of the modern game . — Le Jeu
des Eschts de la dame, moralist .’ — The Catalan Scachs d’amor . — The Gdttingen
MS. — Lucena. — Damiano. — Vida and Caldogno. — EgenolfF. — Early problems of
the modern game
Appendices. I. Extract from Lucena. IL Extract from EgenolfF .
CHAPTER XH. FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
The great chess activity of Southern Europe during the second half of the six-
teenth century. — Ruy Lopez. — Leonardo and Paolo Boi. — Polerio.— Salvio and
Carrera.— Greco. — The introduction of castling and other changes in the game. —
The problem
CHAPTER XIII. FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
Chess in Italy, 1630-1730.— In France and England, 1550-1700.— Asperling.—
Cunningham. — Caze. — The Coffee-houses. — Bertin. — Stamma. — Hoyle. — Chess in
Germany, 1600-1790. — In Sweden, Denmark, &c. — In Iceland. — Four-handed
chess
CHAPTER XIV. PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
Pfiilidor, his chess career and system of play.— Del Rio, Lolli and Ponziani. — The
Italian school of play. — The modern problem.— The Parisian Amateurs. — Des-
chapelles. — Sarratt and his services to English chess.— Allgaier. — The Automaton
Chess-player
CHAPTER XV. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Lewis. — De la Bourdonnais and MacDonnell. — The Berlin Pleiades. — Staunton and
Saint- A man t — The chess magazine and newspaper column.— The 1851 Tourna-
ment. — Anderssen and Morphy.— Steinitz and the Modern School
PAGE
736
756
776
808
811
837
861
878
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Ancient Ivory Chessman in the Bibliotheque nationale, Paris
PAGE
Frontispiece
The Algebraical Notation ....
.
20
Board from Thebes, Egypt (Abbot Collection, Louvre)
.
30
Board of Queen Hatasu, British Museum
.
30
Board from Enkomi, Cyprus ....
.
31
Board for PachlsI and Chaupur
.
38
Gavalata Board (Culin, C.SfP.C., 851)
.
38
Ashta Kashte Board (Falk., 265)
.
38
Board, Dice and Men used in Saturankam (chaturanga).
(Parker, 695)
39
Siga Board (Parker, 607) ....
39
The Bharhut Board .....
40
The Markings on modern Indian Chessboards
41
Divinatory Diagram, Tibet ....
43
Knight's, Book's, and Elephant's Tours (Rudra^a) . „ *
54
Elephant’s Tour .....
55
Four-handed Chess. After al-Berunl
58
The Elephant's Move in early Indian chess .
59
Knight’s Tour (Nilakant’ha) ....
65
Four-handed Chess. After Raghunandana .
69
The modem Indian Chess ....
80
Indian Chessmen (Hyde, ii. 123)
. to face
86
The Bambra-ka-thul (Brahmanabad) Chessmen
88
Indian Chessmen. Eighteenth Century. From Mr. Platt's Collection
. to face
88
Indian Chessmen from Surat (Hyde)
.
89
Some modem Indian Chessmen
90
Modern Indian Chessmen. Platt Collection
. to face
90
Modem Indian Problems ....
92-3
Malay Chessboards. Skeat Collection, Cambridge
97
Malay Chessboard (Malacca and mainland)
97
Malay Chessboard (Sumatra)
97
Malay Chessmen (Selangor). Skeat Collection
. to face
105
Malay Chessmen .....
The Markings on Burmese Chessboards, and Burmese
arrangements
\ of the
106
Chessmen .....
110
Burmese Chessmen. Pitt-Rivers Collection, Oxford
. to face
111
Initial arrangement of the Nis (Pawns)
111
Burmese arrangement of the Chessmen. From Bastian
112
Siamese Chessmen. From the Schachzeitung
114
The Siamese arrangement of the Chessmen .
115
The Chinese and Japanese names for chess .
121
Himly'8 Reconstruction of early Chinese Chess
124
Chinese Chess (Culin) ....
125
Bronze Chessmen in the British Museum
126
Multiple Checks in Chinese Chess
128
Digitized by Google
16
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Chinese Chess Problems ....
PAGE
129
Game of the Three Kingdoms
.
. .
133
Chessmen carved in China for the European Game. From Mr. Platt’s Collection
to face
134
Corean Chessboard. After Culin
.
135
The Japanese Chessboard ....
141
Japanese Chessman .....
142
The different scripts for Kin ....
142
Japanese Chess Problems ....
148
Rook from Egypt. British Museum
224
Older Muslim arrangement of the Chessmen
224
The Muslim ta’blyat from al-*AdlI and as-SulI
287-8
Ta'bfyat from MS. BM ....
241-2
Ta'bly&t from MS. RAS ....
243
Ta'blyat from MS. F .
243
Ta'blyat from MS. Gotha ....
244
The Mujannab Opening. The position after the twelfth
move
248
Drawn position .....
267
The Muslim Problems ....
282-806
Muslim Knight’s Tours ....
335-6
Muslim Exercises .....
337-8
Al-'Adll’s Calculating-board ....
338
Round or Byzantine Chess ....
342
Indian Problem of Decimal Chess
346
The Game of the Four Seasons, Alf.
349
The Game of Los Escaques, Alf.
350
Turkish Chessmen. From Hyde
354
Numbering of squares attributed to Muhammad Said
355
Problems of modem Turkish Chess. From MS. Ber.
357
Modern Muslim (Egyptian) Chessmen. Platt Collection
. to face
361
Kurdish Chessmen. From Culin
361
Turkish Chessmen. After Falkener
361
Abyssinian Chessmen of Welled Selasse
363
Abyssinian Chessmen .....
363
Soyot Chessmen. After Savenkof .
371
Yakutat Chessmen (Alaska). After Culin .
375
Russian Sion and Lodya . After Savenkof .
387
Russian Lodya from the Platt Collection. Modem
388
Russian Chessmen. Platt Collection
.
. to face
388
Otto IV, Margrave of Brandenburg (1266-1308), playing Chess.
(Book of
ManeBse, Paris MS., old 7266) .
. to face
394
The board for tablut .....
445
Diagram illustrating mediaeval notation
457
Game position from the Munich MS. of Carmina Butvna
473
Game position from MS. Alf.
473
Short Assize. From MS. Dresden 0/59
476
Short Assize. From MS. Paris f. fr. 143
476
Le guy de ly enyinous e ly coueytous .
477
The Courier game. After Selenus .
483
The Chessplayers. By Lucas von Leyden
. to face
484
Kobel’s chess notation ....
. .
490
The chess notation of MS. Paris f. fr. 1173 .
.
495
Digitized by Google
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
17
PAGE
Miniature from MS. Lat. 4660, Munich (Carmina Burana)
. to face
503
Death gives checkmate to a King ....
. to face
536
From Caxton’s Game and Playe of the Cheese
. .
542
From Caxton’s Game and Playe of the Chesse
.
543
From the Lihro di giuocho di scacchi. Florence, 1493
, ,
547
Mediaeval European Problems from MS. Alf.
571-3
n ,» ,, IdS. Arch. * .
.
575-9
yt ,, ,, IdS. Cott. . .
583-8
»» u ft MS. K. .
589-600
tf a MS. Port. • •
602-5
»* m tt Mb. Ash. .
606-7
it M tt MS. D. • •
609-12
Boards for Nine Holes .....
614
Boards for the Smaller Merels ....
614
Boards for the Larger Merels ....
615
Alquerque de Doze ......
615
Board for Fox and geese .....
617
Mediaeval European Problems from Bonus Socius .
629
„ „ ,, the Picard BS. MSS. .
632-6
„ ' „ „ Civis Bononiae
654-77
a a „ other CB. MSS.
694-6
Book and Pawn, from MS. WA ....
704
Arms of Kochlitz (Massmann) ....
705
Rooks from Randle Holme .....
705
Mediaeval European Problems from Kobel .
706
„ „ „ MS. Picc.
709-15
*« >• ii MS. S
720-5
„ „ „ MS. C
727-31
>, „. „ Lucena
784
„ „ ,, MS. WD
735
Inlaid board for Merels and Chess ....
. to face
757
The Charlemagne Chessmen. Bibl. nat., Paris
. to face
758
King. Lewis chessmen in British Museum •
760
Queens. Lewis chessmen, and from co. Meath
760
Bishops, Knights, and Rooks. Lewis chessmen
761
Chess Bishops. German, early 13th century
762
The Charlemagne chessmen. Bibl. nat., Paris
. to face
762
Pawns. Lewis chessmen .....
763
Knight (KunBtkammer, Berlin) ....
763
The Ager chessmen : King, Queen ....
764
Damaged German chess King. British Museum .
. to face
764
The Ager chessmen : Bishop, Knight
765
The Ager chessmen : Pawn, Rook, plain pieces
766
The Charlemagne chessmen. The Dom, Osnabriick
. to face
766
Knight and King, Brit Mus. ; Rook, Batgello Mus. ; Bishops,
Helpstone,
Beverley, and Northampton Castle
767
The St. Louis chessmen. Cluny Museum
767
Chessmen in the Cluny Museum ....
768
Figures of Chessmen from Problem MSS.
769
Types of Fifteenth-Century Chessmen
770
Chessmen from Damiano, EgenolfF ....
770
Chessmen from Egenolff, Kobel, Graeco, MS. WD, Selenus, Studies of Chess
771
1170 B
Digitized by Google
18
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Rooks and other Chess Charges from Randle Holme
French Chessmen, Eighteenth Century
Knight, English pattern
Staunton Chessmen .
Chess-rook in Heraldry
Early Modem Problems from MS. Gott.
„ „ „ Lucena
„ „ „ Damiano
„ „ MS. WD
„ „ „ MSS. Leon and It.
„ „ „ MS. C
„ Graeco
Marinelli's Three-handed Chess
Game position from Allgaier (Holm)
Position to illustrate Icelandic mates
The Automaton Chessplayer .
to face
PAGE
772
772
778
778
774
794-5
797-8
799-800
801
803-5
807
836
838
853
858
876
(The plates facing pages 88, 134, and 388 appeared originally in the Field , and are
reproduced here by kind permission of the Proprietors. The plates facing pages 90 and
361 are from photographs taken specially for this work by my brother, Mr. E. T.
Ruthven Murray.)
Digitized by Google
19
NOTE ON THE TRANSLITERATION OF SANSKRIT,
PERSIAN, AND ARABIC WORDS
I have departed in some particulars from the system almost unanimously adopted
by Sanskrit and Arabic scholars, with a view to avoiding symbols which would probably
confuse the ordinary reader. All these Oriental words will be pronounced with
reasonable accuracy if the consonants are given their ordinary English pronunciation,
and if the vowels are pronounced as in Italian. The following digraphs represent single
sounds : — ch, dh y gh , kh, sh and th.
ch is to be pronounced as in church.
dh in Arabic words as th in this, or as z.
gh is a guttural, heavier than the Scotch ch in loch.
kh is to be pronounced as the Scotch ch in loch.
When these combinations are not digraphs, a • is placed between the two letters,
as in rat'ha (to be pronounced rat-ha , not rath-a) and Is*haq (to be pronounced Is-haq ,
not Ish-aq). In Arabic words ’ is used for the hamza (produced by a compression of the
upper part of the windpipe, and practically the French h aspirte), * for the guttural ‘ain
(produced in Arabic by a more violent compression of” the windpipe, and voiced, but in
Egypt and Persia practically equivalent to the hamza), and q for the deeper k which
approximates to g as in gay.
Certain consonants are written with diacritical marks in order to enable the Arabic
scholar to restore the written word. 1
The vowels e and o in Skr. words are always long.
1 The Arabic alphabet is transliterated thus : — ’ b t th j h kh d dhrzsshijdtz'ghfq
k 1 m n h w y ; the vowels fat 'ha by a, kasra by i, and 4amma by u.
B 2
f
Digitized by Google
20
EXPLANATION OF THE CHESS NOTATION USED
IN THIS WORK
It has been necessary to adopt some simple method of describing the squares
of the board and of recording the moves of a game which could be used uniformly
for all the varieties of chess
included in this work. Since
the ordinary English descrip-
tive notation does not lend
itself to such adaptation, I
have adopted the literal or
algebraical notation which is
used in all German chess books.
The diagram will make clear
the method of this notation,
and it can obviously be ex-
tended without difficulty to a
board of any size. In the
cases of the Chinese and
Corean games, in which the
pieces are placed on the in-
tersections of the lines divid-
ing the board and not on the
squares, a similar notation is
adopted, but now the successive
vertical lines are designated by letters and the horizontal lines by numerals.
In describing a move, the symbol of the piece that is moved is given first. If it
merely move to another square, the description of this square follows the symbol
immediately. Thus
Kte2 means Knight moves to the square e2.
If there is any ambiguity, the description of the square from which the piece moves
is placed in brackets immediately after the symbol of the piece, or the file upon which
it stands is prefixed. Thus
Kt(e2)c4 means the Kt on e2 moves to c4.
aRel means the R on the a-file moves to el.
If the piece make a capture, the description of the square to which the piece moves
is omitted, and in its place x or takes R, Kt, &c. is written. Thus
Kt x R means Knight takes Rook.
Here again ambiguity is avoided (a) by adding the description of the square from
which the piece moves in brackets, as above ; (6) by adding to the symbol of the captured
piece the description of the square on which it stands ; (c) by adding both descriptions ;
or, in the case of Pawns (d) prefixing to one or other, or both of the Pawns, the file upon
which it stands. Thus
Kt(e2) x Kt ; or Kt x Kt(c4) ; or Kt(e2) x Kt(c4) ; or aP x P ; or P x dP ; or cP x dP ;
all of which will be intelligible from what has been said before. The briefest method
naturally has the preference.
If a piece gives check, this is expressed by placing + or ch after the description
of the move, with the special forms
dbl-f or -f -f , double check ; -f d (also dis ch), discovered check ; 4- r, checkrook, a check
forking King and Rook ; m., mate.
Other symbols are 0-0, castles on King's wing ; 0-0-0, castles on Queen's wing ; -v, moves
(the exact move not being specified) ; =, even game ; !, good move ; ?, bad or infei'ior move .
Digitized by boogie
21
CONTRACTIONS
a.
In dates, ante.
K.
In Ar. titles of books, Kitdb.
AF.
Anglo-French.
L.
Latin.
Ar.
Arabic.
LG.
Low German.
B.
Bishop or corresponding piece.
m.
Mate, Checkmate.
B.
In dates, bom.
M.
Middle, in ME., Middle English ; MF.
b.
In Muslim names ibn (son of).
Middle French ; MHG. Middle
Bl.
Black.
High German, Ac.
c.
Century.
N.
Modern, in NDu. Modern Dutch, Ac.
c.
In dates, circa.
0 .
Old, in OF., Old French ; OHG., Old
Cat.
Catalan.
High German, Ac.
ch.
Check.
P.
Pawn or corresponding piece.
Chin.
Chinese.
Per.
Persian.
Cor.
Corean.
Pg.
Portuguese.
Croat.
Croatian.
Pol.
Polish.
Cz.
Czech.
Prov.
Proven9al.
D.
In dates, died.
Q.
Queen or corresponding piece.
Dan.
Danish.
R.
Rook or corresponding piece.
Du.
Dutch.
Roum.
Roumanian.
Eng.
English.
Rus.
Russian.
Fr.
French.
Sc.
Scotch.
G.
In quotations from MF. books, taken
Serv.
Servian.
from Godefroi.
Skr.
Sanskrit.
Ger.
German.
Sp.
Spanish.
Gr.
Greek.
St.
In quotations from MF. books, taken
HG.
High German.
from Strohmeyer.
Hun.
Hungarian.
Sw.
Swedish.
Ic.
Icelandic.
Tib.
Tibetan.
It.
Italian.
Turk.
Turkish.
Jap.
K.
Japanese.
King or corresponding piece.
Wh.
White.
CONTRACTED TITLES OF MAGAZINES AND PERIODICALS
ECU. British Chess Magazine, Leeds, 1881 onwards. Reference to (year), (p.).
CPC . Chess Player’s Chronicle, London, 1841-52. New series, 1858-6. Third series. 1859-
62. Reference to (year), (p.).
CPM. Chess Player’s Magazine, London, 1868-4. New series, 1865-7. Reference to (year), (p.).
JR AS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. Reference to (year), (vol.), (p.).
Monatsb. Monatsbericbt der KOniglichen Akademie der Wissenscliaften zu Berlin, Berlin.
Reference to (year), (p.).
Sch . Schachzeitung, Berlin, 1846-58. Leipzig, 1859 onwards. Reference to (year), (p.).
ZDMQ. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl&ndischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig, 1846 onwards.
Reference to (year), (vol.), (p.).
In accordance with the usual custom, Muslim dates are given according to both
Muhammadan and Christian chronology, e. g. 740 (A.H.)/1340 (A.D.).
Digitized by Google
22
BOOKS AND ARTICLES CONSULTED FOR THE
HISTORY OF CHESS
I. GENERAL
Branch, W. S., A Sketch of Chess History , in BCM, 1899-1900. Brunet y Bellet, J., El Ajedres ,
Barcelona, 1890. Culin, S., Chess and Playing-Cards , Washington, 1898 (Reference: Culin,
C. <fr P. C.). Falkener, E., Games Ancient and Oriental , London, 1892 (Reference: Falk.).
Forbes, D., History of Chess , London, 1860 (Reference : Forbes). Hyde, T., Mandragorias seu
Historia Shahiludii, Oxford, 1694 (Reference to Syntagma Dissertationum , ed. G. Sharpe, Oxford,
1767, as Hyde, II). Van der Linde, A., Oeschichts und Litteratur des Schachspiels , Berlin, 1874-5
(Reference: v. d. Linde). Das erste Jahrtausend des Schachspiels , Berlin, 1880 (Reference : JT.).
QueUenstudien zur Oeschichte des Schachspiels , Berlin, 1881 (Reference : Qs*.). Von der Lasa, Zur
Oeschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels , Leipzig, 1897 (Reference : v. d. Lasa).
II. INDIAN CHESS
Cox, Capt. Hiram, On the Burmha Game of Chess , compared with the Indian , Chinese , ami Persian
Game of the same Denomination (1799), in Asiatic Researches, London, 1803, vii. 486-511. Fiske,
D. W., The Early History of Chess, in the Nation, New York, Aug. 16, 1900, 182-4 (Reference :
N. Y. Nation, Aug. 16, 1900). Jacobi, H., Ueher zwei Alters Erw&hnungen dcs Schachspiels in der
Sanskrit-Litteratur, in ZDMQ., 1896, 1. 227-83. Jones, Sir William, On the Indian Game of Chess,
in Asiatic Researches, London, 1790, ii. 159-65. Macdonell, A. A., The Origin and Early History
of Chess, in JRAS., Jan. 1898, xxx. 117-41 (Reference : Macdonell, JRAS.). Murray, H. J. R.,
Modem Discoveries in Chess Histoi'y , in BCM., 1900, 425-35. Parker, H., Ancient Ceylon , London,
1909, 586. 605-7. Singha, G. B. L., in Chess Amateur , Stroud, 1909. Thomas, F. W., The
Indian Game <f Chess, in ZDMQ., 1898, lii. 271-2; and 1899, liii. 864. Tiruvengad&ch&rya
Sh&strl (Trevangadacharya Shastree), Essays on Chess Adapted to the European mode <tf play,
Bombay, 1814 (Reference: Tiruv.). Von der Lasa, in Chess Monthly, London, 1883-4, iv. 266.
Weber, A., Einige Daten fiber das Schachspiel nach indischen Quellen, in Monatsb., 1872, 69-89.
Nachtr&ge zu der Abhandlung fiber das indische Schachspiel, in Monatsb , 1872, 562-8. Neue
Nachtr&ge, in Monatsb., 1873, 705-35. Stenzler's Lasting des Rbsselsprunges, in Monatsb., 1874, 21-6.
Windisch, E., Zu ‘ The Indian Game qf Chess, 1 in ZDMQ., 1898, lii. 612.
Chess in India, in CPM., 1865, i. 330 ; 1866, ii. 34, 100. Chess Play among the Natives qf India,
in CPC., 1843, iv. 149.
Native works. (1) Hindustani. Lala Raja Babu Sahib, Mo'allim ul Shaft anj , Delhi, 1901.
Syamakisora, Risdla i Shafranj , Benares, 1885. Dalchand Bulandshahri, KuwdUd i task o
sha^ranj, Saharampur, 1887. Durgaprasada, Risdla i shafranj, Delhi, 1890. (2) Hindi. Ambi-
k&datta Vyksa, Chaturanga chaturi, Benares, 1884. (3) Bengali . Brahmananda Chattop&dhy&ya,
Akshabala-charita, Calcutta, 1856. (4) Marathi. Mangesa Rkmakrishna Telanga, Buddhibaldchd
khela , Bombay, 1893. Vinayaka Rajarama Tope, Buddhibalakrida , Poona, 1893.
III. MALAY CHESS
Blagden, C. 0., in JRAS., 1898, xxx. 876. Brooke, Raja, of Sarawak, Journal; quoted in
CPC., 1849, ix. 246, and in Forbes, 271-5. Claine, J., Chess in Sumatra , in BCM., 1891, 467.
Crawfurd, J., History of the Indian Archipelago , Edinburgh, 1820, i. 112; quoted in Forbes,
265-71. Elcum, J. B., Malay Chess, in Singapore Free Press, c. 1900. Marsden, Dr. W., History of
Sumatra, London, third edition, 1811, 278; quoted in Forbes, 262-8. Raffles, Sir T.
Stamford, History qf Java, London, 1817; quoted in Forbes, 263-5. Robinson, H. O., Malay
Chess, in Cheltenham Examiner, July 27, 1904. Skeat, W. W., Malay Magic, London, 1900,
485-6. Von Oefele, A., Das Schachspiel der Bataker, Leipzig, 1904 (cf. Deutsches Wochenschach ,
Berlin, Oct. 8, 1905, xxi. 865). Wilkinson, R. J., Papers on Malay Subjects, Life and Customs ,
Part iii, Kuala Lumpur, 1910, 56-7 and Appendix x. 91-4 (Robinson's paper). Zimmermann,
Dr. W. F. A., Der Vulkanismus auf Java, Berlin, 1861, 291.
BOOKS AND ARTICLES CONSULTED
23
IV. CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
Bastian, Dr. A., 8chach m Burma, in IUustrirte Zeitung, Leipzig, July 4, 18(18. Sehaeh in Siam ,
in IUustrirte Zeitung, Leipzig, April 16, 1864. Bowring, Sir J., Kingdom and People of Siam,
London, 1857. Himly, K., Dassiammsche Schaehspiel, in IUustrirte Zeitung, Leipzig, Oct. 11 , 1879 ;
whence in Sch., 1880, 821-4. La Loub6re, Du Royaeme de Siam, Paris, 1691, ii. 97. Low,
Capt. J., On Siamese Literature , in Asiatic Researches, London, 1886, xx. ii, 874. Moura, Royaume
du Cambodge. Scott, Sir J. 6 . (Shway Yoe), The Butman, London, 1882 (Reference: Shway
Yoe). Scott-O’Connor, V. C., The Silken East, London, 1904, i. 186. Symes, Account of an
Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava, London, 1800, 466-7.
V. CHINESE, COREAN, AND JAPANESE CHESS
Ball, J. D., Things Chinese, London, 1904, 182-6. Barrow, J., Voyage en Chine , traduit de
J . Castro , Paris, 1805, i. 266. Chamberlain, B. H., Things Japanese , London, 1898. ChO Y6,
Japanese Chess , Chicago, 1905. Culin, S., Korean Games, Philadelphia, 1895, 82-99. Himly, K.,
Das Schaehspiel der Chinesen, in ZDMG. % 1870, xxiv. 172. StreifeUge in das Gtbiet der Qeschichte des
Schachspiels, in ZDMG ., 1872, xxvi. 121. Das japanische Schaehspiel , in ZDMQ ., 1879, xxxiii. 672.
Anmerkungen in Beziehung auf das Sehaeh und andere Brettspiele , in ZDMG., 1887, xli. 461. Morgen -
Xdndisch oder abendldndisch ? in ZDMG., 1889, xliii. and 1890, xliv. The Chinese Game qf Chess, in
Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1869-70, Shanghai, 105-21. Die
Abtheilung der Spiels im Spiegel der Mandschu-Sprache, in Toung Poo, 1895-8. Hollingworth, H. G.,
A Short Sketch of Chinese Chess, in Journal qf the N. China Branch of the R. A. S., Shanghai, 1866,
107-12. Holmboe, C. A., Del chinesiske Skakspil, Christiania, 1871 (an off-print from Vidensk.
Selsk . Forhandlinger, 1870). Holt, H. F. W., Notes on the Chinese Game qf Chess , in JRAS., 1885,
xvii. 852-65). Holtz, V., Japanische s Schaehspiel, in Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft fUr Natwr-
und Volkerkunde Ostasiens , Leipzig, i, v. 10. Irwin, Eyles, Account qf the Chinese Game of Chess, in
Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy , Dublin, 1798, v. 53-68. Junghaus, Ostasiatische Brettspide,
in Velhagen und Klasing's Monatshefle, Feb. 1905, xix. 677-87. Menar, K. R., Stein der Weisen,
1902, xv. 148-4. Perry, M. C., Narrative qf the Expedition to Japan , Washington, 1856, 464-6
(incorporating D. S. Green’s The Japanese Game qf Sho-ho-ye, cones ponding to our Game of Chess’, in
the Japan Expedition Express , Sept. 7, 1854). Purchas, Rev. S., Hakluytus Posthumus , or Purchas
his PUgrimes , London, 1625-6. Samedo, Relatione della grande Monarchia della China, Madrid,
1642. Schlegel, G., Chinesische Br&uche und Spiels in Europa , Breslau, 1869. Trigauthius, N.,
De Christiana expeditions apud Sinas , Aug. Vind., 1615 (quoted in Selenus, 37). Vaughan, J. D.,
Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements, Singapore, 1881, 48-9. Volpicello, Z.,
Chinese Chess , in Journal of the N. China Branch of the R. A. S., Shanghai, xxiii. Von MOllendorff, O.,
Schaehspiel der Chinesen, in Mittheilungen der deutschen Gesellschaft fur Natur- und VUkerkunde Ostasiens,
Leipzig, 1876, xi, ii. Wilkinson, W. H., Manual qf Chinese Chess, Shanghai, 1898. Chess in
Korea , in Pall Mali Budget, Dec. 27, 1894 (also in Korean Repository ). Williams, S. W., The
Middle Kingdom , London, 1888, i. 827-9.
The Chess World, 1868, 79-84, and the Chinese Repository, ix. 160, contain accounts of Japanese
chess.
VI. PERSIAN AND MUSLIM CHESS
Bland N., Persian Chess in JRAS., London, 1850, xiii. 27 (and also separately published).
Browne, W. G., Travels in Africa, Egypt , and Syria, London, 1799. Gildemeister, J., Qeschichte
und Litteratur des Schachspiels von v. (L Linde , in ZDMG., 1874, xxviii, 682-98. Grimm, V., Letters
in CPC., 1851 (whence in Forbes, 248), and Sch., 1865, 861-4. Host, G., Ifterretninger om
Marokos og Fes, Copenhagen, 1779, 105-6. Jirjis Filuth&’us, AUbdkura-aLmanlra fi lofba ash-
shafranj ash-shahlra , Cairo, 1892. Meakin, D., The Moors , London, 1902, 124. Murray, H. J. R. ?
Ta'biyat and other Battle-Arrays, in BCM., 1900, 169-76. The oldest recorded Carnes of Chess, in BCM.,
1908, 441-9. NOldoke, Persische Studien, II, in SUzungsberichte der k . Akademie der Wissenschqflen
in Wien, phiL-hist. Classe , Vienna, 1892, exxvi., xii. Piacenza, F., I Campeggiamenti degli Scacchi ,
Turin, 1683. Plowden, W. C., Travels in Abyssinia, edited by T. C. Plowden, London, 1868,
149. Stamma, P., Noble Came of Chess, London, 1745. Vulentia, Lord, Travels, London, 1809,
iii. 57 (quoted in Forbes, 240-2).
Das dreyseitige Schachbrett, Regensburg, 1765, 81. Persian Chess , in CPC., 1846, 211, 252, 276.
Revista Scacchistica Italiana, 1903 (Algerian chess). BCM., 1894, 10 (Turkish Chess).
Digitized by Google
24
BOOKS AND ARTICLES CONSULTED
VII. CHESS IN NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ASIA
Amelung, F., Zur Geschichte des Schachspiels in Russland, in Baltische Schachbldtter , 1898, 189.
Craufiird, Sketches relating to the Hindoos, London, 1792, ii. Cochrane, J. D., Narrative qf a
Pedestrian Journey through Russia and Siberian Tartary , London, 1824, i. 819. Culin, S„, Games qf
the N. American Indians , Washington, 1907, 798. Gilmour, Rev. J., Among the Mongols , London,
292. Gonyaief, in Shakhmatni Listok , 1879. Hue and Gabet, Travels , London, third edition,
1866, xx. Jaeniseh, Linguistique de Vechiquier ruses , in Palamede , 1842, ii. 168-6. Murray,
H. J. R., Chess in Central and Northern Asia , in BCM., 1904, 182-4. On the History of Chess in the
Russian Empire , in BCM., 1907, 1-5, 49-58. Pallas, P. S., Sammlungen hist. Nachrichten Uber die
mongolischen VWkerschaften , St. Petersburg, 1776, i. 157. Savenkof, E. V., K voprosu op ex olutsii
shakhmatnoi egry, Moscow, 1905. Sorokin, S. A., in Shakhmatnoy Obosrenie , Moscow, 1892, 222,
807, 842.
VIII. EUROPEAN CHESS
Abrahams, I., Jewish Life in the Middle Ages , London, 1896, xxii. 888-98. Allen, G., Life qf
Philidor , Philadelphia, 1868. Allen, Lake, Chess in Europe during the 18th Century , in New
Monthly Magazine, London, 1822, iv. 819, 417 ; v. 125, 815. Barrington, Hon. Daines, An
Historical Disquisition qf the Game qf Chess , in Archaeologia , London, 1787, ix. 14-88. Baste rot,
Le Comte de, Traits Hementaire du Jeu des fiehccs, Paris, second edition, 1863. Bilguer, P. R. v.,
Handbuch des Schachspiels , seventh edition, Leipzig, 1884. 1 Carrera, P., Giuoco degli Scacchi ,
Militello, 1617. Cook, W., The Evolution of the Chess Openings , Bristol, 1906. Dalton, O. M.,
Catalogue qf Ivory Carvings ... in the British Museum , London, 1909. Douce, F., European Names of
the Chess-men, in Archaeologia, London, 1794, xi. 897-410. Eiserhardt, E., Die mittelalterliche
Schachterminologie des Deutschen , Freiburg i. B. (1912). Fiske, D. W., Book of the First American
Chess Congress, New York, 1859 (History of Chess in America). Chess in Iceland , Florence,
1905. Gay, J., Bibliographic anecdotique du Jeu des jfcchecs, Paris, 1864. fslemkar Qdtur, iv,
KaupmannahOfn, 1892. Lambe, R., History qf Chess , London, 1764. Leon, J. A., Old Masters qf
Modem Chess, in BCM., 1894, 898, 429 ; 1895, 1, 109, 149, 245, 453, 501 ; 1896, 1, 297. Lewis, W.,
Letters on Chess from C. F. Vogt, translated by U. Ewell, London, 1848. Madden, Sir F., Historical
Remarks on the ancient Chess-men discovered in the Isle qf Lewis , in Archaeologia , London, 1882,
xxiv. 208-91. Massmann, H. F. , Geschichte des mittelalterlichen Schachspiels , Quedlinburg, 1839.
Paluzie y Lucena, J., Manual de Ajedrez, Parte Sexta, Barcelona, 1912. Ponziani, II giuoco
incomparable degli Scacchi , Modena, seconda edizione, 1782. Salvio, A., II Puttino, Naples, 1684.
Strohmeyer, F., Das Schachspiel im AUfranzosischen, in Abhandlungen Herm Prqf. Dr. A. Tobler,
Halle, 1896 (Reference: St.). Selenus, Gustavus, Das Schach- Oder Kbnig-Spiel, Leipzig, 1616.
Twiss, R., Chess , London, 1787-9 (Reference : Twiss). Miscellanies , London, 1805, ii. Yan der
Linde, A., Das Schachspiel des JIVI. Jahrhunderts , Berlin, 1874 (Reference : v. d. Linde, 16. Jrh.).
Het Schaakspel in Nederland, Utrecht, 1876. Leerboek van het Schaakspel, Utrecht, 1876. Von der
L as a, Bemerkungen Uber das mittelalterliche Schach, in Der akademische Schachklub MUnchen , Festschrift,
Mftnchen, 1896. Vetter, F., Das Schachzabelbuch Kunrats v. Ammen hausen, Frauenfeld, 1892
(incorporating, xxiii-1, W. Wackernagel’s Das Schachspiel im Mittelalter (in Abhandlungen , Leipzig,
1872, 107), and 808-18, v. d. Laaa's Bemerkungen uber das mittelalterliche Schachspiel — a different
article from that mentioned above).
1 The eighth edition, the issue of which only began after the completion of the printing
of the first part of the present work, contains a section upon the history of chess which
deserves to be consulted, though it is a matter for regret that it includes (pp. 35-8) a specula-
tion as to the early state of chess which is unsupported by any historical evidence and out
of harmony with the known facts of the development of the game.
Digitized by Google
25
PART I. CHESS IN ASIA
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
European chess of Indian ancestry. — Asiatic games of similar ancestry. — Classification
of Board-games. — Indian Board-games. — The Ashtapada. — Speculations on the
nature of the original Indian chess.— -Previous theories as to the ancestry of the
game.
Historically chess must be classed as a game of war. Two players
direct a conflict between two armies of equal strength upon a field of battle,
circumscribed in extent, and offering no advantage of ground to either side.
The players have no assistance other than that afforded by their own reasoning
faculties, and the victory usually falls to the one whose strategical imagination
is the greater, whose direction of his forces is the more skilful, whose ability
to foresee positions is the more developed.
To-day, chess as we know it is played by every Western people, and in
every land to which Western civilization or colonization has extended. The
game possesses a literature which in contents probably exceeds that of all
other games combined . 1 Its idioms and technicalities have passed into the
ordinary language of everyday life . 2 The principles and possibilities of the
game have been studied for four centuries, and the serious student of chess
starts now with the advantage of a rich inheritance of recorded wisdom and
experience. Master-play reaches a high standard, and has rightly earned
a reputation for difficulty. This reputation has often been extended to the
game itself, and has deterred many from learning it. Moreover, Western
civilization has evolved other games, and teems with other interests for leisure
moments, so that chess to-day can only be regarded as the game of the
minority of the Western world. In the Middle Ages chess was far more
widely played, and the precedence among indoor games that is still accorded
1 V. d. Linde's Das erste Jahriausend der Schachlitteratur (Berlin, 1881) gives a handlist of 8,462
works on chess and draughts. The total number of books on chess, chess magazines, and
newspapers devoting space regularly to the game probably exceeds 5,000 at the present time.
* In English alone I need only instance the words check, cheque , with all its meanings and
derivatives, Exchequer , jeopardy , the phrase a pawn in the game. Maitus, the Latin adjective
* mated*, has given rise to adjectives in most European languages in the sense of ‘dull*,
; stupid*.
A
Digitized by Google
26 CHESS; IN ASIA part i
:*• : •'.*
by courtesy from the period when chess was the most
/I^Bular £ame.hf6he* leisured classes of Europe.
% .• • ’•The ancestry of this European chess can easily be established. A number
of the mediaeval European chess terms can be traced back by way of Arabic
to Middle Persian. Thus we have
«
Eur. ferz = Ar. firz, firzan = Per. far tin.
Eur. alfil = Ar. = Per. pll.
Eur. roc = Ar. rukhkh 3 = Per. rukh .
Eur. scac 9 deck ! = Ar. shah = Per. shah.
Eur. mat , mate ! = Ar. mat — Per. mat.
The name of the game in most of the European languages, e.g. Eng. chess 9
Fr. echecSj It. scacchi, can be traced back, through the Latin plural scaci (scachi,
scacci , meaning chessmen), to the Arabic and Persian name of the chess
King, shah.
The names of the other chessmen — King and Pawn (L. pedo , a foot-soldier),
everywhere ; Horse, in Southern Europe — reproduce the meaning of the names
of the corresponding men in the Arabic and Persian games.
The names of the game of chess in modern Spanish or Castilian (ajedrez)
and Portuguese {xadrez) not only confirm this evidence, but supplement it
by taking the pedigree a step farther back. For these two forms appear
in older Castilian as acedrex , and this word is simply the Arabic ash-shafranj ,
the sha(ranj, in a European dress. Shafranj , again, is only an Arabicized form
of the Middle Persian chatrang , and this Persian word is an adaptation of
the Sanskrit chaturanga . All these terms are in their respective languages
the ordinary names for the game of chess.
The names of the chessmen in Persian and Sanskrit are synonymous. In
each game there was a King, a Counsellor, two Elephants, two Horse, two
Chariots, and eight Foot-soldiers.
This philological evidence derives some support from the documentary
evidence. The earliest works which make mention of chess date from about
the beginning of the 7th century a.d., and are associated with N.W. India,
Persia, and Islam. It is difficult to assign exact dates, but the oldest of
a number of nearly contemporary references is generally assumed to be
a mention of chess in a Middle Persian romance— the Kdrnamak — which is
ascribed with some hesitation to the reign of Khusraw II Parwlz, the Sasanian
king of Persia, 590-628 a.d. The others belong to N.W. India.
f it is interesting to note that early Persian and Arabic tradition is unani-
mous in ascr ibing^ the game of chess to India. The details naturally vary
in different works, and the names in the tradition are manifestly apocryphal.
s The doubling of the final consonant in Arabic is due to the Grammarians who, by
this device, made the necessary triliteral root from the biliteral Persian word, and so
gave it an Arabic appearance. In the sequel I shall write simply rukh for both Persian
and Arabic forms, unless there is any special reason for calling attention to the strict Arabic
form.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
27
Chess is usually associated with the decimal numerals as an In dian invention,
and its introduction into Persia is persistentljTconnected^ with theTntroduction
of the book Kallla wa Dimna (the Fables of Pilpay) in the reign of the S&sanian
monarch Khusraw I Nushlrwan, 531-78 a.d., and European scholars of
Sanskrit and Persian generally accept the traditional date of the introduction
of this book as established. The so-called Arabic numerals are well known
to be really Indian.
Finally, a comparison of the arrangement and method of the European
game of the 11th to 13th centuries a.d. with the Indian game as existing
to-day and as described in the earlier records supports the same conclusion.
In both games the major pieces occupy opposite edges of the board of 8 x 8
squares, and the Foot-soldiers are arranged on the row in front of the major
pieces. The corner squares (al, a8, hi, h8) are occupied by the Chariot with
identical move in most of the games; 4 the next squares (bl, b8, gl, g8)
by the Horse with the well-known move of the Kiright ; the third squares
from the corners (cl, c8, fl, f8) by the Elephant; 5 and the two central squares
(el, e8, dl, d8) by the Kitty and Counsellor respectively with moves that were
for long the same in India, Persia, Islam, and Europe. 6 The move of the
Foot-soldiers y arranged on the 2nd and 7th rows, was also for long the same
in the chess of all these countries.
We must accordingly conclude that our European chess is a direct
descendant of an Indian game played in the 7th century with substantially
tTie~We""^¥i^ I5ent and method as in Europe five centuries later, the
game having been adopted^first^By“the Persians, then banded onTy the
Persians to the Muslim world, and finally borrowed from Islam by Christian
Europe.
Games of a similar nature exist to-day in other parts of Asia than India.
The Burmese sittnyin , the Siamese makruk , the Annamese chhdeu trang , the
Malay chator , the Tibetan chandaraki , the Mongol s ha far a, the Chinese slang
k'i y the Corean tjyang keui ', and the Japanese sho-gi, are all war-games ex-
hibiting the same great diversity of piece which is the most distinctive
feature of chess.
There is naturally far less direct evidence respecting the ancestry of these
games than in the case of European chess, but there can be no doubt that
all these games are equally descended from the same original Indian game.
The names sittvyin (Burmese), chhdeu trdng (Annamese), and chandaraki
(Tibetan) certainly, and the names chator (Malay) and shatara (Mongol)
probably, reproduce the Sanskrit chaturanga. The names of some of the
4 In some Indian descriptions the Chariot is replaced by a Boat ; in others the Elephant
and Chariot have changed places ; in the modern Indian games the Chariot is often replaced
by an Elephant, and the original Elephant by a Camel. The argument from this piece is
therefore less decisive than that from the invariable position and move of the Horse.
1 Early Indian records show that the move of this piece was not fixed to the extent that
the moves of the other pieces were. Hence we find considerable variety in the Asiatic
games.
4 In the European and earlier Muslim games, the Kings stood on the same file : in most
modern Asiatic varieties, the Kings each stand on the same file as the opposing Counsellor
(Queen).
Digitized by Google
28
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
pieces in the Malay, the Burmese, and probably the Siamese games, have
been borrowed from the Sanskrit.
If we examine the nomenclature of these games we also find the same
meanings recurring throughout. Thus we have —
Sanskrit
king . .
counsellor .
elephant .
horse .
chariot
foot-soldier
Malay . .
rt •
rt
tt •
tt •
tt
Javan . .
lord . . .
counsellor .
it •
boat . •
tt
Tibetan . .
it • •
prince .
tiger . . .
camel . .
tt
chariot . .
child
Mongol . .
dog . . .
tt
also elephant
tt
»» •
tt
Burmese .
king . .
general . .
elephant .
tt •
r t
foot-soldier
Siamese . .
lord . .
minister
? nobleman
tt •
boat . .
shell
Chinese . .
general .
counsellor .
elephant
»»
chariot
foot-soldier
Corean . .
it
»>
tt
tt
tt
tt
Japanese .
tt
tt
tt
tt
The Malay, Tibetan, and Mongol games are played on a board of 8 x 8
squares, and the initial arrangement of the pieces corresponds closely to the
Indian game. The three games of Further India are played on a board of
the same size, but the arrangement of the pieces differs from that of the
Indian game. The moves of the chessmen are consistent with an Indian
ancestry.
The relationship of the Chinese, Corean, and Japanese games is not so
obvious. The first two are played on the lines, and not on the squares, of
a board of 8 x 8 squares with a space between the 4th and 5th rows which
virtually makes the board one of 8 x 9 squares ; the third is played on the
squares of a board of 9 x 9 squares. There is, however, no doubt that both
the Corean and the Japanese games are derivatives of an older form of the
Chinese game. Chinese works refer to the introduction of modifications in
their game after 1279. These games introduce new pieces, but the salient
fact remains that the Chariot with the move of the Rook (modified in Japan)
occupies the corner squares (al, &c.), and the Horse with the characteristic
move of the Knight (slightly modified) occupies the adjoining squares
(bl, &c.). This coincidence is too striking to be dismissed as merely acci-
dental. Moreover, it is well known that other Chinese games are of Indian
origin.
We may contrast the position of these games in Asia with that of chess
in Europe. If we except Japan, there are only the beginnings of a literature.
Each generation accordingly has to start again from the commencement and
to evolve its own science of the game. The standard of play remains of
necessity low, and there is nothing to deter any one from learning to play.
The game has few rivals with which it must compete for popular favour, and
it has had no difficulty in most places 7 in retaining the first place. Thus the
majority of Asiatics are chess-players, and chess may without exaggeration be
described as the national game of Asia.
It is in the wider sense, in which I have just used the word, that I propose
to use chess in this book. I include under it all the games which I trace back
7 In China, Corea, and Japan, the educated classes prefer wei k’i to chess.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
29
to the Indian chaturanga , and all the freak modifications that have been
attempted from time to time. The first part of this history is devoted to
a record of the Asiatic varieties of chess, and the evidence rapidly summarized
above will be developed at greater length in the sequel. The broad lines of
the diffusion of chess from India are fairly clear. Its earliest advance was
probably westwards to Persia; the eastward advance appears to have been
rather later, and at least three lines of advance may be traced. One route
took the game by Kashmir to China, Corea, and Japan. A second, possibly
the same route by which Buddhism travelled, took chess to Further India.
At a later date chess spread from the S.E. coast of India to the Malays.
The route by which the game reached Tibet and the Northern tribes of Asia
is still doubtful. Persia had meanwhile passed on chess to the Eastern
Roman Empire, and, as a result of the Muhammadan conquest of Persia,
Islam learnt the game. Henceforward the Muslims became the great pioneers
of chess, cariying their game as far west as Spain, and east to Iudia where
they imposed the Arabic nomenclature on the Northern and Central Provinces
of the Peninsula. Christian Europe had begun to learn chess from the
Moors as early as 1000 a.d. From the Mediterranean shores it spread
northwards over France and Germany to Britain, to the Scandinavian lands,
and Iceland.
In its outward furniture chess is only one of many games which require
a specially arranged surface for play. Games of this type are conveniently
grouped under the generic name of Board-game*, Ger. BretUpiele, although, as
Groos® has pointed out, the name is not a very fortunate one, since the
surface of play is not always a board. Board-games are not only of very
wide distribution to-day, but are also of great antiquity. They are by no
means confined to the more civilized races: with the exception of the native
tribes of Australia and New Guinea, practically every known people has its
game or games of this type. It has also been remarked that the difficulty
of a board-game is no criterion of the development of the race playing it, for
some of the most involved and complicated varieties known are played by
tribes that stand lowest in the scale of civilization. Board-games were
played by the early inhabitants of Egypt ; boards and pieces have been found*
in tombs even as old as the pre-dynastic period (a. 4000 b.c .), 9 they are de-
picted in paintings in tombs of the Fifth Dynasty (3600-3400 b.c .), 10 and the
masons who built the temple at Kurna (1400-1333 b.c.) cut boards on slabs
• See Prof. Baldwin's English translation, The Bay qf Man, London, 1901, 190.
9 A clay gaming board, 7 in. by 2£, with three rows of six squares and eleven conical men
varying in height from £ in. to 1 in., from a pre-dynastic tomb at El-Mahasna, eight miles north
of Abydos, was shown at the annual exhibition of the Egypt Exploration Fund, King’s College,
London, July 1909. From other objects in the tomb, it is supposed to have been the burial-
place of a medicine-man or magician.
10 Since these paintings are invariably in profile, they give no information as to the shape
of the board. Their importance consists in the fact that none of them stk,ws any differentia-
tion of type of man (apart from what was necessary to discriminate between the two sides
playing). The great majority of the boards found in Egyptian tombs fall into two types,
which are both shown in my illustration of the board from the Abbot collection. It was
usual to arrange the two boards on the upper and lower surfaces of a box containing a drawer
for the pieces. The board on the under-surface of the Abbot board-box nearly always exhibits
Digitized by Google
30
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
which were afterwards built into the roof of the temple . 11 Boards, apparently
for games, have been found in prehistoric ruins in Palestine . 12 Board-games
are mentioned in the earliest Buddhist literature of India , 13 and in early
Chinese works . 14 They were played in classical times in Greece and Rome , 15
by the Celts in Ireland and Wales before the Norman Conquest of England,
by the Norse vikings before they began to harry the coasts of England
symbols on five outside squares (see the drawing of Queen Hatasu’s board), four of which
stand for numerals, while the hieroglyphic n</er on the fifth square from the end probably
marks the termination of the numbered squares. The fragment of another board in the
British Museum, which also belonged to Queen Hatasu, with squares of blue porcelain
separated by strips of ivory, which Falkener (Games A . and 0., plate facing 46) supposed was
part of a board of 144 squares, appears to have been for the 8 by 10 board. The pieces found
Board. fnoreThcbca^gypt (Abbot cbBcdioprlocior^
□□□□□□□□□□
□□□□□□□□□□
□□□nnnnnnn
Game, on reverse
■■■1
□nn
mmmM
mam
Ie mm
Board of BritMtiseora
with these two types of board belong to three types ; (a) conical men of the shape now used
in Halma , but formerly used for merels, draughts, and as chess-pawns; (b) fiat reel-shaped
pieces ; (c) pieces with carved heads, generally of the lion. It is probable that there was no
discrimination of piece in either game, and that these types are merely conventional shapes
adopted to distinguish opposing sides. That the games were dice-games is shown by the
fact that astragals or oblong dioe (marked 1-4) usually accompany the games. Cf. Falkener,
op. cit. (whose conclusions are of doubtful validity), and W. L. Nash, in Proc. Soc. Bibl, Arch.,
1902, 841-8.
11 See H. Parker, Ancient Ceylon , London, 1909, 578 and 644. Both the Three and the Nine
men’s merels boards occur. A board in the Egyptian Rooms at the British Museum, from
the time of the Ptolemies, No. 14315, of 8 by 8 squares, now arranged with nine stones on
the squares, probably belongs to a variety of the Three men’s merels.
11 Three fragments of limestone boards, apparently of 12 by 12 squares, were found at
Tell Zakariya (Palestine Explor, Fund , Quarterly Statement, April 1899, 99), and a limestone
board of 16 by 11 squares was found at Gezer (op. cit., July 1904, 215). In all four cases,
the dividing lines are drawn very irregularly.
18 See below, p. 34.
14 See below, pp. 122 and 182.
18 We know very little that is certain about the classical Greek and Roman board-
games. A list of the chief authorities will be found below, page 161, note 1. Among recent
discoveries of antiquities which have been held to be intended for game-boards are —
(a) An extremely elaborate board found at Knossos (Annual of Br. Sch . at Athens , 1900-1,
vii. 77-82 and plate). The board, which is quite unlike any other known game-board in
arrangement, has only 14 squares, and no men were discovered with it.
( b ) A board identical in arrangement with one of the Egyptian game-boards, found at
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
31
and France, 1 * and by the native tribes of America before the time of
Columbus. 17
All known board-games, greatly as they vary in arrangement and method
of play, appear to fall into one or other of three well-defined groups :
(1) Race game*, in which the men are moved along a definite track. The
typical European example is the game of Backgammon (fable*, nard ).
(2) Hunt or Siege game*, in which one side endeavours to block or confine
the adversary. The typical European example is the game of Fox and Gee**.
(3) War game*, in which the capture of prisoners plays a considerable part.
The typical European example is the game of Che **.
This classification is convenient, but it must not be pushed too far. In
particular, it must not be assumed without further inquiry that it involves
any necessary connexion between the individual games of different groups,
or even of a single group. However tempting it may be to assume a common
ancestry for board-games, it is clear from a closer examination of the various
methods of play that the majority have arisen independently, and that only
in the case of a small minority in any class is there any evidence of a common
origin. The sameness of type which is the foundation of the above classifi-
cation is at most due to the fact that the games are ‘ based upon certain
fundamental conceptions of the universe * (Culin, Korean Game*), but more
probably, in my opinion, to the universality of the activities which the games
symbolize. 18 Identity of origin can only be established by the evidence of
Enkomi, Cyprus ( Journal Hellenic Studies , London, 1896, xvi. 288 ; and A. S. Murray, Excavations
in Cyprus, 12, and Fig. 19).
(c) A board of 8 by 6 squares, on which 12 men are lying in confusion, forms part of
a terra-cotta group found at Athens. It is figured in Richter, Die Spiele der Oriechen u . Rtimer,
Leipzig, 1887.
(d) A board of 4 by 4 squares is carved on a gem of uncertain date, which is figured in
the Bullet . Arched, di Kapdi , Tav. viii. 5, and in Falkener, op. cit., 82.
(«) Several boards, rudely cut in stone, have been found in Roman stations in Northumber-
land. Three boards, of 9x9, 8x7, and 8x8 uncliequered squares, are in the Museum at
Chesters, the first two being from Cilurnum. A similar board, 8x7, and fragments of two
others, were found at Corstopitum (Corbridge) in 1911.
18 For the Welsh games, see p. 746. For the Irish fldcheU, see p. 746. The romances of
the Cuchulain cycle also mention board-games called brandub , cennchaem Conchobair and
buan/ach. Nothing is known as to the nature of any of these. Fofr the Norse game of
hnefatajl , see p. 445. Part of a board for the Nine men’s merels was found in the Gokstad
ship (figured in Du Chaillu, Viking Age).
17 E.g. the Mexican game of PatoUi (Culin, C. A P. C., 854) which is diagrammed in
a 16th c. Spanish-Mexican MS. See the following note.
18 Thus the arguments that American civilization is of Asiatic ancestry (E. B. Tylor,
Journal. Anthrop . Inst., 1878, viii ; and Intern . ArchivfUr Ethnographic , 1896;, or conversely that
Asiatic civilization is of American ancestry (Culin, in Harper's Monthly, Mar. 1908), which are
based upon the superficial resemblance of the Mexican patolli with the Indian pachlsl, appear
to rest upon a very insecure foundation. Both games are race games in which the track
Digitized by Google
32
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
reliable historical documents, by the linguistic evidence derived from the
nomenclature of the games, or by the fact that these show so great an identity
of feature that the chances of independent invention are mathematically
infinitesimal.
The existing games which I include under the name of chess form one
of the few groups of games whose common ancestry can be established in
this way. It will obviously be far more difficult to carry the pedigree
farther back, and to discover the origin or relationships of the parent Indian
ckaturangq , a game already in existence in the 7th century of our era, in
still older games. We shall first have to ascertain what board-games were
in existence in India at that remote period, and to attempt to elucidate their
nature.
Unfortunately, the general characteristics of early Indian literature are not
very favourable for such an inquiry. The earlier Sanskrit literature of the
Vedic age, and also of the later centuries u when the Brahmauas and Sutras
came into existence, was religious in tone and almost entirely poetical in
form, and references to games must be exceptional. The later Sanskrit
literature gradually extended its field to include secular subjects in general,
but as it widened its field the defects of its literary style became more
pronounced, and the conceits of the poetry and the extraordinarily condensed
character of the prose deprive the allusions of definiteness, and leave too
much to depend on the view of the commentator or the personal fancy of
the translator. Our knowledge of the older Indian games is thus very vague,
and based only upon the comparison of passages, all more or less obscure.
But we do know that board-games were in existence in N.W. India and
the Ganges valley considerably before the commencement of the Christian
era. We know this from the occurrence in Sanskrit works of words which
are used as the names of boards or surfaces upon which games were played.
The commonest of these words is phalaka , but this is simply a generic term
for a game-board and conveys no information as regards shape, size, or
arrangement. There are next the terms used in connexion with the simplest
forms of dice-play, in which everything turns upon the result of throwing
the dice and nothing in the nature of a game with pieces is required.
Obviously, all that is necessary in this case is a level surface upon which
the dice may fall, and Liiders (Das Wurfehpid im alten Indien , Berlin, 1907,
11-15) has shown that adhidevana (used in the Atharva Veda , and usually
translated dice-board) meant simply a smooth flat surface excavated in the
ground for this purpose. Of more importance for our present purpose is
runs round a figure in the shape of the cross, and in both games certain squares are cross-cut,
i. e. have the diagonals inserted. In the Indian game (as in Asiatic games generally) these
cross-cut squares are squares of safety , and a man who is posted upon these squares cannot
be captured by the adversary. In all the existing American games of the race type (and
therefore probably in Patolli also) the cross-cut squares are squares of danger, and the player
tries to avoid them. As stated below, the use of cross-cut squares is a natural improvement
on the simpler forms of race-game, and it is probable that games of this type sprang up
independently all over the world. Culin has collected a good deal of evidence to show that
many games of this type are survivals of magical processes (cf. C. & P. C. 7 679 ; and Korean
Games).
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
83
a group of terms which are restricted to boards of definite shape and arrange-
ment. There are two words of this kind : ashtapada , meaning a square
board of 64 squares, 8 rows of 8 squares, and dasapada , meaning a similar
board of 100 squares, 10 rows of 10 squares. These boards were employed
for a more complicated form of game in which the use of the dice was
combined with a game upon a board (Liiders, op. cit., 65). Both terms
appear to have been used also for the games played upon these boards.
The ashtapada would seem accordingly to have been identical in shape
with our chessboard or draughtboard, and so it is often translated, though the
rendering is to be deprecated as suggesting to the ordinary reader that the
board was used for a rudimentary form of one of these games. For draughts
there is no evidence at all, for chess none before the 7fch c. a. d. Still, the
coincidence is so striking that it is worth while to try to discover what the
ashtapada game really was, in order to see whether it has not some connexion
with the rise of chess.
The meaning of the word is established by Patanjali in his great
commentary on the grammar of Panini, the Makabhashya , which, according
to Macdonell ( Skr . Lit., 431), was written between the latter half of the
2nd c. b. c. and the beginning of the Christian era. It is here 19 defined as
4 a board in which each line has 8 squares , . In the absence of any reference
to any alternate colouring or chequering of the squares, we may assume that
it was unchequered, like all other native Asiatic game-boards. Two early
comparisons suggest that the ashtapada was a familiar object. In the first
book of the Ramdyana , 20 according to Jacobi added after the 2nd c. b. c., the
city of AyodhyS (Oudh) is spoken of as ‘ charming by reason of pictures con-
sisting of ashtapada squares, as it were painted \ The regular plan of the
city is probably intended, and the passage may be compared with later ones
from Muslim historians. Thus Hamza al-Isfahanl (<?. 300/912), writing of the
building of Jundl Shapur by the SUsanian king Shahpur (240-270 a.d.), says :
‘ the plan of this city was after the fashion of a chessboard ; it was intersected
by 8 times 8 streets/ to which a later Persian historian adds the pertinent
comment, ‘the figure was after this fashion, but chess had not yet been
invented at that time/ The later geographer Mustawfl (740/1340) 21 has a
similar statement about the plan of Nlsliapur in Khurasan : € In the days of
the Chosroes, as it was reported, the old town of Naysabur had been originally
laid out on the plan of a chessboard with 8 squares to each side/ There is
also a passage in a Northern Buddhist work, cited by Burnouf in his Lotus de
la bonne loi , Paris, 1852-4, 383, in which the world is described as c the earth
on which ash(dpadas were fastened with cords of gold 9 — probably alluding to
the division by roads, seas, and mountains, or to the succession of field, forest,
and desert. 22
19 Mahdbh­a, ed. Kielhom, iii. 362-3. Weber, IvuL Stud . , xiii. 478.
20 Ramdyana , I. v. 12. Weber, Monatsb ., 1873, 710, n. 1.
21 Quoted in Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1895, 386.
22 The word ashtdpada is also included in the Amarakosa , II. x. 46, an early vocabulary
which Macdonell {Skr. Lit ., 433) says was ‘not improbably composed about 500 a.d.*
Digitized by Google
34
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Of more importance is a passage in the Pali 23 Brahmafdla Sutta , or
Dialogs* of the Buddha** according to Rhys Davids one of the earliest
of Buddhist documents, purporting to record the actual words of Gotama
himself, and dating back to the 5th c. b.c. The Buddha is contrasting the
conversation and thoughts of the unconverted man with those of the disciple :
It (sect. 7, p. 3) is in respect only of trifling things, of matters of little value, of
mere morality, that an unconverted man when praising the Tathagata, would speak.
And what are such trifling, minor details of mere morality that he would praise ?
He then proceeds to enumerate all the many trifles which occupy the
thoughts of the unconverted man, and finally comes to games, and gives
us a most interesting and valuable list of games — quite the oldest known —
which from its interest I quote entire :
Or (sect. 14, p. 9) he might say, ‘Whereas some recluses and Brahmans while
living on food provided by the faithful continue addicted to games and recreations ;
i.e. to say —
1. Games on boards with boards with 8 or 10 rows of squares.
2. The same games played by imagining such boards in the air (Pali, akasam).
3. Keeping going over diagrams drawn on the ground, so that one steps only
where one ought to go.
4. Either removing the pieces or men from a heap with one’s nail, or putting
them in a heap, in each case without shaking it. He who shakes the heap loses.
5. Throwing dice (Pali, khalika).
6. Hitting a short stick with a long one.
7. Dipping the hand with the fingers stretched out in lac, or red dye, or flour
water, and striking the wet hand on the ground, or on a wall, calling out ‘ What
shall it be ? * and showing the form required — elephants, horses, &c.
8 Games with balls (Pali, akkham).
9. Blowing through toy pipes made of leaves.
10. Ploughing with toy ploughs.
11. Turning somersaults.
12. Playing with toy windmills made of palm leaves.
13. Playing with toy measures made of palm leaves.
14. 15. Playing with toy carts, or toy bows.
16. Guessing at letters traced in the air, or on a playfellow’s back.
17. Guessing the playfellow’s thoughts.
18. Mimicking of deformities.
Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such games and recreations.’
This passage is quoted at length in many other early Buddhist works,
e. g. in Finaya , ii. 10, and iii. 180. The translation naturally depends con-
siderably on early native commentaries, and it must be remembered that the
earliest commentators are considerably later than the original ; indeed they
only appeared when changes in the spoken language made the written work
archaic and unintelligible to the ordinary reader. The commentator was
often in a worse position than the modern scholar for interpreting the text.
18 By Pali we understand the colloquial language of N.W. India in Buddha’s time,
c. 500 b.c., which is for this reason now the sacred language of Buddhism. It is a derivative
of Sanskrit.
54 Edited by Rhys Davids in the series Sacred Books of the Buddhists , London, 1899, i.
Rhys Davids had previously edited it in the series Sacred Books of the East , Oxford, 1881, xi.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
35
and we often find his explanation absurd or impossible. We are accordingly
compelled to accept the above translation with some reserve. 26
We are only concerned now with the first two of the games named.
These are the ashtapada — here in its Pali form atffuipada — and the dasapada.
One of the two commentators used by Rhys Davids, the Sinhalese Sanna, who
belongs to the 10th c. a.d. or even later, says that each of these games was
played with dice and pieces ( poru , from purisa = men), such as Kings and
so on. 26 His evidence is far too late to be of any value as to the uature
of the games in question, but is important as showing £hat these boards were
still used for dice games in his day in Ceylon. Yet, if the second sentence
is accurately translated, the games must have been of a character which
permitted * blindfold * play without the use of material boards.
The game on the ashfapada also falls into condemnation in an early
Brahman work, the Sutrakrildnga . 27 The devout Brahman, we are told,
should not learn to play ashtapada , he should not speak anything forbidden by the
law, a wise man should abstain from fights and quarrels.
A more illuminating reference is to be found in the Hartvamsa, or Family
of Vuhnu , a supplementary book to the Mahabharata , and generally recognized
as a later addition. Macdonell (Sir, Lit., 28 7) has, however, shown that the
Mahabharata, including the Harivamsa, must have attained to its present form
by at least 500 a.d. The passage 28 recounts a meeting for dice-play between
Rukmin and BalarSma. The former had the reputation of being an expert
at dice, the latter was fond of it, but not very skilled in play. Enormous
stakes were laid, and Rukmin won thrice in succession. Finally, sorely pro-
voked by Rukmin’s expressions of triumph, Balarfima exclaimed, ‘ Prince,
I wager the vast sum of 100,000 millions, do you accept it ? Let us throw
the black and red dice on this splendid ashtSpada/ Rukmin made no reply,
but threw and lost. Then only did Rukmin reply, { I refuse the wager/
* Rhys Davids has also made some alterations in the above translation from that which he
gave in his previous edition in the Sacred Books of the East , xi. Brahmajdlasutta , sect. 14.
Culatagga , I. xiii. 2, p. 198. There he translates No. 2 ( akdsam ) by 1 tossing up’; No. 6,
‘ trapping’; No. 8, ‘tossing balls’; and No. 16, ‘shooting marbles from the fingers’. The
word akkha ( = Skr. aksha) used in No. 8 usually means a die for gaming, but both commentators
give the explanation which Rhys Davids has followed. Macdonell ( JR AS ., 121) seems to
have confused Nos. 5 and 8, since he says that the Pali word rendered dicing (i. e. No. 5)
is akkha. See for his argument, note 41 below.
*• Rhys Davids in his note on No. 1 says, 1 Chess played originally on a board of 8 times
10 squares was afterwards played on one of 8 times 8 squares. Our text cannot be taken
as evidence of real chess in the 5th c. b.c., but it certainly refers to games from which it and
draughts must have developed.’ He would seem to have obtained his primitive chessboard
of 8 by 10 squares from this passage ; I know of nothing else that could have suggested it
It will be evident that there is no evidence for it in Indian literature. I develop in the text
a different view of these board-games to what he takes.
77 Edited by Jacobi in the Sacred Books of the East t xlv, Jaina Sutras, Oxford, 1895, 303.
Although Jacobi uses the word chess to translate asht&pada, his note on the passage makes it
clear that he regarded the game of the text as something different, as he refers to the later
Haravijaya of Ratn&kara as containing the earliest mention of chess known to him.
0 Cf. Langlois* French version, Harivansa, London, 1834, i. 502. Also Weber, Monatsb
1872, 563 seq. Langlois had first ( Mon. lit. de VInde , Paris, 1827, 137-46) rendered ashtdpada
by chess f but in his later version he substituted ‘ une esp&ce de Tric-trac’. See v. d. Linde,
i. 15.
C 2
Digitized by Google
36
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Neither this, nor Rukmin’s continued references to his victory, upset Bala-
rama's self-control, but when a voice from the skies awarded the victory to
him on the ground that g silence gives consent \ Balarama’s long-restrained
wrath blazed forth, and seizing the large golden ashtapada, he struck Rukmin
to the ground. A second blow broke the teeth of the King of Kalinga.
Then, tearing up one of the golden pillars of the hall, Balarama strode forth,
wielding it as a club. 29
We may probably find in this story a reason for the condemnation which
Buddhist and Brahman alike pronounce upon the game ashtapada. Neither
religion countenanced dicing, but neither has been able at any time to suppress
it in India. Too great stress has been placed upon the efficacy of legislation,
such as is to be found in the Code of Manu, against the use of the dice. 30 It
is abundantly evident from the whole extent of Sanskrit literature that
gambling with dice has been at all times the chief recreation in India. One
of the very few secular poems in the Rigveda , occurring in the very oldest
part of the collection, which can hardly be put later than 1000 b.c., contains
the lament of a gambler who is unable to tear himself away from the dice,
although he is fully conscious of the ruin he is bringing upon himself and his
home. Liiders (op. cit.) has collected a large number of instances from the
epic literature which show the extent of the passion for dicing in post-vedic
times. In the Mahdbharata , Nala and Yudhishthira are represented as gambling
away their very kingdoms in dice-play. 31 The Arabic historian al-Mas'udl,
writing about 950 a.d., draws a lurid picture of what was currently believed
89 The same incident is told more briefly in the Vishnu Purdna , v. 28 (tr. Wilson, ed.
FitzEdward Hall, London, 1870, v. 84-6); and also in the Bhdgavata Purdna (tr. Burnouf,
Paris, 1840-7).
30 Ordinances of Manu (tr. A. C. Burnell, ed. E. W. Hopkins, London, 1891). See ii. 179,
iv. 74, viii. 159, and in particular ix. 221-7, where the vices of gambling (defined as that play
which is performed by means of things without life) and prize-fighting are denounced as
open robbery, and the King is urged to suppress both, and to punish offenders by maiming
and banishment. The Code of Manu, according to Macdonell ( Skr . Lit , 428), 1 probably assumed
its present state not much later than 200 a. d.' There is good reason, however, to believe
that the section ix. 221-7 is not so old, but was 1 inserted long after the epic was completed *
(Hopkins, ad loc.). In later times the vice of gambling was turned to account, and royal
gambling houses were established, where play was legalized (cf. Ndrada , a code of laws
probably compiled c. 600 a.»., xvi). The definition of gambling is wide enough to include
all games, whether of chance or pure skill.
81 Careless translators have represented the game as chess. Another passage in the
MaMbhdraia is thus Englished by Protap Chandra Roy ( Mahdbhdrata , Calcutta, 1886, iii. 2 =
Vir&ta Parva. 1) : ‘ Hear what 1 shall do on appearing before King Vir&ta. Presenting
myself as a Brahmana, Kanka by name, skilled in dice and fond of play, I shall become
a courtier of that high-souled king. And moving on boards beautiful pawns made of ivory,
of blue and yellow and red and white hue, by means of black and red dice, I shall entertain
the king.’ The same passage was translated by E. W. Hopkins ( Journal Amer. Or. Soc. f New-
haven, 1889, xiii. 123) : ‘ I shall become a dice-mad, play-loving courtier, and with the
bejewelled holders fling out the charming beryl, gold, and ivory dice, dotted black and red.*
On reference to the original Sanskrit, it is perfectly clear that there is no term that necessi-
tates chess. The word used for board is the perfectly general term phalaka.
The use of dice of different colours was usual in the epic period. In the Harivamsa game,
red and black dice were used, and the final throw is described by the term chdturakJisha
(explained by Kllakant-ha, probably wrongly, as chdturankankite ’ kshe ). In the instance from
the Bdlabhdrata about to be cited, the two dice are red and black respectively. Liiders
(op. cit., 66) thinks that Bhartrihari’s comparison of the two dice to day and night in the
verse quoted below (p. 52, n. 2) was suggested by the use of red and black dice. In all these
games, the dice will certainly have been of the oblong variety, Skr. pasaka.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. T
INTRODUCTORY
37
in his day of the gambling propensities of the Indians. He is writing of the
uses of ivory, and continues : 32
But by far the most frequent use nfJvory is for the manufacture of men for chess
and nard. Several of the chessmen are figures of men or animals, a span high and
big, or even more. During the game a man stands by, specially to carry the men
from one square to the other. When the Indians play at chess or nard, they wager
stuffs or precious stones. But it sometimes happens that a player, after losing all
his possessions, will wager one of his limbs. For this they set beside the players
a small copper vessel over a wood fire, in which is boiled a reddish ointment peculiar
to the country, which has the property of healing wounds and stanching the flow of
blood. If the man who wagered one of his fingers loses, he cuts off the finger with
a dagger, and then plunges his hand in the ointment and cauterizes the wound.
Then he returns to the game. If the luck is against him he sacrifices another finger,
and sometimes a man who continues to lose will cut off in succession all his fingers,
his hand, his fore-arm, his elbow, and other parts of his body. After each amputation
he cauterizes the wound with the ointment, which is a curious mixture of ingredients
and drugs peculiar to India, of extraordinary effectiveness. The custom of which
I have spoken is a notorious fact.
At the present day games of chance are among the most popular of Indian
games, and are associated with religious festivals, especially with those in
which it is necessary to keep watch the whole night through. 33
The ash\apada is also mentioned in an account of a game between Sakuni
and Yudhishthira in Amarachandra's Bdlabharata (II. v. 10 ff ). In this game
two dice (respectively red and black) are used, and each player has an
ashtapada upon which he throws his die. 34 The game was played with
pieces (sari), of which half were red and the other half were black. These
are moved in obedience to the throws of the dice; the 1 clatter , which they
make when placed upon the new position is mentioned, and the sari are com-
pared to monarchs, since like these they are set up, moved, taken captive, and
released.
It seems clear that we have to do here with a game of the race-game class.
We may find some confirmation for this conclusion from the comparative
study of other Asiatic board-games in which dice are used to define the move-
ments of the men. In India itself there exist a number of examples of games
of this class, of which the best known are the games puehm and chaupur, which
are played upon a four-armed board.
Games of this type appear to have been practised over the greater part
of the world from the earliest times. A wide selection of examples is to be
found in Mr. Stewart Culin’s books on games. 33 The underlying principle
is practically the same in all. The board is arranged so that the divisions or
points constitute a track along which the men (in Asia commonly called horses
** See Barbier de Maynard's French version of the Mwaj adh-dhahab , Let Prairies d’or, Paris,
1864, III. xxxiii. 9.
** Cf. Weber, Monaisb ., 1872, 62. Falkener (268 ft), quoting from the Calcutta Review for
1861, gives a lively picture of the passions aroused by the game of pachisi.
u This is a surprising use of the ashtdpada , but Liiders (op. cit., 67) says that the Sanskrit
can only mean this. The remainder of the passage, however, clearly requires a board on
which the s&ri move.
M Specially in his Games with Dice f Philadelphia, 1889; his Chinese Games with Dice and
Dominoes , Washington, 1889; and his Chess and Playing Cards , Washington, 1898.
Digitized by
Google
38
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
or dogs) are moved in obedience to the throws of the dice or equivalent
implements (e.g. staves, shells, seeds, teetotums). The players, who may be
two or more in number, are each given a certain number of men whom they
have to enter on, move through, and remove from the board in a prescribed
manner. Any player can remove, with certain limitations, an opponent's man
from the board by playing one of his own men to the point occupied by the
former, and the man so removed has to commence again from the beginning.
The player who first succeeds in removing all his men from the board after
completing his appointed track, wins the game.
Probably the oldest and simplest Asiatic game of this type is the game
for two players which we call backgammon . It is now played with little
Gavalata Board (Culin, C. A P. C., 851).
■
■
*
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
*
■
*
■
■
►T<
■
■
■
■
■
5
■
■
■
■;
■
a
x
■
■
■
A
Ashta Kashte Board (Falk., 265).
variety over all Southern Asia, from Syria to Japan. Chinese records mention
its introduction from India with the name Vshu p'u (= Skr. cftatush-pada ,
mod. Indian chaupur ) as early as 220-65 a. d. Weber 86 has collected a number
of references to games of this character from early Indian literature, the
earliest being from the Mahabkdshya , in a passage in which Patanjali dis-
cusses Panini’s explanation of the word aydmytna , 87 in which the termination
-ina has the force of ‘ to move to \
It was possibly the desire to frame a game for four players on similar lines
** Ind. Stud., xiii. 472-8; and Monatsb., 1872, 564-6.
37 * Ayanaylna : to move to the aydnaya . But we do not know what is aya, and what is
anaya. The aya moves to the right, the anaya to the left. If the squares (pada) of the men
{sari) going to the right and left are not held by the enemy, it is aydnaya. The man which is
to move to the aydnaya is called aydnaxftna.' The term aydnaya (lit. luck and unluck) was
mistaken by both Weber and Macdonell for the name of a game (see Luders, op. cit., 67).
38 The main difference between these two games consists in the fact that pachlsl is played
with cowries instead of dice, and chaupur is played with the oblong dice. The name pachlsl,
tioenty-Jive, is taken from the value of the highest throw of the cowries (all six cowries mouth
downwards). The position of the cross-cut squares differs in different boards ; see Hyde,
ii. 264, and Culin, C. «fc P. C ., 852-6.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
39
which led to the invention of the four-armed and square boards of which we
have several Indian examples. All these boards exhibit a further modification
in the special markings that are placed on particular squares. The device is
not peculiar to Indian games: it represents an obvious way of adding ad-
ditional interest to the game which occurred independently to players in many
regions. A man which is played to one of these cross-cut squares is treated
differently from one played to an unmarked point. It may secure the option
of a shorter route home, as in the Corean nyout. It may secure immunity
from capture so long as it occupies that point, as in these Indian games, and
indeed in the majority of Asiatic race-games. It may be penalized by being
compelled to return to the starting-point again, as in the American games of
X
d
2L
-
V
2L
>
X
V
aI
.
z
0
-
9
Konodi Dice. Topparei
Board, Dice, and Men used in Saturan-
kam ( ehaturanga ), (Parker, 695).
_L
X
*\
%
X
X
-
X
Slga Board (Parker, 607). The arrows
show the direction of the moves. [The
same game is in the Museum fOr Volker-
kunde, Berlin, 1. c. 5708a, as Saduraiigam.]
this class. It may be subjected to other penalties, or be given other privileges,
as in the various race or promotion games which are invented annually in
Europe, America, and elsewhere.
Although specially arranged for four players, these games can easily be
adapted to use by two players only, and the Indian games of which I give
diagrams are often so used. The Ceylon game Gavalata is played by two or
four players. When two play, the men enter at A and B respectively, when
four, the centre point on each side is the point of entry for one of the players.
Each player has one or two cowries instead of men, and four or five cowries
are used instead of dice. The men move in the direction of the arrows, and
the object is to traverse all the squares to the centre. A player returns an
adversary to the starting-point when he plays one of his men to the same
point occupied by the adversary, unless it stands on a cross-cut square, or
Digitized by Google
40
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
castle. Stga > which Mr. Parker ( Ancient Ceylon , London, 1909, 607) describes
as played in Colombo, is the same game, but men similar to the one shown in
the diagram of saturankam are used when a proper board (generally of cloth)
is employed. Often, however, the game is played upon a board marked for
the occasion on the ground, and then the players make use of sticks of dis->
tinctive colour or length which they set upright in the square occupied
Saturankam and Ashta kashte are similar games on boards of 81 and 49 squares
respectively. A similar game is pro-
bably depicted in the gambling scene
Chitupada Sila on the coping of the
Stupa of Bharhut, a Buddhist monu-
ment illustrative of Buddhist legend
and history which is now considered
to belong to the 4th c. a. d. Here we
have four men squatting in pairs on
opposite sides of a board of 6x6
squares. Beside the board lie 7 square
pieces, 6 in a group and one nearer the board and in front of one of the
players. They appear to be rudely engraved with dissimilar patterns, and
have been variously identified as dice (or similar implements) or coins. The
board is scratched on the ground and shows no cross-cut squares, but a short
stick has been set up on one of the squares which — from the analogy of Siga—
probably represents a man in course of play.
The existing board-games of this special type in Southern India and
Ceylon are all played on boards with an odd number of squares, so that there
is a single central .square which serves as point of exit for all four players
alike. In Pachls i on the other hand, each player has his own point of exit,
and there seems no reason why a similar arrangement should not have been
tried upon a square board. In this case the square would obviously be one
with an even number of points, and the four central points would serve as the
four points of exit for the four players.
It is to this more complicated type of race-game that I assign the early
Indian game on the ashtapada board. I find support for my belief in a
peculiarity of the modern Indian chessboard which has no importance for
chess and has never been explained in a satisfactory manner. On all native
chessboards which I have seen, certain squares are cross-cut precisely as in the
games of PacJrin and Gavalafa. Native books from the time of Nllakant ha
(17th c.) onwards carefully preserve the marked squares, but attempt no
explanation of them. They have even survived the chequering of the board.
In their complete form the boards contain no less than 16 cross-cut squares —
al, a4, a5, a8, dl, d4, d5, d8, el, e4, e5, e8, hi, h4, h5, h8. Other boards omit
some of these markings, but do not substitute other cross-cut squares for them.
* 1
4
3
The Bharhut Board. 89 The numbers show
the positions of the players.
89 A. Cunningham, Stvpa of Bharhut , 1879, Plate xlv. (Brunet y Bellet, Ajedrez, 404, gives
a drawing of a carving at Orissa as showing a game. I cannot see that a game is intended
at all.)
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
41
■
■8
SSI
■■
■
■
■l
■I
III
■■■
■■
mm
■
*
■I
■8
■Ml
SSI
■■
mm
Si
■e
SSI
■S
■
■i
hi
■Ml
■■
MM
■
■
HI
■8
■■■
SSI
■■
■■
■
■■8
SSI
■■
■
Ml
|M|
Ml
■■■
■■
MM
1
■■■
■■8
■Ml
SSI
MM
■s
s
M8
SSI
■s
■1
III
■Ml
Ml
■Ml
■■
mm
H
!■
■■■
M8
■Ml
SSI
MM
■■
s
s
s
s
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
s
s
s
s
s
s
s
s
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
s
s
63
m
ABC
■ }
—
g-
" X
X
—
—
_ >
s
s
s
s
■
■
■
■
s
s
s
s
■
■
■
■
s
s
s
s
z
x
V
X
X
E
X
E
F
G
The Markings on Modern Indian Chessboards.
A. Hyde, ii. 74 ; Nllakant’ha ; Brit. Mus. ; Platt Collection.
B. Weber (v. d. Linde, i. 124, Bombay) ; Poona ; Platt Collection.
C. Chequered board in Platt Collection.
D. Weber (v. d. Linde, i. 124, Tanjore ).
E. Delhi.
F and G. Patiala.
Digitized by Google
42
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
In the chequered boards the markings on the four central squares are not
completed.
This peculiarity is not confined to the Indian chessboard. There are
markings on the Burmese, Malay, Chinese, and Corean boards, but these do
not correspond to the Indian markings, and in some cases are now associated
with special features of play. The older Muslim literature of chess makes no
reference to the existence of marked squares, but Mr. Falkener possessed
a modern Turkish chess cloth in which the squares a4, a5, dl, d8, el, e8,
h4, h5 are marked in one way and d4, d5, e4, e5 in another and more
elaborate way. 40
The explanation of these cross-cut squares is, I believe, to be found in
the fact that the Indian chessboard is simply the old asht&pada board, and
preserves its original features, although their purpose has long been forgotten.
The ash(apada game was, I believe, very similar to the modem gavalata . If
two players played, each entered his men at opposite sides of the board; if four,
then at each edge. The track ran round the outer edge, then round the inner
blocks of 36 and 16 squares, and finished in the centre of the board. The
cross-cut squares were citadels, or squares on which a man was immune from
capture. As will be seen in the following chapter, this hypothesis provides
a simple explanation for the curious fact that the Ceylon game of this type
is now called saturankam, i.e. chaturanga.
The game of chess was invented when some Hindu devised a game of war,
and, finding the asht&pada board convenient for his purpose, adopted it as
his field of battle. 41 The fact that he gave his game a new name, chaturanga ,
shows that his game had no connexion with the game of whose board he
availed himself. The meaning of this name is perfectly plain. It is an
adjective, compounded from the two words chatur , four, and anga , member,
limb, with the literal meaning having four limbs , four -member ed y quadripartite .
In this original sense it appears in the Rigveda (X. xcii. 11), in reference
to the four-limbed human body, and in the Satapatha Brahmana (XII. iii.
2. 2). It also occurs repeatedly in the Mahdbhdrata (which existed in its
present form by 500 a.d.), in Ramdyana (which goes back in its oldest form
to the 5th c. B.C.), in K&mandaki's Nltisara (dating from the beginning of
the Christian era), and in the Atharva Veda-Parisistas (which are not earlier
than 250 a.d.), either in agreement with the word bala , army, or used
absolutely as a feminine or neuter substantive, in the sense of army composed of
four member s, and army generally. It is clear that the word chaturanga became
the regular epic name for the army at an early date in Sanskrit. Weber states
40 See Falkener, plate facing 198.
41 This is the view put forwaid by E. B. Tylor in his Anthropology, London, 1892, 307.
Prof. Macdonell (JRAS. y 121) argues differently. He thinks it incredible that the ordinary
and primitive game of dice should have required a board of sixty-four squares, and from the
existence of the term adhidevana , and the mention of dicing in addition to asht&pada in the
Brahnuy&lasutta , he argues that the asht&pada game must have been something different, and
therefore that ‘ it is highly improbable that the asht&pada was used for anything but some
primitive form of chess, played with or without the aid of dice, sometime before the
beginning of our era’. F. W. Thomas ( ZDMO ., liii. 865) goes further, and attributes to
Macdonell the assertion that the Indian backgammon was never played upon the asht&pada.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
43
that the use of the word, as also of the variant chaturangin , is not only
common in Sanskrit, but also in Pali.
What was meant by the four members of the Indian army is perfectly
plain from the repeated connexion of the word chaturanga with chariots,
elephants, cavalry, and infantry. In Ramayana (I. lxxiv. 4), in Mahabharata
(III. 1504. 4), and in Amarakosa. (III. 8. 21), the army is expressly called
hasty-ashwa-rat'ha-paddtam, the total or aggregate of elephants, horses, chariots,
and foot-soldiers. Macdonell (op. cit., 118) notes that this was the regular
Prof. Macdonell overlooks that (a) there is no necessity for a board at all in the ordinary
game of dice : the board-game of the race type is something very different ; (b) there is no
necessity to suppose that the early Indians only possessed one form of race-game. Luders
(op. cit., 67) regards the asht&pada game as a variant, and possibly the original of our back-
gammon, and finds Macdoneil’s view extremely improbable.
An interesting use of an 8x8 board for what appears to be a Buddhist promotion-game
has been discovered by Culin (C. A P. C., 821) in a diagram which Schlagintwert {Buddhism
in Thibet) gives from a great roll of divinatory diagrams. In this board the 2nd, 4th, 6th,
and 8th rows are occupied by figures of religious emblems. The figure on a8 also covers a7
il
§f§
MG'
@
jjSBlj
H
P[
1
Bsa
[Hi
■
■
H
ns
m
V -
i
n
if
HI
m
— . —
■
n
Ju
a
ftf
n
ill
11
mm
■
3
■
■9
Divinatory Diagram, Tibet.
and represents the Bodhisattva Man jusri ; on h8 (and h7) is the sword of wisdom, the emblem
of his knowledge. The intervening odd rows contain squares, partly blank and partly filled
with Tibetan words which Culin regards on the analogy of similar Chinese games as giving
instructions as to the square to which the next move extends.
The MahavjutpatU (a Skr. -Tibetan dictionary) gives Skr. asht&pada ■= Tib. mig-mans. This
word, literally 4 many eyes \ is used as the equivalent of many game-boards, and is as general
as the Skr. phaiaka. It is used in the old Tibetan Dsanglung (8- 9th c. jld.) in a phrase for
which the Mongol translation has 4 while he played at shitara \ i. e. at chess. See p. 867.
Digitized by
Google
44
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
composition of the complete Indian army at least as early as the 4th c. b.c.,
for the Greek accounts of the invasion of N.W. India by Alexander, in
326 b.c., state that the army of Pauras consisted of 30,000 infantry, 4,000
cavalry, 200 elephants, and 300 chariots. The Greek historian Megasthenes,
who spent some time at the court of Pataliputra (Patna) about 300 b.c., when
speaking of the military administration of the Indian state, says that there
were six departments responsible for the management of the elephants,
cavalry, chariots, infantry, baggage, and boats. 42 The Code of Mann (vii. 185)
also speaks of an army of six parts, to which the scholiast Kulluka Bhatta,
(16th-17th c.) adds that the six parts are hasty -ashwa-rat' ha- padati-eenapati -
karmakara y or elephants, horses, chariots, foot-soldiers, general, and camp-
followers, i. e. the regular army with its commander and that motley following*
that always attends an Indian army on its march, and yet adds no fighting-
strength to it on the day of battle. 43 The Nitisara of Kamandaki, * a work
of policy dating probably from the early centuries of our era* (Macdonell,
JR AS., 118), contains an important and instructive chapter (ch. xix) of 62
slokas, which specially treats of the chaturangabala , or army. The chapter
states that the army is composed of elephants, chariots, horse, and infantry ;
it discusses the ground most suitable for the evolutions of each of these
members ; it estimates a horseman as equal to three foot-soldiers, and the
elephant and chariot as each equal to five horsemen. It suggests several
arrangements as suitable for use in war, e.g., infantry, horse, chariots, ele-
phants ; elephants, horse, chariots, infantry ; the horse in the centre, the
chariots next, and the elephants on the wings. 44
We are, therefore, entitled to conclude that the fourfold division of the
Indian army into chariots, cavalry, elephants, and infantry, was a fact well
recognized already before the commencement of our era. 45
The same four elements — chariots, horse, elephants, foot-soldiers — appear
as four out of the six different types of force in the board-game chaturanga.
The remaining types prefigure individuals, not types of military force. The
presence of the King needs no justification. The addition of the Minister
or Vizier is in complete agreement with Oriental custom, and the Code of
Manu (vii. 65) lays stress upon the dependence of the army on him. The
42 Megasthenes* statement that there were six departments responsible for the Indian
army has led to some misconception. It has led some chess writers who had no special
knowledge of Sanskrit to explain the chatur of chaturanga as referring to four players. Similar
misconceptions are to be met with in modern Urdu works; thus Durg&prasada (Riedla i
shalranj, Benares, 1886) explains the chatur as meaning four kinds of piece subordinate to the
King and Vizier, or four different kinds of move.
45 An earlier commentator, Medhatithi (c. 1000), replaces the general by treasure. According
to Monier Williams, Indian Wisdom (London, 2nd ed., 1876, 264;, the word chaturanga itself
occurs in the Code of Manu in the sense of army.
44 Weber, Monatsh ., 1878, 703 ; and v. d. Linde, i. 76.
45 Forbes Til) asserts that the four members were anciently horse, elephants, infantry,
and boats. There is, however, no trace of any evidence in Sanskrit literature to support this
statement, and he can only have obtained it from the fact that the four-handed chess
descrilx.d in the Tithynditattram substitutes the boat for the chariot, and his belief that this
account went ba<*k to the Bharishya Purdtia. But even if it did, it would not establish his
contention, for the references to the army in the MaMbhdrata and Rdmayana are older than
any Purana, and these have the chariot already.
Digitized by UiOOQLe
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
45
self-consistency of the nomenclature and the exactness with which it repro-
duces the composition of the Indian army afford the strongest grounds for
regarding chess as a conscious and deliberate attempt to represent Indian
warfare in a game. That chess is a war-game is a commonplace of Indian,
Muslim, and Chinese writers.
But the parallelism does not end with the name of the game and the
chessmen. It extends to the termination of the play. The immediate object
of warfare is the overthrow of the enemy, and in early times this object was
secured with equal certainty either by the capture or death of the opposing
monarch, or by the annihilation of his army. These are exactly reproduced
by the two methods of winning in early chess — the checkmate and the baring
of the opponent’s King.
It would be unreasonable to assume that the attempt to carry out the
idea of arranging a war-game between Indian armies upon the ashtapada
was immediately successful in producing the game as it appears in the oldest
records, or ev.en a workable .game. But the comparative evidence of the
Indian and non-Indian forms of chess shows that the period of experiment was
practically past before the game had spread from its earliest centre, and that
the moves, method of play, and rules were broadly settled as we know them
in the oldest records. Still, one or two of the points of difficulty in the
development of the game must be briefly considered.
1. The number of players. I have already suggested that the use of square
boards for race-games may have resulted from the desire to give the track
a fourfold symmetry which would allow of four players playing at one time.
We have, however, seen that the ashtapada was frequently used by two
players only, so that we cannot assume that a square board necessarily sug-
gested a game for four players. Moreover, the race-game and the war-game
are not really similar. The former is a one-dimensional game, since it only
requires a track ; the latter is a two-dimensional game and needs a surface.
We shall see that by the year 1000 there were Indian varieties of chess
in existence both for two and for four players. In each variety the four
elements of the chaturangabala are completely represented. In the two-handed
game the King and his Minister are added, in the four-handed game the King
only. The advocate for the priority of the four-handed chess might argue
that its representation presents a closer parallel to the Indian army than does
the chess for two players. He could also point to the fact that Indian policy
has always had an eye on a warfare in which four kings were concerned,
to wit, the aggressor, his foe, the neutral, and the one called the * middle-
most \ 46 But I do not think that either argument carries much weight.
I have already expressed the opinion that the presence of the Minister in
a war-game can be justified from Sanskrit discussions of his functions. And
this philosophical view of warfare as involving four Kings can only be looked
upon as a generalization, for it is obvious that the aggressor and his foe
would be quite capable of conducting a war without the intervention of the
44 Cf. Jacobi, ZD MG., 1. 288, who cites KSmandaki (vii. 20), and Macdonell ( JRAS ., 140).
Digitized by Google
46
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
other two monarchs. So far as Indian evidence goes, I do not think that
it is decisive for or against the priority of either form of chess, though the
probabilities are stronger for the priority of the two-handed game. On the
other hand the comparative evidence of the non-Indian games tells strongly
in favour of the original game of chaturanga having been for two players.
This conclusion seems to me also the more natural one. The development
of a four-handed game may have been helped by considerations like the above
the analogy of the development of four-handed race-games from the simpler
two-handed variety supplies a more probable reason for its appearance.
2. The arrangement of the forces. Kamandaki's treatise shows us that
the Indians paid considerable attention to the theoretical arrangement of an
Indian army on the battle-field. The problem how best to arrange the
elements on the ashtapada was a far simpler one, since all disturbing factors
were eliminated. The advantages of a symmetrical arrangement must have
been obvious from the first, and we may explain the duplication of the chariot,
horse, and elephant, and the eight foot-soldiers in this way. The larger
number of the last named is explained by the fact that the infantry is
numerically the largest part of the army. The positions of the King and
his Minister on the two central squares of the first row, and of the Foot-
soldiers on the eight squares of the second row, follow so naturally that
I think they must have been so from the commencement. But there is no
obvious reason why the remaining pieces should be arranged in any particular
way, and the existing arrangement, al Chariot, bl Horse, cl Elephant, was
probably only arrived at after experiment. The position of the Horse (bl, gl)
is so invariable in all forms of chess, that it must have been fixed very early.
As regards the other pieces, the earlier Indian references show that there
was uncertainty until comparatively late in India, and now the Chariot, now
the Elephant appears on the corner squares. The comparative evidence of
the non-Indian forms of chess points, however, to the arrangement al, Chariot ;
bl, Horse; cl. Elephant; dl and el, King and Minister; fl, Elephant;
gl. Horse ; hi, Chariot, as having been the more usual Indian one.
3. The powers of move . We have seen from Kamandaki that the four
elements of the Indian army were of very different values. If war was to
be represented by a game, it was necessary to discover some means of repro-
ducing this difference of value. This was cleverly achieved by the original
idea of giving different moves to the chessmen, so that the freedom or range
of the move should suggest roughly the actual method of movement of the
original element in war. The general identity of move in the earlier forms
of chess the world over shows the skill with which the idea was carried out:
the variation in move of the Elephant recorded in early Indian chess, and
exhibited to-day in existing Asiatic forms of chess, may be taken as showing
that the final result was only obtained after experiment.
4. The method of play . All race-games are dice-games, and it is probable
that all board-games were in the first instance played by means of dice or
other implements of similar import. There is no reason, as far as I can see,
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
4 7
why we should make an exception to this in the case of chess. Previous
writers have approached the question with a priori arguments. Y. d. Linde
(i. 79-80) lays stress on the incompatibility of dice and chess, and considers
it a dualism that could not be original. V. d. Lasa (1) thought that the
greatest probability was in favour of the original game having been a pure
game of combination. Macdonell ( JR AS ., 140) is disposed to take the view
that there was a dice-age in the development of chess, as offering a more
natural development than that which the opposite view offers. The evidence
of the earlier Indian references to chess is purely negative. Dice are nowhere
mentioned, but nowhere of necessity excluded from use. It is only at a
comparatively late date that we begin to hear of varieties of chess in which
the moves were given by the throws of the dice. The four-handed game was
a dice-game in its earlier history. The Muslims played their oblong chess on
a board of 4x 16 squares with the help of dice. Even in Europe varieties of
dice-chess were not unknown in the 13th c., though it is probable that some
of these were of European invention.
But the later Indian references to the two-handed chess, and the com-
parative evidence of the non-Indian games show that at quite an early period
the possibility of playing chess without dice had been discovered, and the
resulting improvement of the game had been recognized. The excellence of
the game because it depended upon the intellect alone is already praised in the
Middle Persian Chatrang-namak,
With the adoption of a rule of procedure by alternate turns of a single
move each, a rule that does not always obtain in Indian dice-games, the
game was complete so far as concerns essentials, and players had a workable
game of war. Whether its invention may be ascribed to the Buddhist dis-
approval of bloodshed, which suggested to some enthusiast the possibility of
replacing actual warfare by a game, it is impossible to say. It is at least
suggestive that we shall find the game first mentioned in India in connexion
with a stronghold of Buddhism, and that other early references will be
associated with Buddhist regions.
The date when it occurred to some Indian to represent the chaturanga and
its evolutions in a game cannot be fixed, though naturally it cannot be earlier
than the organization of the army on which it is based. Chess was certainly
in existence in the 7th century a.d., and it had already at that time penetrated
to Persia, The evidence upon which the same has been asserted of China is
unsatisfactory. The silence of Greek writers as to its existence, although
after the time of Alexander the Greeks enjoyed an uninterrupted intercourse
with India for two centuries, has been claimed by v. d. Linde (i. 78) as
evidence for the non-existence of both the game of chess and also the
ashtSpada at that time, and although his conclusion has been disproved as
far as the ashtapada is concerned, it is probably correct as regards chess.
Writers who romance of ‘ five thousand years ago * and the like are indulging in
mere speculation ; the real position has been well put by Prof. D. W. Fiske :
c Before the seventh century of our era , the existence of chess in any land is
Digitized by Google
48
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
not demonstrable by a single shred of contemporary or trustworthy documentary
evidence . . . . J Down to that date it is all impenetrable darkness / 47
The foundations of the modern investigations of early Indian literature for
references to chess were laid by Prof. Albrecht Weber (B. 1821, D. 1901) in
a series of papers read before the Berlin Royal Academy of Science in 1872—4.
Before his attention was directed to the question by v. d. Linde, the only
Sanskrit passage known to relate to chess was one which was first given in
translation by Sir William Jones (B. 1746, D. 1794) in his essay On the Indian
Game of Chess ( Asiatic Researches , London, 1790, ii. 159-65). This gave
a description of a four-handed dice-chess, and according to his informant, the
Brahman Radhakant, the Sanskrit text was an extract from the Bhavishya
Parana . Sir William Jones himself regarded this game as a modification
of the primitive two-handed non-dice chess. 48 The exaggerated views current
in the early part of the 19th century with regard to the antiquity of Sanskrit
literature necessarily led to similar ' views regarding the age of this four-
handed game, and Captain Hiram Cox propounded a new view in his paper
On the Burmha Game of Chess ( Asiatic Researches , London, 1801, vii. 486-511)
by claiming that this four-handed game was the rudimental game of chess,
and that the two-handed game was a modification of it. In the hands of
Prof. Duncan Forbes (B. 1798, D. 1868) 49 this opinion was further developed
into a complete theory of the development of chess. Briefly stated, the Cox-
Forbes theory is this: A primitive four-handed dice-chess was practised in
India about 5,000 years ago. As a result of the action of certain rules, or
from the difficulty of always securing a full quota of players, the game
gradually became a two-handed game. At a later time the civil and religious
ordinances against the use of dice led to the abandonment of the dice-character
of the game ; and finally, by a rearrangement of the pieces, the game of chess
as known to the Persians and Muslims came into existence.
In its inception this theory depended solely upon the supposed priority
of the evidence for the existence of the four-handed game, and when Weber
showed the unsatisfactory nature of the evidence in support of the statement
that the Indian text was derived from a Purdna , scholars abandoned the theory
altogether. In any case the 5,000 years of Forbes would have to be reduced
greatly in view of the fact that modern scholarship does not place the Purdna
earlier than 500-550 b. c.
We possess three texts of the passage in question, 60 which, however, all
appear to go back to the same source, the Tithydditattvam ( Tithitatfva ) of
Raghunandana, a writer of the late 15th or early 16th century. All are w ritten
47 The Nation , New York, June 7, 1900, p. 436.
48 He states in this essay ‘ that this game is mentioned in the oldest law-books — (Where ?
It is not mentioned in the Code of Manu ) — and that it was invented by the wife of K&van, King
of Lank&. in order to amuse him with an image of war, while his metropolis was closely
besieged by Rama, in the second age of the world \
49 In a series of articles, Some Observations on the Origin qf Chess , in the Illustrated London News %
July 8, 1864— May 12, 1866, which were reprinted as Observations on the Origin and Progress of
Chess, London, 1856, and as the History of Chess, London, 1860.
60 Viz. the Saharampur edition of Raghunandana’s work, The Institutes of the Hindoo Religion
by Rughoo Nundun, i. 88-9 ; a Berlin MS. of the same work (Skr. MS. 1177, Chambers, 629,
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
INTRODUCTORY
49
in the Bengali dialect of Sanskrit in which the remainder of this legal work
is composed. Weber claimed that there was nothing to show that the account
is not an integral part of Raghunandana’s own book. On the other hand,
as will be evident from an examination of the translation which I give in
Chapter III, the text of the passage is defective towards the close, and the
verses appear to be disarranged. This looks as if Raghunandana had used
an earlier source, though since the three existing texts all show the same
lacuna and preserve the same order, we are probably right in regarding the
TUhitattva as the immediate source of our knowledge of the passage. For
the view that the ultimate source is a Purdna , we have only the bare word
of the Brahman Radhakant.
When Weber wrote his papers, the Bhavishya Purdna was not accessible
to European scholars. Several MSS. are now known to exist in India, and
the work has been printed at Bombay (2 vols., 1897), but this edition is of no
value for purposes of exact scholarship, as the editors have made extensive
additions on their own responsibility. More useful are two MSS. now in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford, of which Aufrecht has given good analyses in his
Catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. in that library. He makes no mention of any
chess passage, and there is no connexion in which it might conceivably occur.
Weber had already stated that later works based upon the Bhavishya Purdna ,
as the Bhavishyottara Purdna , contain no chess passage. And the silence
of all other Sanskrit works before 600 a.d. makes Radhakant’s assertion
improbable in the highest degree.
Another theory of the ancestry of chess has been put forward by Mr. Culin
in his Chess and Playing Cards (Washington, 1898). He sees in our present
games the survivals of magical processes adopted in order to classify according
to the four directions objects and events which did not of themselves reveal
their proper classification. Dice or some similar agent represent one of the
implements of magic employed for the purpose. According to his theory, chess
is a game derived from a game of the race type, and the steps of the ascent
are (1) two-handed chess ; (2) four-handed dice chess (chaturajl) ; (3) PachTsT,
a four-handed race-game; (4) a two-handed race-game. It is therefore a
development of the Cox-Forbes theory, which aims at carrying the pedigree
still farther back. Culin's argument is thus stated (op. cit., 858) :
The relation of the game of Chaturanga (i. e. the four-handed dice-chess) to the
game of Pachisi is very evident. The board is the square of the arm of the Pachisi
cross, and even the castles of the latter appear to be perpetuated in the camps,
similarly marked with diagonals on the Chinese chessboard. The arrangement of
the men at the corners of the board survives in the Burmese game of chess. The
four-sided die is similar to that used in Chausar (i. e. Chaupur). The pieces or men
are of the same colours as in Pachisi, and consist of the four sets of men or pawns of
the Pachisi game, with the addition of the four distinctive chess pieces, the origin
and significance of which remain to he accounted for. By analogy, it may be
ft. 107b to 109b ; and the great Sanskrit lexicon of R&dhak&nta Deva (not to be confused with
Sir William Jones’s friend), the Sabdakalpadruma , Calcutta, 1743 « a.d. 1821, s. v. chaturanga.
Apparently from Forbes and Weber’s silence this work does not give the source of its
quotation.
mo D
Digitized by Google
50
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
assumed that the board, if not indeed all boards upon which games are played,
stands for the world and its four quarters (or the year and its four seasons), and that
the game was itself divinatory.
After stating that students of the history of chess do not now generally
accept the Cox-Forbes theory, Mr. Culin continues :
Apart from this discussion, the relation of chess to an earlier dice-game, such as
Pachisi, appears to be evident. The comparative study of games leads to the belief
that practically all games as Chess, played upon boards, were preceded by games in
lyhich the pieces were animated by dice, cowries or knuckle-bones, or by slaves, as in
the Korean Nyout, the Egyptian Tab, and many aboriginal American games.
All students of the history of games owe very much to Mr. Culin for
his careful investigations into the nature, implements, and rules of existing
games. His suggestion that race-games may have originated in magical
processes deserves consideration , 61 and there is much to be said for his view
that dice-games preceded games of pure combination. But neither hypothesis
has as yet been established as fact, and the further step in his argument
which deals with the connexion of the war-game chess and the race-game
pachisi is a very weak one. It has yet to be established that pachisi or
chaupur is older than chess . 52 Mr. Culin's argument depends too much upon
resemblances which are only superficial, or can be explained equally satisfactorily
in other ways. It shows signs of insufficient acquaintance with the known
facts of chess history.
The theory that chess is a development of an earlier race-game involves
the hypothesis that some reformer changed the whole nomenclature in order
to make it self-consistent as a war-game, and secured the agreement of all his
contemporaries. I find this hypothesis incredible.
51 There is also a good deal of evidence pointing to the merels board having been originally
a diagram with a magical significance (see Parker, Arte. Ceylon, 577-80).
52 The earliest representation of chaupur is apparently the carving of Siva and P&rvati
playing the game in the Brahmanical cave temples at Elura. Burgess and Ferguson ( Reports
Archaeol. Survey of India , 1884, iv) place the date of these temples between 579 and 725 a.d.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER II
CHESS IN INDIA. I
The earliest references in Subandhu, BSina,* &c. — The chess- tours in Rudra^a. —
Position in India c. 1000. — Some Arabic references. — Later Indian references. —
Nllakant'ha.
Allusions to chess begin to appear in Sanskrit literature with the seventh
century of our era, and a number of passages from works of that period have
been discovered which have been held by Sanskrit scholars to contain references
to chess. They vary considerably in value, and only one or two are sufficiently
definite to convey any information as to the character of the game mentioned.
In others, the only foundation for the belief that chess is intended is the use of
the term ashtapada. Since this may equally well mean the older dice-game
on the ashtapada board, these allusions cannot be conclusively attributed to
the younger game of chess. 1
The earliest of these references occurs in Subandhu's Fasavadatta (ed. Hall,
284), a prose romance, written according to Macdonell (Sir. Lit., 232) ‘quite
at the beginning of the seventh century *, which tells the popular story of
V&savadatta, the Princess of UjjayinT, and Udayana, King of Vatsa. In this
work Subandhu thus describes the rainy season :
The time of the rains played its game with frogs for chessmen ( nayadyuiair ),
which, yellow and green in colour, as if mottled with lac, leapt up on the black field
(or garden-bed) squares (koshthikd).
The reference to chess in this passage appears to me to be quite satisfactory,
although neither the name of the game nor the chessboard is mentioned.
Had the race-game been intended, the men would almost certainly have been
called sari : the term nayadyutair , which Thomas translates chessmen, is
explained by the commentator as referring to chaturanga, and the comparison
of the frogs hopping from plot to plot to the lac-stained chessmen moving
from square to square is not inappropriate. From the mention of two colours
only we may perhaps infer that Subandhu was thinking of a two-handed form
of chess. Quite as interesting is the use of the word kosht'hika , a cognate of
koshphagara, for square. This word, meaning literally store-house or granary ,
is generally used in the sense of house , and thus presents a complete parallel
to the Arabic bait, house, and the Italian casa (French case), house, which are
both used in chess in the technical sense of square of the board. It has
sometimes been suggested that the Sanskrit term was used as a result of the
well-known Arabic legend of the reward bestowed upon the inventor of chess,
1 Compare E. Windisch, ZDMG., lii. 512.
D 2
Digitized by Google
52
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
a calculation which is so thoroughly Indian in character that it may be
supposed to be much older that the earliest record of it now existing. It is
more likely, I think, that the name kosht/hikd suggested the calculation of the
sum of the grains of wheat than that the calculation suggested the name
for the square of the board.
F. W. Thomas was the first to call attention to this passage in the
ZDMG . (lii. 271). In a later note (ibid., liii. 364) he called attention to
the use of the word varshdkala , 'time of the rains 1 , or 'the rains as Kala 1 ,
and endeavoured to establish the reference to Kala as a technicality of the
game. As his argument is based upon the assumption that the Indian
chessboard was already chequered in Subandhu’s time, it loses any weight
it might otherwise have had. The chessboard has only begun to be chequered
in Asia in our own time as the result of European influences. If the reference
to Kala has anything behind it, it is probably nothing more than the old and
widely spread commonplace that fate plays its game with men for pieces. 2
Slightly later than Subandhu is Bana, who lived in the early part of the
seventh century. Several possible references to chess have been discovered
in his works by Macdonell and Thomas. Macdonell first called attention
in the Athenaeum (July 24, 1897) to a passage in the Harshacharita , ‘the
earliest attempt at historical romance in Indian literature 1 , in which Bana
gives an account of Sriharsha (Harshavardhana), the famous King of
K&nyakubja, 8 and supreme ruler of Northern India from 606 to 648 a.d.,
under whose patronage the work was produced. The passage contains a
number of puns, and among others Bana in describing the peace and good
order of the realm remarks (Bombay edn., p. 86, 1. 11 ; Kashmir edn., p. 182,
1. 1) that
under this monarch (Sriharsha) . . . only bees (shatpada) quarrel in collecting dews
(dues) ; the only feet cut off are those in metre : only ashtapadas teach the positions
of the chaturanga , 4
This reference seems to me particularly clear, and the rhetorical figure
(parisankhgd) employed is admirably illustrated by the play on the two
meanings of the word chaturanga . The mention of the name of the game,
chaturanga , makes it plain that in this passage the word ashfdpada is used
in its original sense of a game-board, and not as the name of a game.
* A commonplace by no means confined to chess. Bhartrihari (D. 651), in his Vairagya -
if a taka or Century of Renunciation (89), referring to a game of the race type, says : * Where in
some houses was many a one there afterwards stands one, Where again one, there subse-
quently are many, and then too at the last not even one, Even so throwing day and night
like two dice K&la with Kftli plays, a skilful gamester with the living for pieces. 7 Similar
parallels are to be found in other literatures. Cf. Thomas, in ZDMO ., liii. 864 ; and v. d. Linde,
i. 48, for other instances.
Lfiders (op. cit, 40-8 and 52-4) has shown that kati is used in the poems in the Rigveda
and Alharvaveda as the name of one of the * ayas 1 : but there is apparently no reference to the
ayas here.
8 Modern Kanauj, now a ruined city on the banks of the Ganges, about 100 miles due
East from Agra. At this time it was a large and prosperous city, and a centre of Buddhist
influence. Hiouen Thsang, a Chinese Buddhist traveller who also visited Sriharsha’s court,
saw there a tooth of the Buddha. Under the Persian name KanQj, the town is associated by
FirdawsI in the SMhnama with the introduction of chess into Persia under Kliusraw I
Nushirwan, 531-79 a.d.
4 See the English translation by Cowell and Thomas, p. 65.
V
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
53
Thomas ( ZDMG ., lii. 272) has pointed to another passage of a highly
figurative character in the same work. In this Bana (Bombay edn., p. 10,
11. 10-12 ; Kashmir edn., p. 20, 11. 5-8 ; Eng. trans., p. 6) describes an angry
sage as
contracting a frown which, as if the presence of K&la had been obtained, darkened
the aahtapada of his forehead, and was the crocodile ornament which bedecks the
wives of Yama.
The scholiast explains ashtapada as chaturangaphalaka , i. e. the chessboard,
but there is nothing in the passage itself to require chess. The simile would
be suggested by the resemblance between the deep furrows on the brow
of the angry sage, and the dividing lines of the game-board. Thomas
suggested an explanation depending on the ‘ mottled squares of the chessboard 3 :
this is of course an anachronism.
Two passages also from Bana's Kadambari have been cited as possibly
containing references to chess. In Redding's English version they are thus
translated :
dice and chessmen (sdryaksheshu) alone left empty squares (p. 6),
and
Chandrapida went away at her departure followed by maidens sent for his amusement
by the poetess at K&dambari’s bidding, players on lute and pipe, singers, skilful dice
and draught ( ashtapada ) players, practised painters and reciters of graceful verses
(p. 152).
I do not think that we can accept either of these allusions as relating
to chess. The use of the word sari in the earlier passage makes it practically
certain that a race-game of the pachlsl type is intended. In the second there
is nothing to exclude the possibility that the older ashtapada game was
intended.
Much more certain are the two references from Kashmirian poets of the
ninth century which Jacobi gave in the ZDMG . in 1896 (1. 227 ff.). The
earlier of these occurs in the Haravijaya or V ictory of Siva (xii. 9), an extensive
mah&kavya or artificial epic, by Ratnakara, a poet who mentions B&labrihaspati
or Chippata-Jayaplda, King of Kashmir, 837-47, as his patron, and whom
a later writer, Kalhana ( Rdjataranginl , v. 34), states to have been celebrated
under Avantivarman, 857-84. The chess passage is worded with the double
meaning that was so favourite a device of the later Sanskrit poets. The poet
is speaking of Attahasa, one of Siva’s attendants, and if we read the passage
one way it describes him as one
who continually turned the enemy in spite of the latter's four-square force, of his
abundance of foot-soldiers, horses, chariots, and elephants, and of his skilled opera-
tions with peace ( sandhi ) and war ( vigraha ), into one whom defeat never left
(anashta-dpadam).
When read another way it may be translated —
who turned not into a chessboard (an-ashtapadam) the enemy who had a four-square
(chalurasra) form, who abounded in foot-soldiers horses ( ashwa ), chariots
(ratha), and elephants (< dvipa ), and who had the form ( vigraha ) of combination
(sandhi),
Digitized by
Google
54
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Le. according to Jacobi (op. eit., 228) and Macdonell (JR AS., 123), of two
halves folding together, with reference to the symmetry of the arrangement.
There can be no doubt from the mention of the four members along with the
askfapada that chess is intended, notwithstanding the non-use of the wor<^
chaturanga. The commentator, Alaka, son of Rajanaka Jayanaka, who
probably lived in the 12th c., so understood it, for he explains ashfapada as
chaturangaphalaka .
The second passage is from the Kavyalanktira , a work by a slightly later
writer, Rudrata, who is ascribed to the reign of Sankara varman, 884-903
(adhyaya 6). He is enumerating different kinds of stanzas, composed to
imitate the forms of various objects, and
speaks (v. 2) of verses which have the
shapes of
wheel, sword, club, bow, spear, trident, and
plough, which are to be read according to the chess-
board squares (chaturangapit-ha) of the chariot
(rat'ha), horse ( turaga ), elephant (gaja)> &c.
The commentator Nami, who dates his
work 1125 Vikr. = 1069 a.d., and who lived
in Guzerat, explains chaturangapi^ha as c/ia-
turangaphalaka, and adds the comment ‘ known
to players ’, and e/e. as nara , by which we are
to understand the foot-soldier (patti). 5
Rudrata next goes on to give examples
of these metrical puzzles, and Jacobi discusses
2. Rook a Tour (Rudrata). the c hess-puzzles at considerable length.
The principle of construction is as follows :
certain syllables are placed in the various
squares of a half chessboard in such a way
that whether the syllables be read straight on
as if there were no chessboard, or be read in
accordance with the moves of a particular
8. Elephant’s Tour (Rudrata). piece the same verse is obtained. The ability
to frame such puzzles argues considerable ac-
quaintance with the moves of the chess-pieces, and the metrical conditions
of the puzzle add largely to the difficulty of construction.
There is no difficulty in the cases of the ratlia pad a path a (chariot or rook
tour) and the turagapadajMha (Knight's tour). With the help of the com-
mentator the solutions are easily ascertained. The move of the Turaga or
Horse is identical with the existing move of the Knight. The Ratdia 9 s move
also is consistent with the existing move of the Rook. Both tours are so
constructed that they can easily be extended to cover the whole board.
Jacobi (op. cit., 229) notes that the Knight's tour appears to have been very
8 This last is absurd, for a Pawn’s tour is an impossibility. Perhaps a King’s tour was
intended.
1
30
9
20
3
24
11
26
16
*9
z
29
to
27
4
23
31
6
17
M-
21
6
25
12
16
15
32
T
26
13
22
5
1. Knight’s Tour (Rudrata).
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
55
popular, since the commentator Nami gives a sloka which names the squares
of the chessboard by akshara ka to sa.
The gajapadapdtha , or Elephant’s tour, presents considerable difficulty. In
the first place a complete tour is impossible of construction with the move
ordinarily associated with the Elephant (Bishop) in early chess. We have
accordingly to do here with an unusual move. If we examine the com-
mentator’s solution, exhibited in diagram 3 above, we see that it consists of
two halves, each occupying two lines of the board, that the two halves are
precisely the same, and that they are connected by a move from h7 to a6,
right across the board. Jacobi treated the diagram as containing two separate
solutions, each being an Elephant’s tour upon two lines of the board, and
ignored the abnormal leap that apparently connects them as inconsistent with
any move ever used in any ordinary game of chess. He then shows that
the moves in these two tours are consistent with a fivefold move which
al-Berunl records as in use in the Punjab in his time, which is still the
Elephant’s move in Burmese and Siamese chess, and which occurs in Japanese
chess as the move of the differently named piece which occupies the same
initial position as the Elephant in most varieties of chess. This move was
one to the four diagonally adjacent squares and
to the square immediately in front; see dia-
gram 3 on p. 59. Jacobi’s explanation is, how-
ever, met by the obvious objection that such a
move can easily be extended to cover the half
board without the necessity to use an abnormal
leap, and it is necessary to explain why it hap-
pened that Rudrata did not complete his tour in
an orderly way when apparently possible, before we can accept the explanation.
The fivefold move only admits one possible chess solution which is distinct
from a Rook’s tour, viz. that of the diagram on this page, where the lower rows
repeat the tour of the upper rows in the reverse direction. Rudrata’s problem,
however, is not solely or even in the first case a chess one, but is governed by
difficult metrical conditions — the syllables must give the same reading whether
read as written or read in accordance with the chess rules. A brief examination
of the diagram on this page shows that the tour there described allows the use of
only two different syllables in the third and fourth lines ; thus aababba , abbbabau.
The composer has to replace a and b by two syllables which will afford an approach
to a meaning when arranged according to this sequence. Such a task ap-
proaches sufficiently near to impossibility to justify the abandonment of the chess
condition in part ; the composer has carried out a task of quite sufficient difficulty
in providing two different metrical solutions for the tour over the two lines. 6
A still later allusion to chess occurs, as Weber pointed out, 7 in Halayudha’s
• See Jacobi (op. cit.). Rudrata’s tour would also be satisfied by the move of either King
or t^ueen in modern European chess, but in neither case would the metrical conditions have
presented any serious difficulty. Obviously it would only have been necessary to repeat the
two lower lines of the Rook’s tour.
1 Weber, Ind. Stud., viii. 193, 202, 230 ; and Monatsb., 1872, 60.
dlephanft c 7oun
Digitized by boogie
56
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
commentary on Pingala's Chandahsutra, which belongs to the end of the tenth
century. HalSyudha is discussing the form of certain metres, and incidentally
instructs the reader to
draw a table of 64 squares ( koshfhagara ) as in the game of chaturanga.
These passages include all the known references to chess in Indian literature
prior to the year 1000. We cannot claim that they establish much beyond
the existence of the game, or that we have travelled far from the € impenetrable
darkness’ of the earlier period. We can, perhaps, form some opinion of the
spread and popularity of the game in India from these allusions. We find
chess specially connected with the North-West of India, and the upper basin
of the Ganges ; we find it sufficiently well known in the 7th c. in this region
for it to furnish comparisons to the poets and romancers of the time, and so
well known in Kashmir in the 9th c. that not only did poets employ similes
derived from its special features, but that the ingenious also devised com-
plicated and difficult puzzles which depended for their solution upon a practical
knowledge of chess. The commentator on these puzzles shows that in the
11th c. the game was known in Guzerat, so that by that time we can safely
assert that a knowledge of the game was common to all Northern India. The
same century may have seen chess practised in the Deccan, if Dr. Biihler’s
statement that the Manasollasa of the Salukya (Solanki) Prince Somesvara
mentions chess among his recreations can be proved to be accurately translated. 8
It is not clear whether chess had reached the South of the peninsula in the
year 900, for the Arabic traveller, Abu Zaid as-STrafl, 9 when describing the
gambling habits of the inhabitants of the coast opposite Ceylon, only alludes
to nard and cock-fighting among their recreations. If, however, the date
assigned to the Sinhalese commeAtator to the Brahma-jala Sutta is correct,
chess cannot have been much later in reaching the South of India and
Ceylon.
The oldest foreign references to the practice of chess in India occur in
Arabic works. Two of these are of great importance, for in place of the
usual Arabic legends of the invention of chess which will be discussed in
a later chapter, they give us more or less detailed accounts of the game as
it was played in India at the time these works were compiled.
The earlier of these is a short note which probably formed part of the lost
chess work of the Arabic master al-'Adll, who was at the height of liis fame
about 840 a.d. The note is preserved in two later MSS. based in part upon
al-'Adll’s work, of which I have made great use in my chapters on the
Muslim chess. In AH (f 24a=C f 33a) the note concludes the section on
derivative games which is introduced by the rubric ‘ Al-'Adll has said \ which
throughout the MS. precedes extracts from this writer. In H (f 20) 10 the
8 Dr. G. Biihler, Allahabad, Mar. 26, 1874; in Monatsb ., 1875, 280-3.
• Quoted by Benaud, Relation des Voyages ; see Qst 259, n. 1.
10 See below, ch. x, for fuller particulars about these MSS. Both AH and H are compila-
tions from the works of al* ‘Adll and as-Suli, but each is completely independent of the
other.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
57
note is given in a much condensed form, but again concludes the same section
from al-'Adll's book. The passage in AH runs as follows :
And this form is the form of chess which the Persians took from the Indians,
and which we took from the Persians. The Persians altered some of the rules, as is
agreed. It is universally acknowledged that three things were produced from India,
in which no other country anticipated it, and the like of which existed nowhere else :
the book KalUa wa Dimna , the nine cyphers with which one can count to infinity,
and chess. The Indian claim to Astrology and Medicine is disputed by the Persians
and Greeks.
Of the Indian rules of chess, one is observed by the people of Hijaz, and is
called by them the Medinese Victory . If there be with the Kings two pieces, and
the King can take a piece, then which ever first takes, so that the other is left with
nothing, wins : for the other side will have been left at a particular time destitute
of comrades. This is an Indian rule according to which the people of Medina play.
Another Indian rule is that when the King cannot find a square into which to
move, and the other King has nothing wherewith to checkmate him, the first has
won. But this is not a Persian rule. 11
Another Indian rule is that the Elephant is placed in the corner, and omits one
square in a straight line to jump into the second in a straight line. And this it does
in all the squares of the board. Each Elephant has 16 squares, and the company of
Elephants can get into all the squares without collision. But in the form of chess
which we have taken from the Persians, and which is played now, the Elephants
have only half the board, and each Elephant has 8 squares. The number of squares
has been reduced because they go slantwise.
An Indian was asked why they put the Elephant in the corner, and replied that
the Commander of an army in which there are elephants must, owing to his
importance, be given the place of commander of either the right or left wing. The
Persians, however, think that he should be put next the King, being required for
pursuit or flight. The Rooks, he said, are horses in . . . (a lacuna, after which the
writer goes on to praise the horse and falcon, and discusses the relative precedence
of the kings of Babylon, India, China). . . . The value of the Indian Elephant is the
same as that of the Firzan (counsellor, the mediaeval Queen).
The second account is to be found in al-BerunPs India . The author,
Abu’r-Raihan Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Berunl, was bora at Khiva in
Khwarizm in 362/973 and lived in Hyrcania on the Southern shores of the
Caspian. He died at Ghazna 440/1048. He travelled into India but pene-
trated no farther than the Punjab, and, besides other works of a historical
and chronological character, he wrote c. 421/1030 an account of the religion,
philosophy, literature, chronology, astronomy, customary laws, and astrology
of India. His work is an extremely valuable record by a keen inquirer, but
unfortunately he appears to have brought away a rather hazy impression of
that variety of chess which was peculiar to India. In this, however, he is no
worse than the vast majority of observers even in modern times. He says : 12
In playing chess they move the Elephant straight on, not to the other sides, one
square at a time like the Pawn, and also to the four corners like the Firzan. They say
11 In H the passage runs thus : ‘ It is related that it is a rule of the Indian chess that
when the two Kings have a piece each in similar positions it is drawn, but if the opponent's
King can be bared (Ar. munfarid ), it is a win. Another rule is that when the King cannot
find a square to move into, and the other has nothing wherewith to checkmate him, the
confined one wins provided he has nothing else that he can move. This is a rule according
to the people of India, but not according to the Persians.'
11 Alberuni’s India, ed. by E. Sachau, Arabic text, 1887 ; English translation, 1888. The
chess passage occurs on i. 183-5 of the latter, and follows a reference to nard, in which we
Digitized by Google
58
CHESS IN ASIA
PAET I
that these five squares — i. e. the one straight forward, aud the others at the comers
are the places occupied by the trunk and the four feet of the Elephant.
They play chess, four persons at a time, with a pair of dice. Their arrangement
of the figures on the chessboard is the following :
As this kind of chess is not known to us, I shall explain what I know of it. The
four persons playing together sit so as to form a square round a chessboard, and
throw the two dice in rotation. Of the numbers of the dice the 5 and 6 are not
required. Accordingly, if the dice show 5 or 6, the player takes 1 instead of 5,
and 4 instead of 6, because the figures of these two numerals are drawn in the
following manner —
5 «
12 3 1
so as to exhibit a certain likeness of form to the 4 and the 1 in the Indian cyphers.
The name of King applies here to the Firzan (Minister).
Each number of the dice causes a move of one of the figures. The One moves
either the Pawn or the King . Their moves are the same as in the common chess.
The King may be taken, but is not re-
quired to leave his place.
The Two moves the Rook . It moves
to the third square in the diagonal direc-
tion, as the Elephant moves in our
chess.
The Three moves the Horse. Its move
is the generally kndwn one to the third
square in the oblique direction.
The Fovr moves the Elephant . It
moves in a straight line, as the Rook
does in our chess, unless it be prevented
from moving on. If this be the case, as
sometimes happens, one of the dice re-
moves the obstacle, and enables it to
move on. Its smallest move is one
square, its greatest 1 5 squares, because
the dice sometimes show two fours, or
two sixes, or a four and a six. In
consequence of one of those numbers,
the Elephant moves along the whole side on the margin of the chessboard; in
consequence of the other number it moves along the other side on the margin of
the chessboard, in case there be no impediment in the way. In consequence of these
two numbers the Elephant in the course of his move occupies the two ends of the
diagonal.
The pieces have certaiu values, according to which the player gets his share
of the stakes ; for the pieces are taken and pass into the hands of the player. The
value of the King is 5, that of the Elephant 4, of the Horse 3, of the Rook 2, and of
the Pawn 1. He who takes a King gets 5, for two Kings he gets 10, for three Kings
1 5, if the winner is no longer in possession of his own King. But if he has still his
own King, and takes all three Kings, he gets 54 — a number which represents a pro-
gression based on general consent, and not on an algebraic principle.
In the main this is a description of the four-handed dice-chess to which
I devote the next chapter. Falkener (139-42) thought that al-Berum only
are told that when two players sat down to nard, a third threw the dice for them. The
chess passage had been previously extracted, and v. d. Linde printed it in Qst. t 256-9, with
a translation by Gildemeister. I have made some slight alterations in Sachau’s version in
the light of Gildeineister's, and have excided an ‘also* which both insert in the first sentence
of the second paragraph. The diagram in Sachau’s edition has been reversed by mistake in
printing.
□
a
m
E3
SI
m
si
□
a
m
□
B
□
B
□
□
□
□
□
□
□
□
B
B
B
B
i
□
□
m
m
(7
m
□
□
Four-handed chess. After al-BSruni.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
59
refers to this game, and that he never saw the two-handed game in India.
But Falkener treats al-Berunl in a very cavalier manner, going so far as to
declare that he can have been no chess-player. On the other hand Sachau,
Gildemeister, v. d. Linde, and v. d. Lasa all agree in thinking that al-Berunl
did see both games in India, and the last two writers think that it is possible
to infer from his describing the four-handed game in terms of the ordinary
chess, that he regarded the former game as a modification of the latter. This
seems to be going too far: al-Berunl, writing for Arabic readers, would
naturally explain the Indian game by comparing it with the Muslim game
that his readers knew. But I think it is quite clear that al-Berunl did see the
two-handed game in India, firstly from the fact that he gives two descriptions
of the Elephant's move ; secondly from the curious clause that the name of
the King applies also to the Firzan. Four-handed chess is still played in
India, and it is usual to use the ordinary set of chessman for the purpose.
The two allies share out the men of one colour, and one uses the f Queen ' as
l.
Indian Four-handed chess.
2. Indian (al-'Adli).
The Elephant's Move in early Indian chess. 15
3. Indian (al-B$runi).
a King. I believe that the clause refers to this custom, and that it accordingly
presumes the existence of ordinary chessmen and consequently a knowledge
of the two-handed game.
The fivefold move of the Elephant has been felt to be a difficulty.
Falkener suggested that al-Berunl must have obtained it from Japanese
chess ! But there was no necessity to go so far afield. The move exists
in the Burmese and Siamese games, and Rudrata's tour raises the presumption
that it existed in the Punjab or at least in Kashmir before al-Beruni's visit.
Moreover, the al-'Adli account shows that the move of the Elephant was not
fixed in India. We have records of no less than three moves of this piece
having been tried in India, and with the discovery of this uncertainty the
difficulty that has been felt ought to disappear.
These three moves are exhibited in the diagrams on this page. The first,
a diagonal leap, became the widest spread, and it is probable that it is the
9
15 A * squares to which the Elephant can move from his present position. B = other
squares accessible to him in course of play. The dot shows the squares accessible to the
players other Elephant.
Digitized by Google
60
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
oldest move. It is the only one which passed westwards, and it exists in
Chinese chess also. It became again at a later date the ordinary Indian
move. Al-BerunI records it as existing in the four-handed game, though
in connexion with the Rook. The appearance of the other two moves may
have been due to a feeling that the original move was not in harmony with
the value of the elephants in war. In actual life they were highly esteemed
as one of the most potent divisions of the army ; on the chessboard it must
have soon become evident that the Elephant was the weakest of the major
pieces. The obvious remedy for this want of verisimilitude was to increase
the power of move of the chess-piece. Al-'Adl! records one such . attempt.
The power is evidently increased, twice as many squares are now accessible
to each Elephant, and one or other of the four Elephants on the board
can now reach each of the 64 squares ; the power is now estimated to be
equal to that of the FirzSn (counsellor). The attempt which al-Berunl records
appears to be a later one, and it has proved more enduring. It has the
advantage of fitting in with the peculiarly Indian idea that the elephant
is a five-limbed animal, which has resulted commonly in the description of
the trunk as a hand. The move also gives the piece a higher value which
has been estimated as rather mor$ than that of a Knight. This move appears
to have been in the main associated with Buddhist centres, and its dis-
appearance from India may be connected with the overthrow of Buddhism
there.
Al-'Adlfs statement that in India the Elephants occupied the corner
squares is the earliest reference to the uncertainty in the position of this
piece, to which I have already referred. From a comparison of the existing
information the following points become clear.
(1) In the four-handed game the piece with the Rook's move stood next
the King, and the piece with the Elephant’s move stood in the corner. The
piece next the King retained the name of Elephant.
(2) Two authorities (al-*Adl! and the late Vaidyanatha, see later) transfer
this arrangement of the moves to the ordinary chess, so that the piece with
the Rook’s move stood next the King, and the piece with the Elephant’s
move stood in the corner. In these cases the names were also interchanged,
and the Elephant stood on al, &c.
(3) By the 17th c. generally the piece with the Rook's move had been
definitely fixed on the corner squares, but changes were introduced in the
nomenclature. To-day three main divisions may be made. The original
nomenclature. Chariot al, Horse bl, Elephant cl, is the usual nomenclature
in Northern India and in the Maldive Islands. The inverted nomenclature,
Elephant al. Horse bl, Chariot cl, is the rule in the extreme South of India
among the Tamils, Telugus, and Kannadis. A new nomenclature, Elephant al,
Horse bl, Camel cl, is widely spread. It has been noted as far North as
Delhi, and is the rule over the greater part of Central India and the Deccan.
From al-'Adll we learn that the Indian rules varied in two particulars
from those of Baghdad. One of these variations relates to Stalemate , a situa-
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
61
tion without parallel in war, which is a consequence of the limited area of
the board, and the method of play by alternate moves. The rules regarding
Stalemate have varied all through the history of the game, and this old
Indian rule by which the victory is given to the player whose King is stale-
mated, illogical as it is, reappeared in England from 1600 to about 1800.
In India the rule has long been replaced by other conventions. 14
The other relates to the ending which, following the usage of early English
chess, I call Bare King . In early chess the player who was robbed of all his
men lost the game. Occasionally it happened that at the close of a game
both sides were reduced to the King and a single piece, while the player
whose turn it was to move could take the enemy's last piece, leaving his
own piece en prise . Indian — and Medinese — players counted this a win to
the first player on the ground that the opponent was first bared. Persian,
and Arabic players generally, reckoned such an ending as drawn.
Chess must have received a great stimulus in India as a result both of
the Muhammadan invasion and conquest of North-Western India, begun
before 750 and completed by 1100, and of the settlement in South-West
India of Persian (Parsi) refugees in search of an asylum where they could
still practise their Zoroastrian religion. But while the Parsis appear to have
adopted the native Indian method of play, the Muslim* conquerors brought
with them their own game, and have retained it ever since almost entirely
free from Indian influence. It is probably due to this Muslim conquest that
the references to the ordinary two-handed chess that I have been able to collect
for the 11th to 18th centuries are drawn entirely from Central and Southern
India.
It is a very remarkable fact that in these Southern works, chess, the two-
handed game of pure combination, is no longer called chaturanga , but has
received a new name. The exact form of this name varies from one authority
to another, but in every case the word is a compound of the Skr. buddhi,
intellect, and all the forms may be translated by the one English name, the
Intellectual Game} 5 But it is perhaps even more remarkable that the name
chaturanga appears side by side with the new name of chess as the name
of a dice-game. It has generally been assumed that this was a two-handed
dice-chess, but this does not seem to have been the case. All the evidence
goes to show that this dice-chaturanga was a game closely allied to the
original ashtapada game, if not that game itself.
I imagine that the explanation of this strange transference of name is
as follows. The invention of chess did not interfere with the popularity
of the asht&pada game, and for a long time the games existed side by side,
the race-game preserving its old name, and chess being known as chaturanga.
Gradually the term c ashtapada ' passed out of use : we have already seen how
commentators of the older literature found it necessary to explain ashtapada
by chalurangaphalaha, chessboard. At the same time the original meaning
14 Cf. my paper Stalemate , BCM 198, 281-9.
u I have noted in the older literature the forms buddhidyuta and !ar Ida buddhibald>rita ; and
in modern Marathi works the forms buddhibalakrlda and buddibcUachd.
Digitized by Google
62
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
of ‘ chaturanga 9 was forgotten and the word was known in colloquial language
merely as the name of a game, the game played on the chaturangaphalaka.
The time then came when — possibly only in Southern India, far from the
original home of chess — ‘ chaturanga , was used indifferently for both games
played on the chessboard. With the necessity for discrimination between
two games so different in character, the name ‘ chaturanga 9 became confined
to the more popular game, which happened to be the race-game, and a new
name had to be found for the less popular game, chess. A name was chosen
which admirably described the distinctive feature of chess, its freedom from
the sway of chance, and its presentation of a struggle between two minds
for the mastery. To-day chess is practically unknown to the natives of
Ceylon, but the race-game on the board of 9 x 9 squares is known in Ceylon
and Southern India as Saturankam or Chaturanga , 16
This Southern Indian use of chaturanga as the name of a race-game
provides a satisfactory explanation of certain statements by commentators
which have hitherto puzzled chess-writers. Thus Govardhana (12th c.) in
his Saptasatl mentions a poor woman who lives and dies, tormented by the
fire of separation, and revives again at a kind look from the eye of the
villain (lit. player , but the word had obtained the derived sense of villain from
the unfair play that the gambler so often employed) like a sari. The com-
mentator Ananta (1702 without era, therefore either 1646 or 1780) adds,
* i. e. like a chaturanga- man ( chaturangagH\ikd , lit. chess-horse), which, as often
as it dies, i.e. is placed out of the game, is always again restored by the fall
of the dice.’ Similarly, the undated commentator to DhanapSla's Bishabhapan-
chasika ( c . 970 a.d.) explains the obscure passage — ‘ The living beings become
like sari on the board ( phalaka ) of life, although torn from the senses (i.e. set
in motion by the dice) if they espy you (the point of the board) not sharing
in imprisonment, murder and death * — as referring to chaturanga . For
Dr. Klapp’s consequent mistake, see ZDMG ., xxxiii. 465, and Qst., 5. The
chaturanga of both these scholiasts is, I feel certain, the race-game, not
chess. 17
18 Parker, op. cit., 5S6 and 605-7. A drawing of the board and implements of play in
Saturankam was given on p. 89. The full account of the method of play which is given by
Hr. Parker may be summarized thus: Two curious hollow brass. four-sided dice Q marked
1, 8, 6, 4) called Ktmadi (Skr. kshema , prosperity + dita , pp. of */da, to give) are used. They
are rolled between the palms and then along the table. Each player has two men called
topparei ; if two play, the men are coloured red and black. The middle squares of opposite
edges are points of entry (kafti), the central square the point of exit ( tdchi ) ; the plain squares
are termed kddu in Tamil, gotta in Sinhalese. Each player begins by placing his men in his
katfi. They throw the dice in succession ; the total of the two throws may be divided in any
way to secure suitable moves of the two men, or may be used to move one only. Doublets
secure a second throw. A player must move if he can. The cross-cut squares are points of
safety ; but either player oan * chop ’ an opponent's man on a plain square by playing to the
same square, or to a square beyond. A chopped man is removed from the board and can only
be entered by a throw of 1 + 1 which enters it on the katf t. In order to enter the tdchi , the
player must throw the exact number required. It is best to bring up both men together,
for the total throw can still be divided at choice. If 1 only be required the player must
throw 1 + 1 before he can go out, even though he have only one man to play out ; similarly
double 8 and double 4 must be thrown to issue from a point 8 or 4 respectively from the
tdchi. Sadurangam, a similar game on a board of 5 by 5 squares, is in the Museum fQr VOlker-
kunde, Berlin, as played by both Hindus and Muhammadans (see diagram, p. 89).
17 Nllakant ha also refers to this game in his note on the Harivamsa^ quoted on p. 86, n. 31.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
63
The same game is obviously intended in the passage quoted by Weber 18
from a MS. of 1475 Samvat (= 1419 a.d.) of the Sinhasanavatrinsika , in which
a gambler discourses at length to King Vikramaditya on the different games
that he knows and their special excellencies, among them being chaturamga .
Chess and this race-game chaturanga appear in sharp contrast in the
PanchadandachaMraprabandha , a Jaina version of the tales of King Vikra-
maditya, 19 which contains many Persian words and is not older than the
15th c. In the story the King is set the task of defeating the daughter
of a wise woman thrice at play. The King offers her the choice of games,
and like Yvorin's daughter in Huon of Bordeaux , she prefers not to risk her
reputation upon the chances of the dice.
The king said : ‘ What game will you play ? * She answered, * What are the
other games worth, ramdhika , nd/a, chashi , lahalya, chaturamga-mri , pasika, &c. ?
We will play the intellectual game ( bvddhidyuta )/ 4 As you wish \ said the king.
The king ordered a board ( phalaka) to be brought ; the game was arranged on both
sides : Prince ( nripa ), Counsellor ( mantri ), Elephants {hasty), Horse {asva), Infantry
(paddey), and Forerunner {agresara). They began step by step to play the moves (?).
The king decided naturally upon an involved game, and he began to play with the
help of his invisible Sgnika.* 0
The list of the pieces leaves no doubt as to the identity of huddhidyuta
with chess. All the original members of the chaturanga are here except
the Chariot, whose place is taken by the Forerunner {agresara). Weber (op.
cit.) and Gildemeister (< Schaakwerld , 1875, 330) see in the use of this term
one of the Persicisms so frequent in the work, and recall the occasional use
of the Per. mubariz y champion, as an epithet of the Rook in the Shahnania .
But there is no evidence that the Persians ever gave the piece any name
except Rukh , and this explanation has nothing to recommend it. I think
we must regard it as entirely Indian. There has always been a greater
variety in the names of the pieces in Indian chess than in the game elsewhere.
We have a very important section on chess at the end of the fifth book
(the Nitimayukha) of Bhatta Nllakant’ha's great encyclopaedia of ritual, law,
and politics, the Bhagavantabhdskara . This work was written about 1600 or
1700 at the command of Bhagavantadeva, son of Jayasinha. The fifth book
treats of monarchs, their anointing and consecrating, the whole course of the
royal method of life, and the instruments by which the king governs. One
of these is the army {bala) } and in this connexion Nllakant ha permits himself
a digression in which he speaks of the game which depends not on mere
material force but on mental powers. 21
1. After the discussion of the foregoing subject, viz. the deportment of kings,
which is most important for princes, Nilakant'ha, the son of Samkara, describes the
intellectual game {bricfa buddhibalasrita).
Ind. Stud., iv. 419 ; cf. Qst., 4.
19 Ed. by Weber, M&rchen von Konig Vikramaditya , Berlin, 1877, 18.
M The dice-game is also mentioned on p. 88 (ed. cit.). He said : ‘ I am a player ruined by
ohaturaipga, who dwell in the mountain region, and have lost my wife at play. I will give
you up to the Bhilla in the great wood and release my wife.’
n Weber, Monatab., 1873, 706-85. Sanskrit text and German translation.
/
Digitized by Google
64
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
2. We draw eastwards 9 lines and also northwards 9 similar lines upon a piece
of cloth, or on a board or on the ground. Thus we obtain the board of 64 squares
(< catukskasktipadd ).
3. We mark the corner squares with geese-feet, also the two middle squares
in the same lines, also in the centre we mark 4 squares, and we arrange the warring
forces of the two armies on the board.
4. On the two centre squares of the last 8 squares stand the King (raja) and
Counsellor (mantri), by them the Camels (t tsJdra), then the two Horses {vdha), then
the two Elephants (danti). In the next row are placed the 8 Pawns ( patii ). The
host on the other side is arranged similarly, and both are ready for battle.
5. The King moves straight and aslant to 8 squares; the Counsellor aslant
only; the Camel (karabha) moves similarly but it passes over a square in the
middle like a chain ; the Horse (c ajl) passes over a square different from the square
lying in the straight line into 8 aslant squares. The Elephant (kunjara) moves
straight out to all squares in its file. The Pawn goes straight forwards.
6. It takes always moving obliquely. When it arrives at the last square,
it becomes a Counsellor when it is returned thence to the square it occupied
previously. If it arrive at the end on a goose-foot it becomes a Counsellor at once,
and not ouly after the return to the former square. Thus the rule is correctly
taught according to the regulation.
6*. Dividing itself by non-repetition, and variety, the game is doubly desired.
There is a division for the square, and what is placed upon it, and through this
the first is doubly desired. (Text corrupt, and meaning doubtful.)
7. Hereupon the two Pawns (padaii) which stand before the two Counsellors
(aacAmi), and along after them the two Counsellors themselves are to be moved two
squares distant. Also another piece which goes one square distant is advanced
at the same time by others.
8. A piece standing in the way does not hinder the Horse (A aya) and Camel
(ushtra) from going and coming. The Horse and the rest hinder the Elephant ( gaja )
if they stand before it.
9. The two Pawns (patti ) which are placed next the back corners of the
Counsellor are firm, so also are the two which go in the chain behind the Camel.
10. This army placed in double array w hich accomplishes the slaughter of the
enemy according to the usual arrangement is called dtiralAaM.
11. If the Elephant (Jripa) is placed in the centre opposite to the opposing
King after the removal of his own, it is called kadsa.
12. No piece should be placed without protection, and it is desirable to protect
by a weaker piece. It is not proper to protect another piece rather than the King.
The slayiug of the King is yet considered proper.
13. Imprisonment is counted as a defeat of the Kiug. If the King is left
entirely alone it is reckoned a half-victory, if he is checked 64 times in succession
he is also held to be defeated.
14. When a Kiug is imprisoned without standing in check, and no other of his
pieces can move, he may slay the piece of the enemy in his vicinity which
imprisons him.
15. If a piece remains over in the army of the imprisoned King, the player
of it counts up the counter-marks (?) ; then he adds 2 for himself and doubles
the sum. (Meaniug not clear.)
16. When he has finished, he numbers the marks, if there are 64 against him,
he loses. If he has as many he is equally defeated, if he has more the result is
reversed.
Immediately following this text are three Knight’s tours, the solutions
of which are concealed by syllables written on the chessboard, which, when
read in the correct order of the tour, yield a connected text. These tours are
not only re-entrant, but also to a certain extent symmetrical, and the verses
Digitized by Google
chap, ii CHESS IN INDIA 65
are all based on the same tour, starting from different squares. 22 The text
begins : —
Draw a diagram of 64 squares, write the syllables sim na hi beginning in the
S.W. (top right-hand) corner, and also in the N.E. (bottom left-hand) corner.
Afterwards move the Horse by reading these syllables, sri sim , hana, See .
The solution to the first diagram, ascribed to a king of Sinhaladvlpa
(Ceylon), is —
There was a rich host of wise men under king Sri Sinhana. They knew how to
move the Horse into every square, a move at a time.
The second diagram is ascribed to Nllakant'ha's father, Samkara.
Samkara moved the Horse from his square by 63 leaps in the incomparable
palace of Prince Harness surnamed NarAyana.
The third diagram is solved by a poem, which
concludes : —
Thus again Nllakant/ha moved his Horse from
here.
It is accordingly Nllakant*ha's own.
It has generally been assumed that Nlla-
kant’ha describes a game that has been largely
influenced by Persian usages. This view de-
pends mainly upon Weber's clever conjecture
that the two technical terms durokhasa and
kdtisa were Sanskrit transliterations of Persian
terms — du-rokashah (two Rooks-King, i. e.
the game in which these pieces have their usual positions) and kaf-i-shah
(the migration of the King, i. e. the game of transposed King and Rook).
This, however, is entirely a matter of nomenclature, and I can detect no other
evidence of Persian influence. The method of play is unlike that of the
Persian Shafranj, and the rules are throughout essentially Indian. We may
account for the two Persian technicalities by ascribing their introduction to
Parsi players.
Nllakant'ha's account of chess is on the whole clear and intelligible ; the
few obscurities only concern minor points, such as the method of calculating
the result in the case of stalemate. The instructions for describing the
chessboard are very interesting ; the scratching of the diagram on the ground
is contemplated, and the marked squares are carefully defined. Apparently the
arrangement of the chessmen is the normal one, and the two Kings are placed
upon the same file (see § 11). The want of fixity in the names of the pieces
is typically Indian. The name of each piece is constant, but four different
names are used for the Elephant, three for the Horse, and two each for the
** The first two tours were resolved by Weber, Monatsb ., 1878, the third by Stenzler (ibid.,
1874, 21-6). The three tours are really identical, the second starting at 19 and ending at 18,
third starting at 2 and ending at 1. The same tour occurs in the Persian MS. Sard&mama
(Oxf. 189).
1S70 X
□
B
□
□
□
□
□
E
a
m
□
E
m
□
D
B
a
52
u
□
m
□
1 .
m
a
□
D
□
ss
m
ES
□
□
D
Knight's Tour (Nilakant'ha).
Digitized by Google
66
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Camel, Counsellor, and Pawn. I infer from this that Nllakant*ha was ac-
customed to play with carved pieces which reproduced the actual figures of men
and animals. The two players (7) commence the game by each making a double
move : Pd4 and Qd3, Pd5 and Qd6. Some players moved a third man on this
move, apparently a second Pawn. The initial double step (9) is only allowed
to the Pawns on the a, d, and h files ; the other Pawns can move only one
square at a time. Promotion (6) is connected with the marked squares ; the
Pawn ‘ queens 9 at once on the marked squares a8, d8, e8, h8 ; but elsewhere it
has to make some further move — apparently to the square it had occupied the
previous move, but the text is not sufficiently explicit. Checkmate and
Perpetual check are wins, Bare King a half win. A King in a position of
stalemate is allowed to remove the piece which confines him : the final result
of this position apparently varies with circumstances.
Nllakant'ha's rules are important as the earliest statement of the rules of
the native chess of Southern India. In some points his rules approximate to
rules observed in Malay chess ; in others they show a remarkable similarity
with the rules associated with the German village of Strfibeck. In common
with existing forms of Indian chess (specially the form I call Parsi c/iess) are
the restrictions on the double step of the Pawn, and the abnormal method
of playing the first move. In contrast are the rules of Pawn promotion.
Slightly later than Nllakantha is a work by VaidyanathaPSyagunda, who
lived in the first half of the 18th century or later. This work has for title
Ckaturangavinoda , The Game of Chess, but only the last chapter of 44^ slokas
treats of the game. The text of the unique MS. 23 is hopelessly corrupt, and
Weber could only give a few extracts. It deals with the ordinary two-handed
game without dice. Beyond this we only know —
The Chariots ( ratha , syandana) occupy the corners, next to them are the Horses
(turaja), then the Elephants (dvlpa, ndgmdra , naga)\ and in the centre are the King
(raja, nripa) and his Counsellor ( mantri ). The 8 Foot-soldiers (padati) stand in
front. ...
The Chariot leaps diagonally into the third field. . . .
The Horse goes (?) to the corners of a square standing on 4 squares. . . .
The Elephant goes in the 4 streets. . . .
The Counsellor goes one or two or all squares diagonally. . . .
The King goes to all the squares round about. . . .
The Pawn goes one field forwards, and takes to both sides. . . .
The special points about this description are: (1) the name cliatvranga is still
used for the ordinary two-handed chess, (2) the original names of the pieces
remain, (3) the Chariot and Elephant have interchanged moves, precisely as
al-Bfirunl describes in the case of the four-handed game, and (4) the Counsellor’s
move is approximating to the modern move of the Queen : it is apparently
identical with our Bishop's move.
I have now come to modern days, when Europeans were again coming
23 In private hands in Gujarat. Cf. G. Buhler, Catalogue of MSS. from Gujarat , ii. 84. Tho
MS. consists of 69 leaveB of 18 lines. The final section was seen by Weber in transcript.
See Monatsb 1874, 24-6.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN INDIA
67
into direct contact with India. We possess no satisfactory accounts of Indian
chess in the descriptions of the early voyages to the East. A few sets of
native chess were brought home, and Hyde obtained some from Sheldon
and describes them in his Mandragarias , . 24 Forbes (162—3 and 249-51) quotes
from two English volumes' of memoirs of the close of the 18th cent, some
references to games between Europeans and natives, but the information is
too unscientific to be of much value.
84 Hyde, ii. 128-4. See also Lambe, HisL Chess, London, 1764, 26-82. Hyde’s drawings
are reproduced below, pp. 8$, 89. * d t , , ^
E 2
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER m
CHESS IN INDIA. II
The Four-handed Dice-game. — The account in Haghunandana. — The Method of
play. — The modern four-handed game.
In the present chapter I propose to deal with the history and practice
of the four-handed chess of which I have already given an early account
from al-BSrunl's India. Considerable reference has been made already
to this game in the concluding pages of Chapter I, in connexion with the
Cox-Forbes theory of the ancestry of chess, in which it plays an important
part. Present opinion, on the other hand, regards the four-handed game as
only one of the many modifications of the two-handed chess which have
appeared from time to time in Asia. From this point of view, one of the
most remarkable features of this variety of chess is its unusual vitality.
Al-BerunT wrote his description of the game c. 1030. The Bengali account
which Forbes used is contained in a work written somewhere about 1500.
The game — reformed by the abandonment of the dice — is still played in India
to-day. Modifications of chess have not as a rule exhibited such powers of
life. Special circumstances may give them a certain vogue for a time, but
with the removal of these influences the game has generally fallen into
complete disuse.
The only clear ancient reference to the present variety that I know in
Indian literature occurs in Kalhana’s Raj alar angini , a metrical chronicle of
the Kings of Kashmir, which M. A. Stein, the English translator, dates
114S-9 a.d. The passage 1 runs : —
The king, though he had taken two kings ( Lothana and Vigraharaja ), was
helpless and perplexed about the attack on the remaining one, just as a player
of chess (who has taken two Kings and is perplexed about taking the third).
He had no hidden plan (of game) to give up for its sake (his figures). Yet he
did not pay any regard to his antagonists who were taking his horsemen, peons and
the rest.
This seems to be a quite satisfactory reference to the highest form of victory
possible in this game — chaturaji.
We are fortunate in possessing two descriptions of this four-handed game
which Sir William Jones and later writers have designated chaturaji .* The
earlier of these — al-Beruni's — has been already cited; the later — Raghunan-
1 Kalha?a’s Rdjataranginl , tr. M. A. Stein, Westminster, 1900, ii. 284, Bk. viii. v. 2969-70.
* Although in the first place probably due to a misconception as to the meaning of the first
sloka, the name is convenient, and has been used by Macdonell and others to designate this
variety of chess.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
CHESS IN INDIA
69
dona's — was given in translation by both Sir W. Jones and Forbes. Van der
Linde gave in the Geschichte (I, Beil., 3—13) the Bengali text and a German
version, which Weber had prepared at his suggestion from the three known
texts of the slokas in the Tithitattva . 8 Weber’s German version has served
as the basis of the following translation : —
Yudhisthira having heard of the game of chaturanya applied to Vyaea for
instructions concerning it.
Yudhisthira said —
1. Explain, O supereminent in virtue, the game on the eight times eight board.
Tell me, O my master, how the Chaturdjl may be played.
Vyasa said —
2. On a board of eight squares place the red forces in front, the green to the
right, the yellow at the back,
and the black to the left.
3. To the left of the King
(raja), O Prince, place the
Elephant ( gaja ), then the
Horse (astoa), then the Boat
i nauka), and then four Fawns
vati) in front.
4. Opposite place the
Boat in the corner, O son
of Kunti ; the Horse in the
seoond square, the Elephant
in the third.
5. And the King in the
fourth. In front of each
place a Pawn ( vatikd ). On
throwing 5, play Pawn or
King ; if 4, the Elephant
(kunjara).
6. If 3, the Horse ; if 2,
them, O Prince, the Boat
must move. The King
moves one square in every
direction.
7. The Pawn moves the same, only forwards, and takes what happens to be
in either angle in advance ; the Elephant moves at pleasure in the four cardinal
directions.
8. The Horse ( turamga ) moves aslant, crossing three squares at a time; the
Boat moves aslant two squares at a time, O Yudhisthira.
9. Sinhdsana , Chaturdjl , Nripakrishta , Shatpada, KaJcakdshtha, Vrihannaukd ,
NcMkdkrislUapracharaka.
10. The Pawn and Boat take whether they can be taken or not, O Yudhisthira;
the King, Elephant, and Horse (hayas) take, but avoid being taken themselves.
11. The player should guard his forces with all possible care; the King,
O Prince, is the most important of all.
12. The most important may be lost if the weaker are not protected, O son
of Kunti. As the King’s chief piece is the Elephant, all others must be sacrificed
to save it.
13. To enable the King to obtain Sinhdsana or Chaturdjl all other pieces — even
the Elephant — should be sacrificed.
3 See p. 48, n. 50.
pH
Wm
a
■
□
□
□
El
m
j.’ . -
□
□
□
□
BBS
»
CD
«
a
b
D
D
D
a
a
0
1
m
m
CD
jHj|
Four-handed chess. After Baghunandana.
Digitized by Google
70
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
I. SIN HAS AN A (A throne),
14. If a King enters the square of another King, 0 Yudhisthira, he is said
to have gained a Sinhdsana.
15. If he takes the King when he gains Sinhdsana, he gains a double stake;
otherwise it is a single one.
16. If the King, O Prince, mounts his ally's throne, he gains a Sinhdsana,
and takes over the command of both armies.
17. If a King, seeking a Sinhdsana, moves six squares away, lie is exposed
to danger although he still seems well protected.
H. CHATURAJl (The four Kings).
18. If you still keep your own King, and take the other Kings, you obtain
Chaturdji.
19. If your own King slays the others in obtaining Chaturdji, you gain a double
stake ; otherwise it is a single one.
20. If the King slays the other Kings on their own squares, his stakes are
fourfold.
21. If, at the same time, Sinhdsana and Chaturdji are both possible, the latter
deserves the preference.
III. NRIPAKRISHTA (Exchange of Kings).
22. If you have two Kings in your hand, and your own King is still there,
the King who is taken by the enemy is taken back again.
23. If you have not the two Kings in your hand although the enemy has the
other, the King must kill a King at his own risk.
24. If a King marches out through the njripdkrishta, he must be killed for death
or life. There is no rescue afterwards.
IV. SHATPADA (The move of six squares).
25. If a Pawn reaches the edge excepting in the corner and the King's square,
he assumes the power of the square, and this procedure is called the Shatpada.
26. If Chaturdji and Shatpada are both obtainable, O Prince, Chaturdji naturally
has the preference.
27. If the Pawn's Shatpada is marked with King or Elephant (hasti), it cannot
assume it.
28. If the Pawn stands through ten (?i. e. for many moves) on the seventh
square, the weak forces opposite can be slain at pleasure.
29. O son of Kunti, if the player has three Pawns left, according to Gotama,
he cannot take Shatpada .
30. If, on the contrary, he has beside the Boat only one Pawn, it is called gddJtf * ,
and no square matters to him.
V. KAKAKASHTHA (A draw).
31. If there are no forces left upon the board it is called Kdkakash{ha . So say
all the Rakshasas. It is a drawn game.
32. If there be a fifth King created by the Shatpada of a Pawn, and he is taken,
it is a misfortune. He will then slay as he moves the moveable forces. (Meaning
doubtful.)
33. If this happens a second time the victor slays the hostile forces.
34. If, 0 Prince, KdkakdshfJia and Sinhdsana happen together, the latter
preponderates, and no account is taken of the other.
VI. VRIHANNAUKA (The Boat's triumph).
35. If a square is occupied, and on the four squares behind it the four Boats
are collected, he who causes this to happen by his Boat obtains all four ships.
36. The gaining of the four Boats is called Vrihannaukd.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
CHESS IN INDIA
71
VII. NAUKAKRISHTA (The exchange of Boats).
(There is a gap here.)
. . . Never place an Elephant opposite another Elephant.
37. That would be very dangerous. If, however, there is no other square, then,
O Prince, Gotama says the Elephant (hasti) may be placed opposite the Elephant.
38. If you can take two Elephants ( gaja ), slay that to the left.
This description is rather fuller than that given by al-Berunl, but in the
main the two accounts appear to be consistent with one another. It is, how-
ever, defective towards the end ; and the rules that define the circumstances
under which the exchange of Boats was permitted are wanting. The last
slokas seem to be out of place, and Weber moved them to the close of the
opening portion, following sloka 11, while Falkener has attempted a more
extensive rearrangement of the poem. 4
So far as the names, positions, and moves of the pieces, and the interpre-
tation of the throws of the. dice go, the two accounts are in agreement, except
that the Bengali text substitutes a Boat for the Rook or Chariot, and
al-Berunl contemplates the use of a cubical die in the place of the oblong
die of the poem. 5 The cubical die is, however, only a substitute for the oblong
die, since the other throws (the 1 and 6) are made equivalent to two of the
throws of the oblong die. The change, of course, disturbs the chances of the
game (if a dice-game throughout) by leading to a more frequent use of
the King, Pawn and Elephant, with a consequent shortening of the game.
It is probable that the replacement of the Rook or Chariot by the Boat
was confined to Bengal, where the same change has been made in the
nomenclature of the two-handed game. It is most probably the result of an
attempt to discover a meaning for the Muslim chess term rukh , which had
been introduced into Northern India in consequence of the Muhammadan
conquest. The original meaning of the word rukh was not generally known
either by the Persian or by the Arabic grammarians, and many popular
etymologies were current among them. The Hindu in Bengal associated
it with the Sanskrit roka , a boat or ship, and carved the chess-piece accordingly.
Once carved so, it is easy to see how, with the loose nomenclature used in our
Indian authorities, it became usual to employ the more ordinary term, nauka ,
for the boat in Bengali.
It will be seen in the sequel that the Boat has replaced the Rook in
Russian, Siamese, Annamese, and Javan, probably in most of these cases
independently. If this explanation of the origin of this term in Bengali is
correct, it is another argument for the late date of the passage in the
« Falkener’s order (pp. 125-8) is slokas 1-8. 10-12, 36b-88, 9, 14-20, 18, 21-25, 27-80, 26,
85, 86, 31-34. His translation, in which he had the assistance of Prof. Bendall, has been of
some service in the preparation of my rendering.
5 Long dice— generally of hard wood, two inches or so in length — are still common in
India, and are used in the game of chaupur. The general arrangement of the pips is 1 + 6,
2 + 5. Such a die, now called p&s&, was found with the chessmen at Bambra-ka-thfil by
Mr. Bellasis (see p. 89). The chaturaji die would presumably have had faces 2 + 5, 3 + 4.
I do not know of the existence of any dice with this arrangement in any European collec-
tion.
Digitized by Google
72
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Tithitattva , since it puts the appearance of the Boat at a date subsequent
to the Muslim invasion of India.
It is a peculiarity of the game that the King is not obliged to move when
attacked, and that the King is liable to capture precisely in the same way
that every other piece is liable in the ordinary game. Indeed, the whole game
seems to have had for its aim the capture of as many prisoners as possible.
Al-BerunI tells us that every piece had its definite value, and the division
of the stakes was governed by the number and value of the pieces taken.
The value of the Pawn is I, of the Rook (Boat) 2, of the Horse 3, of the
Elephant 4, of the King 5. If a player preserved his own King and captured
the other three, he obtained 54. Al-BerunI was unable to explain the reason
for this number and regarded it as a mere convention of the game. But it is
the exact value of the other three armies when calculated in accordance with
his figures, and thus represents the highest score possible, and it may have
been obtained in that way. It then agrees with the poem, where this mode
of winning is given as the most profitable. The poem only deals with the
stakes realized by the capture of the Kings or the taking of their thrones.
The victory appears to be estimated in a different way from that described
by al-Berunl.
The scale in the poem may be summarized thus : —
Naur.
Fork of Victory.
Prize.
ChaturfijI
A King captures 3 Kings on their original squares . . .
Fourfold stake.
A King captures 3 Kings not all on their original squares
Double stake.
A player captures 8 Kings not necessarily by his King
Single stake.
Sinh&sana .
A King captures a King on its original square ....
Double stake.
A King occupies the original square of any other King .
Single stake.
The game is played by four players allied in pairs. In the poem red
and yellow are allies, green and black. The nature of the alliance does not
clearly transpire: it can hardly have been very cordial and sincere, when
it was equally profitable to capture the ally’s King or an enemy’s King,
and a necessity for the gain of the most profitable victory. The poem adds
a further inducement to treachery in the privilege that the seizure of the
throne of the ally’s King involved the elimination of the ally, and secured
the sole conduct of the two armies.
We do not know for certain how the move circulated. The analogy of
other four-handed Indian games, PachlsI, Chaupur, &c., would require the move
to go round in a counter-clockwise direction. From the advice in sloka 38
to take the Elephant on the left in preference to that on the right, Forbes
argued that the move went in the opposite direction, and prima facie his
argument seems sound.
When we come to the actual method of play, further difficulties appear.
Both accounts speak of the use of dice to determine which of the various men
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. Ill
CHESS IN INDIA
73
are to be played, but neither account is sufficiently explicit, and while al-
B8runl speaks of a pair of dice, the poem does not seem to contemplate the
use of more than a single die. Nor is it stated anywhere with absolute
clearness that the die or dice are to be employed throughout the game, though
I think that the continuous use of the dice is implied from al-Berunfs curious
disquisition on the Elephant’s move, and I see nothing in the poem incon-
sistent with the use of a pair of dice. Neither source again has anything
to say as to what was done in cases in which the dice gave impossible moves.
At the outset no Elephant can move. With two dice such as al-B6rum
prescribes, the chances are 2 to 19 on the throws 4, 4 or 6, 6, which can
only be met by a move of the Elephant, and 11 to 10 on one of the dice
giving a 4 or a 6 ; with a single die the chances are 1 to 3. Did the player
lose his turn, or could he throw again ? And when the game had been some
time in progress, many throws must have been quite impossible to use. A
player loses his Horse, for instance, and the throw of 3 is useless. Did
the game as it went on resolve itself more and more into a long and wearisome
succession of shakes of the dice-box with moves upon the board at greater
and greater intervals, and, if so, what were the elements of vitality that
kept the dice-game alive for at least 500 years ?
To these questions there is no certain answer possible. The various
solutions that have been suggested will be briefly discussed in the Appendix
to this chapter. It is not a difficult matter to construct a playable game
of chance out of what we know by framing a code of laws to meet all the
cases which the two accounts leave uncertain. But it would be a hard matter
to prove that any such conjecture had accurately reproduced the original game ;
while the existing . four-handed Indian game affords but little help, for the
game is no longer played with dice, and it is to the use of the dice that
all the uncertainty is due.
The rules of pawn-promotion (the ska\pada) are rather vague. It is
clear that the Pawn could only be promoted at the edge opposite to that from
which it started to move, for otherwise there would be no reason for the
exact term shafpada (six steps). Promotion is not allowed on the squares
originally occupied by King or Elephant (27) ; these are two of the marginal
marked squares , and in the ordinary game promotion is facilitated, not pro-
hibited, on these squares. No Pawn can be promoted until a Pawn has been
lost (29), and probably also, though not explicitly stated, until the master-
piece of the file has been lost. Probably in such a case it is debarred from
moving to the 8th rank. Promotion is to the rank of the master-piece of
the file (25). But when a player has lost all his superior men save his Boat
and one Pawn he may promote this Pawn on any square of the opposite edge
to the rank of any piece, King included (30, 32).
The four-handed game would appear to have been played chiefly in Bengal,
the North-West Provinces, and the Punjab. Sir William Jones's authority,
the Br&hman Radhakant, told him ‘ that the Brahmans of Gaur or Bengal
were once celebrated for superior skill in the game, and that his father,
Digitized by Google
74
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
together with his spiritual preceptor Jagannath, now living at Tribeni, had
instructed two young Brahmans in all the rules of it, and had them sent to
Jayanagar at the request of the late Baja, who had liberally rewarded them.’ *
According to Baghunandana the four-handed dice-game was chiefly played
on festivals like that of the full moon, when it is occasionally incumbent
upon the worshippers to keep watch throughout the night. He states that
on these occasions it was customary to relieve the tedium of the night with
games of dice, and specially with chaturajl. I know of no living authority
who has seen this game so played. None of the modern Indian chess-books
which I have consulted mention the game as a living variety of chess, and
the two which make any reference to it at all have obtained their knowledge
of it from European works, and only include it for its historical interest.
The Hindu Bam Chandra Pradan, in reply to questions from v. d. Linde in
1874 (v. d. Linde, i. 79), had never heard of this dice-game and declined to
believe in its possibility.
On the other hand, a four-handed game of chess played without dice
is still played in India. Bam Chandra Pradan told v. d. Linde that he
had often seen this non-dice form played. The opposite players were partners,
and chessmen of only two colours were used. It has been seen more recently
in the Punjab at Nausbahra, near Peshawar. Mr. J. Cress well, who has
recorded the fact, 7 was shown the game at the conclusion of an ordinary game
of chess which he had been watching. Three of the players were Muham-
madans, the fourth a Hindu. They used the ordinary chessmen, dividing each
colour between the allied players, and using the Farzln* ( Counsellor s, * Queen* ’)
to supply the places of the two extra Kings required. The partners sat
opposite one another, the game was played without dice, and there was no
wager on the result, nor any value attached to the prisoners taken. He was
informed that the game terminated
(1) when one side succeeded in capturing both of the opposing Kings;
(2) when one side succeeded in capturing all the opponent’s men excepting
the Kings ;
(3) when all four Kings were left bare ; in which case the game was
drawn.
On this occasion there was no exchange of captured Kings, no attempt
to capture the partner’s King, and no promotion of Pawns was necessary.
In the Autumn of 1909 I met a young Punjabi from Lahore who was in this
country for purposes of education. He told me that shatranj was played in
Lahore either as a two-handed or as a four-handed game; the two-handed
game was the more usual.
Although these modern authorities speak of the use of the ordinary chess-
men of the two-handed game being used, special sets for the four-handed
game are not unknown. Mr. Falkener possessed a fine set in two colours,
• Or is not R&dhakant here referring to the ordinary two-handed game? It is not quite
clear to me from Sir W. Jones's paper that the four-handed game is intended.
7 See BCM.y 1900, 6. The particulars in the text were sent me by Mr. Cresswell, in reply
to a series of questions.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
CHESS IN INDIA
75
in which the Rooks are Boats, and has given a photograph of it in his
Games , 8fc. (facing 119).
The modifications in the method of play which Mr. Cress well describes
appear to be natural ones after the removal of the dice and the abandonment
of the method of scoring based upon the numerical values attached to the
pieces taken. The game has gained in strategy, and the alliance between
the partners is now straightforward. There is no longer any point in captur-
ing the partner’s King, and each side can devote its entire energies to the
task of winning without fear of treachery. Rules for Pawn-promotion prob-
ably exist, but from the nature of the game they can only seldom come into
operation.
This is the game which in the Cox-Forbes theory is the primitive chess.
Forbes discovered the seed from which our chess was to spring in the privilege
that a player who gained his partners throne henceforward secured the sole
conduct of the two armies. He considered that this manoeuvre was an object
of prime importance, and that it would often happen * that after some 20 or
30 moves, the contest remained to be concluded between two players only'.
Moreover, he finds the use of the dice not only alien to the spirit of the game,
but forbidden by the rigid law and religion of the Hindus. It is a small
step to imagine that two players often sat down to chaturajl, and played it
from the start without using dice at all. To unite the allied armies of red
and yellow along one edge, to move the allied armies of black and green from
their respective sides to the other edge, to replace two of the Kings by Viziers,
are changes which appeared to Forbes with the advantage of the knowledge
of the two-handed game, simple, obvious, and natural.
I feel bound to differ. Quite apart from the historical difficulties narrated
in Chapter I, which appear to me to be insuperable, the transformation
so glibly described seems to me unnatural, unlikely, and incredible. The
value of the manceuvre by which the third and fourth players are eliminated
seems exaggerated so long as the moves are dictated by dice, and the possi-
bility of its successful accomplishment is much smaller than Forbes imagined.
It will take a King seven moves at least to reach his partner's throne, and he
must move right down the front of the two opposing armies, exposed the
whole way to attack and possible capture. The probability of seven fives
turning up in the first 20 or 30 throws is extremely small. Again, undue
weight is laid upon the religious and legal ordinances against the use of dice.
Nothing is more certain than the continuous . existence of gambling in India
from the earliest times, and the two divinities, Siva and Parvati, are often
depicted playing a dice-game. The theory of the final transformation I leave,
as I believe it condemns itself.
Digitized by Google
76
CHESS IN ASIA
PABT I
APPENDIX
ATTEMPTS TO RECONSTRUCT THE FOUR-HANDED GAME
Of the two old descriptions of the game, that of al-Berunl contains most informa-
tion as to the practical play, the Bengali poem being mainly concerned with advice
to the player as to the considerations which should guide him in making captures
or exchanges, and with a description of the different values of the various forms of
victory. The rules governing the division of the stakes need not detain us now,
except in so far as they suggest aims to be kept in view through the game, since
they do not affect the broad question as to how the game was played. Both
authorities agree in the initial positions of the forces, and in the moves of the pieces
and the interpretation of the throws of the dice.
5 (including 1) K or P moves.
4 (including 6) Elephant (with move of our R) moves.
3 Horse (with move of our Kt) moves.
2 Boat or Rook (with move of Elephant in diagram no. 1 , p. 59) moves.
Turning to al-B€run!’s account, we notice that he speaks of the use of two dice,
though he does not explain how they were to be used. It only appears incidentally
from his note on the Rook's move that the dice are to be thrown simultaneously,
although this would of course be the natural conclusion one would draw in any case.
Nor is the method of interpretation of the throws at all clear. There would seem
to be five possible ways of using the throws. These are : (1) The sum total of the
pips might be taken and interpreted as laid down above. But this does not
harmonize with the account of the Rook's move, and of the 2 1 (or, supposing the two
dice are distinguishable the one from the other, 36) combinations possible, 12 (21)
give totals of 7 and upwards, and are unintelligible. (2) One die gives the piece to
be moved, the other prescribes its move. But this again does not harmonize with
the Rook’s move, and, besides, both King and Horse have more than six moves open to
them in some positions, and the cubical die could not distinguish between more than
six. (3) A combination of (1) and (2), which would involve the difficulties of both at
the least. (4) Only one of the throws is to be used at the option of the player.
This would reduce the number of unintelligible throws, and allow for the exercise of
a certain amount of discretion. But again the Rook’s move is a difficulty, unless
there is a special privilege attached to the throw of doublets. If so, 5 . 1 and 6 . 4, as
meaning 5 . 5 and 4 . 4 respectively, would have to be counted as doublets. If both
dice could give moves in such cases, this hypothesis satisfies the account of the
Rook’s maximum move. (5) . Both throws are used, and the players may, if the dice
both give intelligible moves, play two moves simultaneously. This also satisfies the
Rook’s move. The solution appears to me to rest between (4) and (5), and the
latter of these is the less complicated in working.
The analogy of Pachlsi may help to solve some points. In this game a player
has considerable liberty with regard to his use of his throws. In the first place he
continues to throw and play until he throws one of the three lowest throws of the
eight possible. There is accordingly nothing un-Indian about the simultaneous play of
V
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
CHESS IN INDIA
77
two or more moves, and the orderly succession of alternate moves is not an absolute
necessity. In the second place, a player may decline to take his throw when it is
his turn, or even if he throw, he may decline to play the throw if he would spoil his
position by so doing.
Of previous writers, only Forbes and Falkener have attempted to lay down rules
for the game, though v. d. Linde experimented with the game, and published the
results in the Schachzeitung (1874, 33). Forbes, who only contemplated the use of
the single die, suggested that a player forfeited his move when the die gave an
unintelligible throw, and cited the analogy of English backgammon. This receives
some support from the rules of the Arabic dice oblong chess (see Ch. XVI). Falkener
considered that the die was only used to determine the first move, and was discarded
afterwards, because ‘the game is too ingenious to be subject to a chance which
would render inoperative the most brilliant conceptions, and by which the worst
player, having luck on his side, might defeat the most skilful And he surmounted
the difficulty of an unintelligible throw occurring at the start, e.g. a 4, by supposing
that there are only four openings, and that ‘ the throws of the die on starting meant
one of the principal pieces or its pawn, and this seems supported by the Rajah and
its Pawn being mentioned together for the first throw, verse 5 (of the poem)/ But
an examination of the sloka, upon which he relies, does not support his interpretation.
The throw of 6 moves a King or a — not his — Pawn. There are also not four, but nine
possible opening moves (one of each Pawn, one of the B, two of the Kt, and two of
the K), and his argument about the ingenious nature of the game ignores the root-
idea of dice-games. It is precisely the possibility that he deprecates that is the
fascination in the use of the dice.
I have satisfied myself by trial that a playable game is possible, using two dice
throughout, on the basis of allowing either both throws to be used, or only one, at
choice. But these are not the only ways of constructing playable games from the
material supplied by al-Berunl and the Bengali poem.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER IV
CHESS IN INDIA. Ill
The modern games. — Three main varieties of chess played. — Summary of the nomen-
clatures. — The crosswise arrangement of the Kings. — Hindustani chess. — Parsi
chess. — Standard of play. — Specimen games. — Native chessmen. — The problem.
Chess is played at the present time over the whole of India and the
adjacent islands. There is, however, no absolute uniformity of rule as in
Europe, and native writers tell of three main types of play as existing in the
peninsula, to which they give the names of the Hindustani, the Parsi, and
the Ruml chess. Of these the first two appear to be the modem descendants
of the original Indian chess, while the third may be traced back to the Muslim
game which has been introduced by the Muslim conquerors of Northern India.
The rules of this Rum! chess have been fixed for the last hundred years, and
the game seems able to resist the influence of the European moves and rules
of play. Neither the Hindustani (North Indian) nor the Parsi (South Indian)
game exhibits the same fixity of rule; it is not always easy to classify the
type of game described by European observers ; both games are very susceptible
to the influence of the European chess, and there are also everywhere local
peculiarities of rule. The characteristic feature of both games consists in the
rules of Pawn promotion. Native observers say that these games are gradually
losing ground, and there can be little doubt that in the long run both forms
will be replaced by the European chess.
Although it is convenient to collect together in the present chapter the
nomenclature of all types of Indian chess, I only propose to deal here with
the Hindustani and Parsi games — those which I regard as the modern repre-
sentatives of the older Indian chess. The Ruml game will be described later
in Ch. XVII, with the other modem forms of the Muslim chess with which it
is intimately connected.
Naturally in a land that contains so many different languages as India,
the names of the chessmen vary from place to place with language or dialect.
The game itself is called shitranj ( shatranj ) in the Muhammadan regions : in
the Deccan and Southern India the name, as already stated, is a compound of
the word buddhi , intellect. The information that I have been able to collect
as to the names of the chessmen is exhibited in the following table. For
purposes of comparison I include the earlier nomenclature from the passages
quoted in the two preceding chapters.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
79
Reference
K
Q
B
Kt
R
P
Primitive chess (conjectural)
raja
mantri
hasty 1
ashwa
r&^ha 2
paddti
Ratn&kara, c. 850 ....
—
—
dvipa 1
gaja 1
ashwa
ratha 8
patti
Rudrata, c. 875
—
—
turaga
ratha *
Pafichadandracliattra-
prabandha, c. 1450.
nripa
mantri
hasty 1
ashwa
agresara 4
pad&ty
Raghunandana, c. 1500 . .
r&ja
nripa
gaja 1
kunjara 1
hasty 1
ashwa
turaqiga
hayas
nauka 8
vati
vatika
Kllakant'ha, 1600-1700 . .
r&ja
mantri
saciv&
!
ushtra 8
karabha 8
v&ha
vajl
haja
danti 1
kunjara 1
gaja 1
dvipa 1
patti
pad&ti
Vaidy&natha, c. 1725. . .
r&ja
nripa
mantri
dvipa 1
n&gendra 1
n&ga 1
turaja
ratha 8
syandana 8
pad&ti
Muslim (Hyde), 17th c. T
| sh&h
wazir
fil 1
suara
rukh 8
piyada
Parsi (Hyde), 17th c. . .
sh&h
ferz
hate hi 1
cahura
ruch 8
chajer
MOGHUL 4 Persian, Delhi,
1890*.
sh&h
wazir
farzin
fil 1
asp
rukh 9
piy&da
Hindi, Delhi, 1890® . .
sh&h
wazir
mantri
unt 8
ghora
hat-lii 1
paida
paidal
Bengali, Calcutta, 1857 9
Bengali, Burd wan, 1909 9 4
raja
mantri
gaja 1
gaj 1
pil 1
ghora
nauka 8
piy&da
raja
mantri
daba
ghora
taawa
nauka 8
boray
Hindustani, Benares,
shah
wazir
fil 1
asp
rukh 8
piyada
1886. 10
padsh&h
farzin
ghora
ratha 2
kashti
paidal
ditto, Saharampur, 1887 11
sh&h
badsh&h
farzin
fil 1
asp
rukh 8
piy&da
Hindi, Benares, 1884 18 .
padsh&h
wazir
pil 1
ghora
rukh 2
piyada
Hindi (Gillay), 1901 18 .
rajah
wazir
voutay *
ratha 2
kutherai
ashwa
array 1
athi 1
pathay
PARSI. Bombay (Himley)
paasa
wazir
Ot 8
ghora
hattlii 1
qal'e 6
p&da
Maidive Is. (Culin) . .
padshah
wazir
fil 1
asp
ghora
ashwa
rukh 2
burj 6
hasti 1
piyada
Bombay (Weber), 1874 .
r&ja
mantri
ushthra 8
padati
MARATHI. Poona, 1893 14
rfija
wazir
unt 8
ghora
hat-thi 1
piyada
Bombay, 1898 15 . . .
r&ja
wazir
unt 8
ghora
hattl 1
piyada
KANNADI (Gillay), 1901 18
dorai
munthri
prathani
voutai 8
theru 2
kutherai
ashwa
array 1
pathay
?ELUGu|<° iUa ^ 1901 “
dorai
munthri
voutai 2
ther 2
kutherai
ashwa
array 1
algo
sepoy
1 Meaning Elephant.
8 Meaning Chariot. In this connexion the following note, contributed by the Sanskrit
scholar H. T. Colebrooke to Hiram Cox’s paper On the Burmha Game of Chess, is of importance.
It exactly describes the position with regard to the replacements of the Rook in India.
4 Another sort of Chaturanga, the same with the Persian and the Hindustani chess,
is played by two persons, and without dice. In Bengal, a boat is one of the pieces at this
game likewise ; but in some parts of India a camel takes the place of the bishop, and an
elephant that of the rook ; while the Hindus of the Peninsula (I mean those of the Carna-
taca above the Gh&ts) preserve, as I am informed, the chariot among the pieces of the game.
I found also in an ancient Treatise of Law, the elephant, horse, and chariot, mentioned as
* pieces of the game of Chaturanga. The substitution of a camel or of a boat, for the chariot,
is probably an innovation.* 8 Meaning Camel.
4 Meaning Forerunner or Scout. 8 Meaning Boat or Ship.
6 Meaning Castle. Of very doubtful authority, and in any case conscious translations
from English or French. 7 Hyde, ii. 87 ; from Garcias ab Orte as used by the Moors in
India. 8 From Durg&pras&da and Lala Raja Babu. 9 From Sri Brahman&nda.
From Mr. G. B. L. Singha ( Chess Amateur, 1909, 294).
10 From Syamakisora. Parker ( Ancient Ceylon , 586) gives the colloquial pronunciation in
Upper India as shatrlft ; K. sh&h; Q. farthlr; B. fil ; Kt. ghOdft ; R. rukh ; P. piy&tha or
.paithal ; the accent on shatren being on the last syllable, and the final n being nasalized. In
farthlr, piy&tha, and paithal the th is pronounced as in then. 11 From Dalchand Bulandshahri.
18 From Ambik&datta Vy&sa. 18 Communicated by Mr. K. A. Gillay of Dusserah, in
ihe Deccan. 14 From Vinayaka Rajarama Tope. 18 From Mangesa R&makrishna Telanga.
Digitized by
80
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
The initial arrangement of the men in the Hindustani and Parsi games
is exhibited in the accompanying figure. The only difference between this
arrangement and the European one consists in the relative positions of the
Kings and Ministers (Counsellors, Viziers — our Queens). In the European
game both Kings stand on the same file and the white Queen stands on her
King’s left and the black Queen on her King's right. In the Indian games
each Minister stands on the King’s left , and as a result each Minister faces
his opponent's King. 16 This* method of arranging the pieces, conveniently
termed crosswise, is now the rule in all games of chess upon the board of
64 squares that are played in Southern Asia, with the exceptions of Burmese
and Rum! chess. In Turkish chess, Egyptian chess, and these Indian games
the Minister stands on the King’s left : in Persian chess and the Malay games,
on the King's right . This diversity of plan makes impossible the explanation
favoured sometimes that the crosswise
arrangement had its origin in considera-
tions of court etiquette which forbad
the Minister to stand on a particular
side of his sovereign. The most pro-
bable explanation is that it is a result of
the unchequered nature of the Oriental
chessboard, which prevented the growth
of conventions which could be de-
fined by reference to the colour of
particular squares, as is the case in
modem European chess. In their fullest
form granting the right of beginning
the game to the player of a particular
colour, these conventions are quite re-
cent in origin, and are merely matters
of convenience to secure uniformity and even conditions of play; they are
not essential to chess, and have no real importance for the theory of the game.
If the need were felt for similar conventions for the arrangement of the chess-
men upon an unchequered board, it is obvious that the arrangement can only
be defined in terms of the relative positions of King and Minister, and the
crosswise arrangement gives no real or imagined advantage to either side.
But the change seems to have been made without remark, and, so far as the
evidence goes, it appears to be of quite recent introduction. It was not the
rule in Nllakant ha's account of the Indian chess, and the Persian MS. Y, 17 *
copied in Delhi in 1612, still shows the European opposite arrangement. The
earliest reference that I know to the crosswise arrangement in any country is
contained in the passage from Hamilton's Egyptiaca (London, 1809) which
is quoted later (p. 357).
16 One authority only, Mr. G. B. L. Singha of Ukhara, near Bardhwan in Lower Bengal,
puts the Minister on the King’s right His account of chess ( Chess Amateur , 1900, iii. 294, 327,
857 : i\r. 6, 70) differs from all other accounts in many particulars.
17 See below, p. 179, for particulars about this MS.
The Modern Indian Chess.
C = Camel ; E = Elephant.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
81
In Hindustani chess the ordinary moves of the pieces are identical with
f the European pieces occupying the equivalent initial positions. The
iephant, chariot, boat) moves as our Rook, the Horse as our Knight,
..cphant (camel) as our Bishop, and the Vizier (minister) as our Queen.
King (raja, padshah) moves to any of the squares contiguous to the one
is occupying, and in addition he is permitted once in the game, whether he
lias already moved or not, to leap as a Knight, but this privilege is lost if he
be checked before he has availed himself of it. The Pawns move straight
forward one square at a time only, and capture in the same way that is the
rule in the European game. Singha in his account (which in many ways
describes a game that seems more like the Farsi chess) adds the information
that the King cannot capture on his leap, nor exercise it to cross a square
which is commanded by a hostile piece.
A Pawn which arrives at the 8th row receives promotion to the rank of the
master-piece of the file, i.e. a Pawn reaching a8 (al) or b8 (hi) becomes
a Rook, reaching b8 (bl) or g8 (gl) a Horse (Kt), reaching c8 (cl) or f8 (fl) an
Elephant (B), and reaching d8 (dl) or e8 (el) a Vizier (Q). The possibilities
of promotion are further complicated by the rule that no Pawn may be pro-
moted until the player has lost a piece of the rank that the Pawn must adopt
on reaching the eighth row. Before a Pawn can be promoted to an Elephant
(B), that particular Elephant which could reach the ‘ queening * square must
have been lost. A player may not have on the board more pieces of any kind
than he had at the commencement of the game. Accordingly, we have
a further rule that no Pawn on the 7th row can be advanced to the 8th, until
its immediate promotion is legally possible. Thus a player with an advanced
Pawn on d7 cannot play Pd8 so long as he has a Vizier on the board : if he
wishes to ‘ queen * this Pawn, he must first sacrifice the existing Vizier.
During this pause the advanced Pawn enjoys no immunity from capture :
it can be taken like any other piece. 18
The game is played from the commencement by alternate moves, precisely
as is the case in the European game. 19
1§ According to Singha every Pawn except the KtP can on obtaining promotion im-
mediately make a move with its new power and even capture an opposing piece, provided
(1) it does not give check (kisti) on the promotion square, (2) the promotion square is not
commanded by an opposing piece. If the KtP is a sdra piece (i. e. the only piece left to the
player), it can also make this privilege move under the same limitations. He gives the
foUowing examples of the move and its limitations :
(1) White, Kf2, Pg8, Ph7 ; Black, Rc8, Kd7. White plays Ph8 = R, but cannot on this
move take the black R ‘because the black R commands the 8th row’.
(2) White, Kh2, Pg3, h7 ; Black, Kd7, Rc6. If Black plays Rh6 + , White has a valid
reply in Ph8 = R and takes R.
(8) White, Kh2, Pg2, h7 ; Black, Kd8, Pc7, Rb6. If Black now plays Rh6 + , White
cannot reply as in the preceding, since Ph8 = R is check.
( 4 ) White, Kh8, Pg7 ; Black, Kd7, Pb6, Qdl. Black plays Qh5 + , and White can play
Pg8»:Kt and Kth6 because it is a sdra piece.
(6) White Kh8, Pg7 ; Black, Ke7, Pb6, Qdl. Black plays Qh5 + . White cannot now
play as in (4), for Pg8 » Kt is check.
This privilege is unknown to all my native authorities for the Hindustani chess, and
looks to me to be derived from an indistinct recollection of a special feature of the Parsi
chess. The indistinctness of the recollection has made the privilege the exact opposite of
what obtains in the Parsi game.
,f Here again Singha is at variance with all other authorities. He says that the game
i*to F
Digitized by Google
82
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Three conclusions of a game are recognized —
checkmate, which is identical with the European checkmate: the Urdu
term is mat.
burd, or half-win, when a player succeeds in capturing all his opponent's
superior pieces, whether he leave him any Pawns or not. 20
bazl qa’im, or draw, when both players are left with a single piece.
Singha terms this termination chaturbolla .
Stalemate is not recognized, and a player is not permitted to make a move
which stalemates his opponent. 21 Perpetual check is recognized as a drawn
game, but the game must not be abandoned, 60 says Durgaprasada, until
check has been given 70 times in succession !
The following specimen of Hindustani chess is taken from the Benares
work of Syamakifora. The Kings are to be placed upon el and d8 :
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
1 Pe3
Pb6
19 Q x Kt** Q x R
37 Ra8 +
Ke7
55 P x P
Bb4
2 Ktf3
Bb7
20 Bal
Ql>5
38 Rx R
Bx B
56 Ph6
Bc5
3 Pg3
Pc6
21 Bfl
Qh5
39 R x P
B x Kt
57 Kd2
Bd4
4 Bg2
Pd6
22 Bg2
Pe5
40 K x B
Qd3 +
58 P x B +
KxP
5 Pd3
Pc5
23 Qa3
Kte4
41 QxQ
PxQ
59 Ph7
Pe3 +
6 Kc2
Pe6 , ->
24 Qx P +
Kc7
42 Rx P
Ke6
60 Kel
Kc3
7 Rfl
a
25 Ra6
Pd5
43 Kel
Pe4
61 Rd6
Pd2 +
8 Kgl
Ktc6
26 Q x P +
Kd7
44 Pc4
Ba5 +
62 Ke2
Kc2
9 Pb3
Rc8
27 Ra7
Rc7
45 Kdl
Pf6
63 Rd3
Kb2
10 Bb2
Kb8
28 Kt x Kt P x Kt
46 Pc6
Kd6
64 Ph8 = R
Kc2
11 Pu3
Be7
29 Ktd2
Qdl +
47 Rb7
KxP
65 Ra8
Kb2
12 Pc3
Ktf6
30 Ktfl
Qd5
43 Rb5
Bc3
66 Ra8-a3
Kc2
13 bKtd2
Kta5
31 Ra5
Rc5
49 Ph3
Kd6
67 Rd3-c3 + Kb2
14 Pb4
PxP
32 Px R
Bd8
50 Pb4
Ke6
68 Ra3-b3 + Ka2
15aPxP
Ktc6
33 Qb5 +
Bc6
51 Ph5
Pf5
69 Rb4
Kal
16 Ra4
Kte5
34 Ra7 +
Bc7
52 Rb6 +
Ke5
70 Ra3m.
17 Qal
Kt x P
35 Bh3 +
Kd8
53 Rg6
Pf4
18 Qa3
Kt x B
36 Qa6
Bd7
54 Pg4
PxP
The Parsi chess differs considerably from the game that I have just
described. The moves of the superior pieces are the same, except that the
King is allowed to make his single leap as a Knight out of check, and can
even capture a hostile piece by it. 23 But the Pawns* moves are quite different.
is commenced by each player in succession making two moves in one turn. This again
resembles the Parsi rules. He gives a number of examples of opening play, e. g. (Kings on
dl and eS) : I. 1 Pd8 and Pc8, Pe6 and Pd6 ; 2 Ktd2, Pg6 ; 8 Pg3, Bg7 ; 4 Bg2, Ke7 ; 5 Pe3,
Ktf6 ; 6 gKtf3, Rf8 ; 7 RfJ, Kg8 ; 8 Ke2. Pe5 ; 9 Kgl, Ac. II. The Opening Gangebandi. 1 Pd4,
Pd5 ; 2 Pe8, Pc6 ; 8 Pc3, Ktd7 ; 4 Pf3, Pe6 ; 5 Pe4, Be7 ; 6 Bd3, gKtf6 ; 7 Be3, Qc7 ; 8 Ktd2,
Pb6; Ac.
80 Singha makes no mention of this ending. Since he gives the term Fakir as meaning
a solitary King, and also gives endings in which one player has no superior piece left, it is
clear that it was disregarded in the variety which he describes.
** Singha says there is no stalemate * because it is a draw \ I do not understand what he
means. Parker (op. cit.) gives the term Burod, i. e. burd, as equivalent to stalemate. In this
he is certainly wrong. He gives the other technicalities kisht , check ; shah kd kisht , check to
the King ; Farthl ko kisht , check to the Queen ; marna , to take, lit. kill ; ghar , or khdna ,
a square of the board, lit. house ; chalna , to move.
» Or 19 RxaP, Ktc4 ; 20 Ktx Kt, RxKt; 21 Qal, Qc6.
** So Lala Raja Babu, and the writer in CPC., 1843, 149-52. Tiruvengad&chkrya and
Oillay, however, state that the King cannot exercise his power of leaping as a Knight after
he has once been checked, and that he cannot take a piece on the leap. This makes the rule
identical with the Hindustani rule given above. Another European observer, CPM ., 1866, 84,
Digitized by Google
/
chap, iv CHESS IN INDIA 83
Each of the four Pawns which stand in front of the King, Vizier, and Rooks,
i.e. on the a, d, e, and h files, is allowed the full European initial move, so
long as the master-piece of the file, which stands behind the Pawn it is desired
to play, has not been moved. The other four Pawns, as in the Hindustani
game, can only move one square at a time. 24
There is also some variation with respect to Pawn-promotion. It is not
dear from my authorities that the restriction to promotion of a BP, which
I have recorded in the case of the Hindustani game, obtains in the Parsi game.
On the other hand, the Pawn which is promoted on the Knights* files is
specially privileged. When the player moves the Pawn from the 7th sq.
to the 8th, and promotes it to the rank of Horse (Kt), he can, if he choose,
on the same move, make a further Knight's move with the newly promoted
piece. 26 There are also some local peculiarities with regard to the Pawn
promoted on its King’s file. According to one European writer ( CPM ., 1866,
35), the Deccan player was at liberty in this case to select the rank of any
piece that he had already lost for the promotion-value of this Pawn. Another
observer (CPC., 1843, 150) extends this privilege to a Pawn queening on the
Vizier*s file also. Tiruvengadacharya and Gillay, both native authorities,
give the rule as I give it for Hindustani chess.
At the commencement of the game, the player who has the move begins
by playing a certain number of moves in succession. In so doing he is not
allowed to cross into the opponent’s half of the board. The native chess-
books generally speak of 4 or 8 moves being played in this way, 26 but the}'
give examples of arrangements which they recommend for use which require
from 4 to 9 moves. Mr. Gillay told me that 4 moves were usually played
in Northern, and 3 in Southern India, ‘as the player wishes to bring the
King in a good position*. Lala Raja Babu says that in Parsi chess the
players commence by playing 4 simultaneous moves. When the first player
has made the number of moves that had been agreed upon, or which suited
his plans, the second player proceeds to make an equal number of moves
with the same restriction that he must keep to his own half of the board.
At the conclusion of this rearrangement of the forces the game continues by
alternate moves, precisely as in European chess. The earliest trace of this
custom is to be seen in the chess passage which I have quoted from
Nilakant*ha. The native player Tiruvengadacharya Shastri defends the
says of the Deccan, ‘Some of the native players, through their intercourse with Europeans,
have introduced the practice of castling. Hence I have seen them practise castling in
a great variety of strange fashions, and I once observed a player move his King to Bishop's
2nd sq., then leap the R to K sq. over the heads of B aud Kt, and finally place his K in the
corner, all these evolutions being considered as one move’.
44 All authorities agree that the manoeuvre P takes P in passing is quite unknown.
The opportunity for it could hardly occur.
* In some parts of S. India, this additional leap is compulsory. Tiruv. says: ‘ If the P
be on the Kt's file, the Kt, immediately on being made, takes one move in addition to the
last move of the P, unless some other piece command the square to which the P was
advancing.' Mr. Gillay also makes the leap compulsory, but adds, ‘if the opponent’s K is
distant a Kt’s move from the promotion square the P cannot be promoted or advanced
from Kt7.’
58 Tiruv. says *4 or 8 moves, as may be determined*. The two European authorities do
not mention this peculiarity.
F 2
Digitized by Google
84
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
custom in his Essjys on Chess (xiv), as allowing ‘ of a general disposition and
all the pieces being brought out before any exchange takes place, without
giving to either player any decided advantage a consummation which he
considered would be more likely than the European method of play r to bring
forward the learner *, and ‘ to produce the greatest number of good players ' :
an opinion which has certainly not been borne out in the experience of
the 19th c.
The following combinations of opening moves are given in the native
chess-books which I have used. The order of the moves is naturally im-
material. The Kings stand on el and d8.
A. In four moves . T. — Pd4, Pe4, Pc3, Pf3. II. — Pe4, Pd3, Pf3, Be3.
III. — Pe4, Pd4, Ktc3, Ktf3. IV.— Pe4, Pd4, Ktc3, Be3. V.— Pd3, Bf4,
Pe3, Be2. VI.— Pe4, Pd4, Be3, Bd3. VII.— Pd4, Ph4, Bf4, Ktf3. VIII
Pd4, Pc3, Pg3, Ktd2. IX.— Pe4, Pd4, Pc3, Be3. X.— Pe3, Pd3, Pc3, Pf3.
XI.— Pb3, Pg3, Bb2, Bg2.
B. In six mores . XII. — Pe4, Pd4, Be3, Bd3, Ktc3, Ktf3. XIII. — Pd3,
Pc3, Pb3, Pa3, Ktf3, bKtd2.
C. la seven moves. XIV. — Pe3, Pd3, Pg3, Bg2, Ktf3, Kc2, Rel.
D. In eight moves. XV. — Pe4, Pd4, Be3, Bd3, Pc3, Pf3, Kte2, Ktd2.
XVI.— Pd4, Bf4, Pb4, Pa3, Pc3, Pc4, Ktc3, Ktf3. XVII.— Pe4, Pd4, Be3,
Bd3, Ktf3, Ktc3, Ke2, Rel. XVIII.— Pe4, Pd4, Be3, Be2, Ktc3, Ktf3,
Ph3, Kfl.
E. In nine moves. XIX. — Pe4, Pd4, Be3, Bd3, Ktc3, Ktf3, Pg3, Kg2,
Rel.
There are different methods of concluding the game. While the ultimate
object — the mate of the opponent's King 27 — is the same as in European
chess, the Parsi and Southern Indian chessplayer is more fastidious than the
modem European as to the method by which he gives mate. The European
esteems all his pieces alike for the purpose. The Indian thinks differently.
In his opinion the highest achievement and the most brilliant conclusion is
the mate with a Pawn, 28 and he will steer his way past opportunities for
brilliant sacrifice and past obvious mates on the move, if he thinks that he can,
at the end of a long and wearisome manoeuvre, give checkmate with a Pawn.
Stalemate is not recognized. ‘ Stalemate is not known in the Hindoo-
stannee game/ says TiruvengadachSrya ; * if oue party get into that position
the adversary must make room for him to move. In some part of India he
that is put into this predicament has a right to remove from the board any
one of the Adversary's pieces he may choose.' Perpetual check is also for-
bidden : the attacking player must vary his procedure.
If a player lose all his superior pieces, whether he has Pawns remaining or not,
the game is said to be burd or lurj and is reckoned as drawn. TiruvengadachSrya
gives it as a win to which very little credit is attached, and adds that in many
17 Marathi shdh mdt , mat ; according to Gillay, kattoo or mathoo.
n Marathi shdh piyddi ; according to Tiruv. piedmat ; Gillay, pathay mathoo. There was
also a stage in the development of the European chess problem when the Pawn mate was
highly esteemed.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
85
parts it is only counted a draw. Mr. Gillay says that it is called panchamobara
6% jj if the superior force has four pieces besides the King when the game is
abandoned as burj. Another observer in the Deccan ( CPM ., 1866, 34) says :
€ If at the end of the game, either player is left with only one piece, with or
without Pawns, the game is drawn ; or, if only Pawns are left, the game
is drawn. This rule, however, admits of various modifications. In some
cases, if one piece only is left, it becomes endowed with new powers and
renders it difficult for the adversary to escape. But this, I assume, is rather
a mode of giving odds than a distinct variety of the game.* Something like
this has been recorded of one form of Malay chess.
The following specimens of play with the Parsi rules are taken from the
two Marathi chess-books which have been used as authorities for this form
of chess. The Kings are to be placed on el and d8 :
White
Black
White
Black
AVhite
Black
White
i Black
7
P x Kt
Bd6
44
Kt x P +
Ke8
11
eP x
P gPxP
I
8
Pd 5
Qg5
45
Pc5
Pe4
'12
gPx
P RxP
Pe4
Pd5
9
Ktc4
Bc5
46
Qf4
Qe5
13
Kgl
Kt x Pd3
1 ,
Pd4
Pc6
10
Qcl
Rf8
47
QxQ +
PxQ
14
Rfl
Bh6
1
|Pf3
Pe6
11
Pb3
Pb5
48
Ktc4
Ke7
15
Qc2
Be3 +
[Pc3
Bd6
12
Pb4
Bb6
49
Kt x P
Pe3
16
Kbl
Ktf2 +
2
Bg5 +
Pf6
13
Kt x B
cP x Kt
50
Ktc4
Pe2
17
Kgl
Ktg4 + d
3
Bh4
Bd7
14
BxP
Pf5
51
Kf2
Kd8
18
Kbl
Kt x P
4
Bd3
Kte7
15
Kgl
PxP
52
Pb5
Kc7
19
Rel
KtxfP + d
5
Kte2
Kc7
16
Be 4
Rf3
53
Pd6 +
Kb7
20
Bh3
Qb5
6
Ktd2
Rf8
17
Ph3
R x eP
54
Pc6 +
Kc8
21
Kt x
Kt R x B +
7
Rcl
Pg6
18
Kh2
Pd6
55
Pb6
Kd8
22
Kg2
Rx Kt w
8
lfc2
Pg5
19
Rfl
Ktd7
56
Pb7
Ke8
23
Bb2
Qg5 +
9
Bf2
Pc5
20
Pa4
Ktf6
57
Pb8 = Kt & leaps 24
Kh2
Rf2 +
10
Kbl
cPxP
21
Qdl
Ke7
to a6
Kf7
25
Kb3
Qh5 +
11
PxP + d
bKtc6
22
Bb3
Rf8
58
Ktc5
Kg6
26
Kg3
Pf4 +
12
Qa4
Rc8
23
Pc4
Kc8
59
Kte4
Bd7
27
Kt x
P P x Ktm.
13
Pe5
PxP
24
Pa5
Qh4
60
KxP
BxP
IV
14
PxP
BxP
25
Pg3
Ktg4 +
61
Ke3
Kf5
15
Qa5 +
Kb8
26
Kg2
Rf2 +
62
Ktc5
Kg4
I
[Pe4
Pe6
16
Qa3
Ktf5
27
RxR
Kt x R
63
Kte5 +
KxP
Pd4
Pf6
17
R x Kt
RxR
28
K x Kt
lit 3 +
64
Kt x B Burj.
Be3
Pg6
18
Q x P +
Kc8
29
Kg2
Qg5
IH
Bd3
Ph6
19
Ktb3
Qd8l
30
PxP
PxP
Ktf3
Ktc6
20
Ktao
Rc7 1
31
Rcl
Rd3
1
Pe3
Pb6
Ktc3
gKte2
21
Qa8m.
32
Qfl
RxB
1
Pd 3
Pg6
2
Kd2
Ph5
33
Qf8 +
Kd7
Pf3
Bb7
3
Rcl
Pg5
II
34
Rfl
Ri3
Pc3
Bg7
4
Kbl
Bh6
Pe4
Pe5
35
RxR
PxR +
2
Pb3
Pe5
5
Qe2
Ktg6
lj
Pd4
Pf6
36
QxP
Bc8
3
Pg3
Pf6
6
Pg3
Pd6
Pc3
Kte7
37
Ph4
Qg6
4
Bg2
Pd 5
7
hRel
Rg8
I
Be3
Ph6
38
Pg4
Ph5
5
Pc4
Pd 4
8
Qd2
Ktb4
2
Bd3
Bb7
39
Kg3
Kc7
6
Pe4
Ktc6
9
Pa3
Ktc6
3
Ktd2
Qg6
40
Pg5
Bg4
7
Kf2
Ph5
10
Pd5
cKte5
4
Kfl
Ph6
41
Qe3
Qc2
8
Kte2
Ph4
11
Kt x
Kt Kt x Kt
5
Kte2
Ktd5
42
Ktc3
Qfo
9
Ktd2
Ktb4
12
Be2
Ph4
6
Qc2
Kt x B+ 43
Kta4
Kd7
10
» Rel
Pf5
13
Pg4
Qf7
** Black ignores the mate by 22. . , Qx Kt, because he intends to mate with a Pawn.
Digitized by Google
86 CHESS IN ASIA part i
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
14 PxP
BxP
28 B x B(e7) Qf8
42 Qc7 +
Kb5
56 Qb7
Be6
15 Pf3
Ktc4
29 RxP +
80 Kb8
43 Qc5 +
Ka4
57 Ph5
Bd5
16 BxKt
BxB
30 Kte7
Be 4
44 Bd8
Bb3
58 Qb6
Bc4
17 cRdl
Bf8
31 R x R +
QxH
45 Pc3
Pa5
59 Ph6
Ba2
18 Kta4
Ba7 +
32 Rc8 +
Q x R
46 Q x g P
Pb6
60 Ph7
Bb3
19 Kal
Bc4
33 Kt x Q
K x Kt
47 Bx P
Bdo
61 Ph8-R
Bc4
20 Qc3
Be 7
34 QxP
Kc7
48 Qd2
Bg8
62 Rb8
Bb3
21 Ph3
Bb5
35 Qg7 +
Kd8
49 Bf2
Bd5
63 Qd6
Ba2
22 Ktc5
Kc8
36 Qf6 +
Kc7
50 BxP
Bc4
64 Rb6
Bb3
23 Ktb3
Bd8
37 Bb6 +
Kb8
51 Be 7
Bb3
65 Qd4 +
Bc4
24 Ktd4
Pa6
38 Qd6 +
Kc8
52 Ph4
Bc2
66 Qd7 +
Bb5
25 Ktf5
Pd5
39 Qf8 + 51
Kd7
53 Pg5
Bb3
67 Ka2
Bx Q
26 Bf2
Bc6
40 Q x R
Bd5
54 Pf4
Bc2
68 Pb3m.
27 PxP
B x dP
41 Qd8 +
Kc6
55 Qd5
Bb3
In addition to the ordinary chess, and the games upon larger boards, or
with other than the usual pieces, which I shall discuss in a later chapter,
there appears to be a variety played in parts of Western India in which the
usual arrangement of the men and the ordinary rules are observed with the
single exception that no piece can be taken so long as it is supported by some
other man. 32
When we compare the rules of these two modern India games with the
little information that we possess with reference to the older game of India,
or even with the transitional forms described by Nllakant*ha and Vaidyan&tha,
it becomes clear that contact with European players has already made pro-
found changes in the native chess. Thus, the European modifications in the
rules of certain pieces, introduced in Europe just before 1500, have been
adopted in Indian chess since Nllakant'ha’s day, and the older moves of
Elephant or Camel (our Bishop) and Minister or Vizier have completely dis-
appeared. The existing move of the King in India is based upon the rule
current in Europe in the later Middle Ages. The Pawn's move in Parsi
chess exhibits a limitation to the general use of the double step which for
long was in existence in German chess. Even the rules of Pawn promotion —
to-day the most typical feature in the Indian games — would seem to have
their origin in a peculiarity of English chess about 1600. In the older Indian
chess, just as in the Muslim chess and the older European chess, the only
promotion possible was to the rank of the Vizier (Firzan, Queen). In English
chess c . 1600 a player was allowed to promote to the rank of any piece which
had been already lost. Indian players have developed this in characteristic
fashion, making the tactics of the End-game very different from those in
our chess. The same European inspiration can be seen in other aspects of
Indian chess of which I have still to speak. All the native text-books which
I have seen betray very considerable signs of the use of European books, and
must be used with much caution. Most of them teach the European rules
so 29 Q x P would be mate. 31 He naturally avoids 89 Qc7 m.
32 See CPM. } 1866, 36.
Digitized by Google
Digitized by
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
87
as well as the native ones : one book, that of Lala Raja Babu, has incorporated
an English work on the End-game 33 making the necessary changes in it
to make it applicable to the Hindustani chess.
From the evidence of European chessplayers the general standard of play
in India is not high. This is not surprising, since all the conditions that
make for the development of great skill are wanting. The science of chess
has never been developed, and the literature of the game is still elementary
in character. Chess clubs are few in number, and for the most part exist
for the practice of the European game. Only a few names have stood out
as of importance in the history of chess. I may mention Tiruvengadach&rya
Shastri of Tirputty near Madras, who made a reputation in Bombay among
the small European chess circle, to whom he was familiarly known as the
Brahmin . He was the author of a Sanskrit poem, 34 which he afterwards
translated into English under the title of Essays on Che*#, Bombay, 1814,
in which he attempted to adapt the native chess to the European and gives
the earliest collection of Indian problems of non-Muslim workmanship that
we possess. The compromise which he attempted between the two games
naturally reduces the value of his work from the historical point of view.
Ghulam Kassim, a Madras player, made his mark in the European game.
He took part in the correspondence match between Madras and Hyderabad
in 1829, and in collaboration with James Cochrane published an Analyst s of
the Muzio Gambit , Madras, 1829.
Indian chessmen, like those of all countries except China and Japan, may
be grouped into two classes. We find sets in which the pieces are actual
carvings, reproducing in miniature the animals and men whose names they
bear, and other sets in which the pieces have conventional shapes which are
easier and cheaper to produce and must therefore have always been the
material employed by the ordinary chessplayer. Of the more elaborate type
there are many examples in European museums and in private collections.
To these al-Mas c udi undoubtedly referred in the passage on the uses of ivory
which I have already quoted, though I know of no pieces approaching the
bulk of which he speaks, unless the so-called Charlemagne King in the
Biblioth&que Nationale, Paris, is of Indian workmanship. Indian it un-
doubtedly is in treatment, but it bears an Arabic inscription on its base which
purports to give the carver's name. 35
M Freeborough’s Chess Endings , London, 1891.
34 Entitled Vilas muni munjuri. The Diamond Flower-bed of Amusement. The Sanskrit
poem has never been seen, and some authorities have questioned its existence.
*• This pieoe has no connexion with the other chessmen which are now preserved in the
same case, and are popularly associated with it. This piece is 16 cm. in height, and bears on
the base the Kufic inscription ‘min 'amal Yusuf al-B&hili’, ‘of Yusuf al-B&hili’s making 1 .
The carving represents a raja riding in his howdah on an elephant, the base of the piece
being surrounded by horsemen in order to give greater stability to the piece (a common
device in early European chessmen). V. d. Linde (i. 34), who opposed the chess character
of the carving, dated it c. 1560, and believed that the piece was only brought to France after
the commencement of European settlements in India.
Digitized by Google
Indian Chessmen, Eighteenth Century
From Mr. Platt’s Collection
Fact pagt 88]
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
89
Sc&clii Indici plani Lignei.
Hyde (1767, ii. 123) gives some illustrations of a fine set of this character
which Sir D. Sheldon had brought back from Bombay, which I reproduce.
He says that both Persians (by whom he means Parsis) and Moghuls used
men of this type.
More modern pieces of this type are often treated on freer lines. It* would
seem to have been a favourite device of workers in ivory at the end of the
18th century to make the chessmen symbolize the struggle between the East
India Company and the native states. Thus a set in the Gotha Museum has
on one side two elephants with palanquins (K and Q), two rhinoceroses (B),
two horsemen (Kt), two towers bearing small figures with flags (R), and
eight soldiers in European uniform. The other side replaces the rhinoceroses
by buffaloes, the horsemen by men on camels, and the infantry by eight native
soldiers carrying what appear to be
folded umbrellas. The presence of the
castle for the Rooks is a plain proof
of European influences at work. I re-
produce a similar set from Mr. Platt's
collection of chessmen.
The references to chess in the earlier
Indian literature seem to me from their
want of fixity of nomenclature to sug-
gest that carved pieces of this first type
were in the writers* minds ; but at
the present time the conventional type
of chessman is by far the more usual.
The conventional Indian chessmen are
very similar to the ordinary Muslim
pieces, and it is quite possible that
the Indian type has been developed from,
or influenced by, the Muslim pattern.
The chief difference is to be found in connexion with the Rook. In the
Sunnite Muslim sets this is a tall piece with a very distinct type of head; in
Indian sets the Rook is now often a low piece with a flat top which at times is
almost like the modern European draughtsman. It is thus of a shape very
similar to the Siamese and Malayan Rooks. The change in shape would
appear to be of recent date, since the Indian conventional chessmen which
Hyde obtained from Surat have much taller and bolder heads.
The only ancient chessmen of conventional shape which have been dis-
covered in India were found in 1855 or 1856 by Mr. A. F. Bellasis in the
course of some excavations upon the site of a ruined city at Bambra-ka-thul,
47 miles N.E. of Haidarabsd, the present capital of the lower Sind. The
city, which had unmistakably been destroyed by an earthquake, was at first
identified with the Hindu city Brahmanabad, which was already in ruins in
the time of al-Baladhurl (D. 279/892-3). It is now recognized to be the
Muslim town of Mansura, which replaced Brahmanabad in the latter half
of the 8th c. and was still in existence in the time of al-Berunl (1030),
Scachi Indici plani Eburnei solidi.
Scachi Indici plani Eburnei cavi.
Indian Chessmen from Surat (Hyde).
Digitized by
Google
90
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
although there is reason to believe that the earthquake had happened a little
before his time. 86 The chessmen accordingly belong to the early 11th c.,
and are Muslim rather than native Indian. They are now in the British
Museum along with a long die (2 + 5, 1 + 6), a cubic die (1+6, 2 + 5, 3 + 4),
the fragments of a small box or coffer which was formerly assumed to be
the fragments of an inlaid chequered chessboard, and a few other objects
obtained at the same time. The chessmen are of ivory, black and white, but
are now in a very decayed state, and the ivory has degenerated into a con-
dition not unlike that of lime or chalk. There are now 3 7 pieces or fragments
of pieces. None can be identified with any approach to certainty. Since
the various fragments either end in pegs or contain holes of the same size
From Lala Raja Babu's work.
From Vinayaka Raja ram a Tope’s work.
P R Kt B Q K
Some Modern Indian Chessmen.
as the pegs, I imagine that they were carved in sections and pieced together ;
this seems more likely than the view that the men were pegged for use on
a board with holes.
The chessmen which Hyde possessed were coloured red and green, and
these are still the usual colours at the present day ; less frequently we meet
with sets with red and black, or with white and black chessmen.
These conventional sets must not be confused with the curious elaborate
sets carved in India for the European market, in which the English chessmen
M Br&hm&n&b&d (Cunningham, Anc. Geog. India, ii. The Buddhist Period , 1871, 267-77) is
the modern Dilura. 1$ miles distant. The coins found at Bambra-ka-thul were Muham-
madan, chiefly of Mansur b. Jumhur (744-9) and of ’Omar b. Abdallah, a contemporary
of al-Mas‘udI (980). Since Mahmud of Ghazni left the town on one side on his Indian
Digitized by Google
Modern Indian Chessmen
Platt Collection
Face page 90]
Digitized by boogie
Digitized by
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
91
are treated on Indian lines. The characteristic feature of these curios is the
development of the Bishop's mitre, though the representation of the Rook
as a Castle betrays the foreign source of inspiration. Often beautiful works
of art and wonderful examples of the native skill in carving, these sets have
but little importance for the history of the game : too elaborate for ordinary
play, they are the result of the requirements of the European collector of
curios.
The study of chess endings and problems (Urdu naqsh ) would seem to have
been a late development in non-Muhammadan India. It is somewhat singular
that whereas the Muslim players had achieved much success in this branch
of chess before the end of the 10th c., it was not until after Hindu players
had come into contact with the European game that we find any trace of
Hindu problems. The Indian Muslim players were familiar with the
traditional Muslim material, and we possess Persian problem MSS. which
were copied in India. I am not sure that we possess any problems by players
of the Hindustani game which are uncoloured by European ideas. The only
native problems which are composed on other lines belong to the Parsi
chess. The earliest of these are contained in the already mentioned work of
TiruvengadachSrya Shastrl (1814). Of the 96 positions in his Essays on
Chess , 32 are composed * agreeably to the European mode of Play *, and are
indeed in part drawn from European works. The remaining 64 are said
to be composed under the Indian rules. 37 Many of these are repeated in
Mangesa s collection of 81 Pawn mates. Another Marathi work (Vinayaka)
gives a still larger collection, classified under the heads : Mates with a piece,
Pawn mates. Self mates, Burj positions, Draws by perpetual check or stalemate,
Mates under European rules. Most of the other native chess-books I have
seen give collections of problems which have been taken from European books
and newspapers.
An examination of the accessible problems shows that the Pawn mate is
held in the highest esteem. Excepting that the position must be possible
in that it conforms to the rules of the game in the pieces employed, and
in the necessity of leaving the losing player sufficient force to avoid the
ending burj, there seem to be no canons of taste governing the composition of
the native problem. The recognition of the higher standard of the modern
European problem has probably arrested the development of the native art,
which came into existence too late to strive successfully against its Western
rival. A selection of Indian problems is given in the appendix to this chapter.
expedition, it is inferred that the earthquake had already happened : had the town been of
its former importance Mahmud would hardly have passed it by. For an account of the
excavations, see A. F. Bellasis, An Account of the Ancient and Ruined City of Brahminabady Bombay,
1856; IUustr. London News, Feb. 21 and 28, 1857. See Elliott, Hist. India, 1867, i. 869 seq. and
Thomas, Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquitiesy 1858, ii. 119.
n It is possible that the Persian MS. Sdrd&mdma (Oxf.) which is some 16 years older than
the Essays on Chess, contains some Indian work among its problems of the Rdml game. Since
the bulk of the problems belong to the traditional Muslim material, I have included the
work among my authorities of Muslim chess. It contains, however, some problems of the
European chess, in the mrfin modernized settings of older Muslim positions. In a few I can
detect, I think, a different style of work, which may possibly be Parsi.
Digitized by Google
92
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
APPENDIX
A SELECTION OF PROBLEMS FROM INDIAN SOURCES
I have restricted my selection to problems that occur in the work of Tiruven-
gadacharya (referred to as * T '), and in the two Marathi works of Vinayaka Raj ar am a
Tope (* V *), and Mangesa R&makrishna Telanga (‘ M*), since all the other works that
I have used have obtained some at least of their problems from European sources.
I have already given some indication of the contents of these three books. Of my
selection, the first four are mates with a piece, a variety that is only found treated on
Indian lines in V ; Nos. 5 to 1 4 are mates with a Pawn, the ordinary type of problem
composed in India; Nos. 15 to 17 are bdrj endings, and the last problem is
a self mate.
The problems in V are re-numbered in each class. By *a' I mean the burj
positions, by * b ’ the mates with a piece, by * c * the non-Indian positions \ by * d *
the Pawn-mates, and by ‘ e * the other drawn positions.
The Indian rule prohibiting the winner from taking the last piece of his
opponent naturally renders possible new lines of defence. The loser has the chance
of drawing by burj by compelling the capture of his last piece. Accordingly we find
that there is a strong tendency to reduce the number of pieces on the losing side,
and most of the problems in M which are peculiar to that work leave Black with
King and a single piece.
The solutions which follow are those that are given in the works from which the
problems are taken. I have not attempted to prove them the only, or the shortest,
solutions.
No. 1. Mate in Three. No. 2. Mate in Four. No. 3. Mate in Four.
No. 4. Mate in Six.
No. 5. Mate with Pawn No. 6. Mate with Pawn
in Three. in Four [or Black mates
with Pawn in Five].
1 Many of these exhibit solitary Ks: e. g. the first is White, Ka8, Qal, Bf8, h7, Pd2, g5;
Black Kd5. Mate in two (1 Qbl, Kc4 ; 2 Qd8 m.).
Digitized by boogie
H33E3
CHAP. IV
CHESS IN INDIA
93
No. 7.
Mate with Pawn
in Five.
No. 8. Mate with Pawn
in Six.
No. 9.
Mate with Pawn
in Six.
No. 10. Mate with Pawn
in Seven.
No. 11. Mate with Pawn
in Eight.
No. 12. Mate with Pawn
in Nine.
No. 18.
Mate with Pawn
in Ten.
No. 14. Mate with Pawn
in Fourteen.
No. 15. Drawn.
94
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Solutions :
No. 1. — V b66. 1 Qal, Be3; 2 Qa2 + , KxH; 3 Qg2 mate.
No. 2. — V b74. 1 Q x P + , KxQ; 2Ktd6 + ,KxKt; 3Pe4 + ,KxKt;
4 Bb8 mate.
No. 3. — V b77. 1 Kte7 + , Kh8 ; 2Qg8 + ,RxQ; 8KtxB+,PxKt; 4Rh4
mate.
No. 4.— V b26. 1 Bg5. Bd8 ; 2 Bf6, BxB; 3 P x B, Qf7; 4 Re8 + , R x R ;
5RxR + ,QxR; 6 QxP mate.
No. 5.— T 35 ; M 6 ; V d65. 1 Rb8 + , R x R ; 2 Qb7 + , R x Q ; 3PxR mate.
No. 6.— V d89. White: 1 Rh4 + , Kg7 ; 2 Qg4 + , Kf7 ; 3 Rh7 + , Ke8 ;
4 Pd7 mate. Black : 1 Qdl + , Kb2 ; 2RxP+, KxH; 3 Qc2 + , Kal ; 4 Qcl + ,
Ka2 ; 5 Pb3 mate.
No. 7.— V d52. 1 Rd8 + , RxR; 2 Qd7 + , RxQ; 3 Ktd6 + , RxKt;
4 P x R, ~ ; 5 Pd7 mate.
No. 8.— T 48 ; M 32 ; V d57 and 87. 1 Qc6 + , Kb8 ; 2 Qe8 + , Kb7 ; 3 Qc8 + ,
Kb6 ; 4 Rc6 + , Ka5 ; 5 Ra6 + , Kb4 ; 6 Pa3 mate.
No. 9.— T 49; M 33 ; V d58. lRf8 + ,RxR; 2Qh5 + ,Rf7; 3 Qg6,
4 Qe6 4- , Re7 ; 5 Qd7 + ,RxQ; 6 PxR mate.
No. 10.— Vd45. 1 Be2 + , Kb6 ; 2 Bf2 + , Kc6 ; 3 Bf3 + , Kd6; 4 Bg3 + ,
Ke6 ; 5 Bg4 + , Kf6 ; 6 Kte4 4- , Kg6 ; 7 Ph5 mate.
No. 11.— T 65; M 56. 1 Rb8 + , Ka7 ; 2 Ktc8 + , Ka3 ; 3 Rb6 + , Ka5 ;
4 Ktc6 + , BxKt; 5 Bd2 + , KtxB; 6QxKt + ,RxQ; 7 Ra4 + ,BxR; 8 Pb4
mate.
No. 12.— M 64. 1 Re8 + , Qg8 ; 2 Qf6 + , Kh7; 3 Be4 + , Qg6 ; 4 Qf7 + ,
Kh6 ; 5 Rh8 + , Qh7 ; 6 Qf6 4- , Kh5 ; 7 Bf5, QxR; 8 Qg6 + , Kh4 ; 9 Pg3 mate.
No. 13.— V dl7. 1 Rd8+, Qc8; 2 PxP, QxR; 3 Be4 + , Qd5; 4 Pb4,
Q x B; 5 Rf8 + , Qe8 : 6Pb5,QxR; 7Qg2 + ,Qf3; 8Qg8 + ,Qf8; 9 Pb6, QxQ;
10 Pb7 mate.
No. 14.— Vd69. 1 Ktd7 + d, Kg7 ; 2 Rf8, Kg6 ; 3 Kte6, PxKt; 4 Qf7 + ,
Kg5; 5 Kte5, PxKt; 6 Be4, P x B ; 7Be3,PxB; 8 Qe7, Kg6; 9 Kh2, Ph3 ;
10 Pg3, Ph4 ; 11 Pg4, Ph5 ; 12 Pg5, Ph6 ; 13 Qf6 + , Kh7 ; 14 Pg6 mate.
No. 15.— V al6. 1 BxKt, KxB; 2 Pf8 = B, Pal = R; 3 Bg7 + , K- ;
4 B x R.
No. 16— V a22. 1 Qg8 + , Ka7 ; 2 R x R, Q x R; 3 Qa8 + , K x Q; 4 Pg8 =
Kt and takes Q.
Nos. 15 and 16 illustrate the peculiarities of Pawn-promotion. In another
position, V al 7 (White: Kg2, Re3, Ktd7, Pb6, g6, h5 ; Black, Kg8, Rd8, Pd6,
g7, h6), the promoted KtP does not make the additional leap after promotion
because b8 is commanded by the R. (See p. 83, n. 25.) Solution : 1 Pb7, Pd5 ;
2 Pb8 - Kt, Pd4 ; 3 Ktc6, Ra8 ; 4 Rb3, Rc8 ; 5 Rb8.
No. 17.— Y a24. 1 R x R(e8), QxR; 2 QxP(f6) + , Kg8 ; 3 RxR, QxR;
4 Q x Q.
No. 18. T 94. Self mate by 1 Bd5 + , BxB; 2 Rh8 + , Bg8; 3 Ktb3, Pa5;
4 Bg5, Pa4; 5 Ktal, Pa3 ; 6 Bel, Pa2 mate. Mate in four by 1 Bd5 + , BxB;
2 Rh8 + , Bg8 ; 3 Ktc6, Pa5 ; 4 Pb7 mate.
[Note. — The earlier volumes of the CPC, contain several problems which were
sent to Staunton by subscribers in India. Some of these positions are the work
of native players and are similar in style to the Pawn mates quoted above. Others
were the work of English composers. The most famous of these positions is the
so-called Indian problem which was published in February 1845 ( CPC. t vi. 54. —
White: Kal, Rdl, Bg2, h6, Pa2, b3, f2, g4; Black: Ke4, Ktf3, Pb5, b6, e5. Mate
in four ; 1 Bel ; 2 Rd2 ; 3 K~ ; 4 Rd4 mate), and is now recognized to be the
creation of the Rev. Henry A. Loveday (cf. Kohtz u. Kockelkorn, Das indische
Problem , Potsdam, 1903), and therefore of European, not Indian workmanship.]
V
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER Y
CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
Introductory. — Spread in Malay lands. — Early references. — The chessboard. —
Nomenclature. — Moves of the pieces. — Rules. — Illustrative games. — Malay
chessmen. — Concluding observations.
Although chess is known and played in every Asiatic country to the east
of India, the forms of the game that are played by the different peoples present
at first sight as wide differences as are found anywhere in chess. On closer
investigation, however, it is possible to discover certain common features in
some types which enable us to classify these games in three groups, corre-
sponding to the known ethnological families and religions of Eastern Asia.
To one group, comprising the chess of Burma, Siam, and Annam, three
countries linked by that form of Buddhism which is conveniently called
Southern, I devote Chapter VI ; to a second group, comprising the chess of
China, Corea, and Japan, I devote Chapter VII; while in the present chapter
I shall deal with the varieties of chess current among the Malays, which are
united by the phenomenon of a nomenclature which has been drawn from many
sources, and by a type of move which is closely akin to that of modem
European chess.
To-day, chess is very widely played by the Malay races, and ranks as one
of their most popular games . 1 On the mainland we possess records of its
practice in the British Straits Settlements (Malacca), in the Protected States
(Selangor), at Kelantan, and at Johore. We also possess good descriptions of
the game as played in Sumatra, in Java, and in Borneo. Von Oefele, who
has made a most patient and valuable study of the game as played in Sumatra
by the Orang-Batak , 2 records that practically every male Batak has some know-
ledge of chess, while nearly every village meeting-hut has a chessboard carved
upon its wooden floor. So violent are the passions aroused at times by the
game, which is always played for a stake, that the headman of the village has
occasionally had to forbid the practice of the game for a season. 2a
f
1 Other Malay board-games are main chongkak (African manqala ), main dam (draughts or
checkers), main rimau or machan (the tiger game, a game of the hunt or siege type),
main tabal (backgammon, played in two ways), and apit-sodok. See Skeat, Malay Magic, 486-7 ;
Culin, C. it P. C.„ 849, 861, 873, 875 ; and Mancala , the National Game qf Africa , Washington,
1896, 600; and Wilkinson, Papers on Malay Subjects , Kuala Lumpur, 1910, 56-7, 91-4.
9 The Bataks form the greater part of the population of the mountainous region to the
south of Acheh. In appearance they are taller and darker than the true Malay. They still
practise cannibalism to some extent. The game is restricted to the male sex entirely.
2a Chess appears to be unknown to the natives both in Madagascar and, what is more
surprising, in the Philippines.
Digitized by Google
96
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
We know very little of the history of chess in these lands. The few
Europeans who have made any study of the early history of the Archipelago
speak of four successive waves of foreign culture and religion, all of which
have in turn left a notable impress upon the customs of these islands. Some-
where about the 7th c. a.d. the Hindu religion established itself in Sumatra
and Java, to be* followed by Buddhism, and rather later — from the 13th to
the 15th c. — by Muhammadanism. From the beginning of the 16th c. the
coastal regions have been in continual contact with Europeans, first with
the Portuguese, afterwards with the Dutch, and at a later date still with the
English. Malay chess reflects all these invasions, since it shows unmistakable
traces of Indian and of Arabic, and also of European influence.
The game is certainly older than any European influences, for on the
arrival of the first Portuguese expedition off Malacca in 1509 its com-
mander, Diego Lopez, was playing chess when a Javan from the mainland
came on board. The native recognized the game at once, and had some con-
versation with Lopez on the forms of chessmen used by his countrymen. 3
There is also a reference to the game in the Sejarah Malay u, a native
history dating from the early 17th century, ch. xviii, in connexion with
a visit to Malacca by a certain Tan Bahra, of Pasei in Sumatra. 4 The passage
goes on to say —
Now this Tan Bahra was a very skilful chessplayer, and one that was un-
equalled at the game in that age, and he played at chess with the men of Malacca . . .
and beat them all : but Tan Pakarma, son of the Bandahara Paduka Raja, was able
to make some resistance . . . and if Tan Babra threw away a pawm at the corner,
then he was beaten by Tan Pakarma.
Broadly speaking, all forms of Malay chess are played in the same way,
the differences only appearing in the refinements of the game. It will there-
fore be simpler to treat of the game as one, and to deal with the variations of
rule or practice as they arise. Even in Java, where for some unexplained
reason the otherwise universal Malay nomenclature is replaced by another, the
game remains practically the same as in the other parts of the Malay world.
The game of chess has two names in Malay. The commoner name is
main c/iafor , 5 in which main is the Malay word for game, and chator can
hardly be anything but a broken-down form of the Skr. chafuranga . This
name is the only one recorded for Borneo, Java, and the Batak race. It
is given as the ordinary name by all my authorities except Dr. Marsden, 6
who both in his Mistoiy of Sumatra (ed. 1811, 273) and in his Malayan
Dictionary (Part ii, Eng. and Malayan, s.v. chess) only gives the name as main
gdjah , i.e. the game of the elephant. This name has been recorded as used
on the mainland both by Robinson and by v. Oefele, who gives it in the form
5 De Barros, Asia , Lisbon, 1778, iv. 412. Quoted by v. d. Linde, Leerboek van het Schaakspel ,
Utrecht, 1876, 22 n. 1.
4 Quoted by C. O. Blagden, JRAS ., xxx. 876.
5 Also written chatur , which is a more regular transliteration of the written name.
6 Marsden was a very sound writer, and for Englishmen will always be the pioneer of
Malay studies. Cf. Blagden, Introduction to Skeat’s Malay Magic (xiv).
v
Digitized by u.ooQLe
CHAP. V
CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
97
permainan gdjah . This form may be due to the influence of the name of
another favourite game, the main rimau , or * game of the tiger V though it is
not easy to see why the Elephant should have been selected for mention,
rather than the Horse or any other piece. The hypothesis that it may be due
to Chinese influence — which is based upon the presence of Chinese settlers on
the sea coast of the Peninsula, and all the islands, and upon the fact that one
possible meaning of the Chinese name of chess, siang lei , is ‘ the game of the
m
■
■
! 8S
a
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
m
in
■
■
■
■
in
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
■
m
■
■
mm
■
m
Malay Chessboards. Skeat Collection, Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge.
Malay Chessboard.
(Malacca and mainland.)
Malay Chessboard.
(Sumatra.)
Elephant ’ — must be rejected, because in all other cases of cultural borrowings,
the Malays have adopted, and not translated, the Chinese name. Moreover,
it is not easy to see why the Chinese chess, which does not appear to the
casual observer to have any connexion with the Malay game, should have
been able to exert an influence which was at once so strong that it led to the
introduction of a new name for the game, and so weak that it left the actual
method of play absolutely untouched.
7 Culin, C. A P. C., 875, calls this dam harimau , 4 tiger game \ Skeat, op. cit., 487, gives the
alternative name main rimau kambiag, 1 tiger and goat game’.
1170 G
Digitized by Google
98
CHESS IN ASIA
* PART I
The Malay chessboard ( loh chdtor or papan chdtor 8 ) is unchequered, but
exhibits special markings which are characteristic of all Oriental boards.
These vary so much in the few Malay boards which I have seen that it is
clear that no traditional arrangement survives, and I think it probable that
they have often become merely decorative. Some of the arrangements are
very like those of neighbouring countries ; thus one of the boards in the Skeat
collection at Cambridge has a traditional Indian marking while the other
resembles one of the Burmese markings. The ordinary board of the main-
land is said by Mr. Robinson to have only the main diagonals marked — again
a Burmese marking — and these diagonals are connected now with the rules
of Pawn-promotion, and have probably suggested them. In Sumatra the
board has a far more intricate appearance, since the complete network of
diagonals of all the 64 small squares of the board is inserted. V. Oefele
explains their presence as arising from the method of constructing the board.
In order to obtain the correct proportions, he says, the Batak player first
draws the outer square, then he inserts the diagonals to obtain the centre of
the board and draws parallels to the sides through this point. By repeating
this method he obtains accurately the quarter board and the eighth, and so
obtains his 64 squares all of a size. Finally, to preserve the symmetry, he
adds the missing diagonals, and the complicated figure is complete. This
explanation does not seem to me to be satisfactory : while it certainly gives
a convenient way of producing the final Sumatran figure, it is by no means
the most natural way to draw a board of 8 by 8 squares.
The board is often made of wood, with the lines incised. This may be
done upon a board of the floor of the hut, and a board for permanent use
may be so secured. But it is also often scratched in the ground for an
alfresco game when a movable board is not at hand.
The two nomenclatures may usefully be contrasted thus :
Equivalent
K
Q
B
1 Kt
R
P
check
mate
Malay 9 . .
raja
mantri
gajah
kuda
ter
chemOr
bidaq
sah
mat
Javan . . .
ratu
pateh
mantri
jnran
prahu
bidaq
Of the ordinary Malay names, rdja (=king), mantri (= counsellor, minister),
and gajah (= elephant) are all Sanskrit words, and we have already seen that
they are or have been in regular chess use in India. Kuda (= horse), ter
(= chariot), and chemor (= chariot) are Tamil and Telugu, languages 6poken
on the south-east coast of India, in the vicinity of Madras. The use of chem&r
8 Loh is the Arabic luh, a board, writing-tablet, or plank. Papan is the ordinary Malay
word for board, plank, and is in common use for a game-board. Cf. papan dam (draught-
board) in de Hollander's Handleiding tot de kenni * der Maleische Tool (Leyden, 1856).
9 As usual, the transliteration varies in different authorities. Gulin (C. & P. C., 861) has
muntrie , gejah f and teh. Clifford and Swettenham, Diet, of the Malay Lang. (Taiping. Perak,
1894-7, s.v. chdtor) give mtntri and ttr or tor. Robinson (in Wilkinson, R. J., Papers on Malay
Subjects , 1910, App. x) and v. Oefele have tir or tor. The Javan terms are given by Raffles and
Zimmermann, the latter writing djaran, pati , praJtoS, and baidah.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
99
in chess in India has not yet been verified, but ter is used as the name of
the Rook in Tamil, and ghora , the original Indian form of kuda , is widely used
as the name of the Knight. Chemar (demur) is given as in colloquial Malay
use only by Blagden (< IRAS ., 1898, xxx. 376). Bidaq and the two technical
terms %ah and mat have been taken from the Arabic game. Marsden (op. cit.)
gives the alternative terms mad (Malay, = dead) and tammat (Arabic, = finished)
as also in use.
Of the Javan names, mantri is Sanskrit. So also is probably patch (Skr.
pati = lord or master). Ratu (= king), jaran (= horse), and prahu (= boat)
are all Malay. From this it would seem that the Javan nomenclature pre-
serves an older usage. On the other hand the disappearance of the Elephant
and its replacement by two Counsellors is obviously the result of intercourse
with the Dutch, with whom the corresponding piece has been long called by
the name of Counsellor. 10 It is more difficult to account for the replacement
of the Chariot by the Boat. The same change has been made in the chess
of the neighbouring lands of Siam and Annam, and also in the game as
played in Bengal, where, however, it cannot be shown to be older than 1500.
But Siam has exerted hardly any influence upon Malayan customs, and it is
difficult to believe that Bengal can have bad an influence sufficiently strong
to affect the Javan nomenclature. I think it more likely that the change was
made independently. The Chariot or Cart is of little use in a land of jungles,
and it may very well have been replaced in chess by the Boat as representing
the more usual means of transport.
Collectively the chessmen are called buwah dator , i.e. the pieces (lit. fruit)
of the chess. 11
At the commencement of the game the chessmen are arranged as in the
Indian game (diagram, p. 80) with the one exception that the relative positions
of the Raja and Mantri are reversed. In the Javan game, if MacGleans
(< ScL , 1867, 226) is correct, the Indian arrangement is followed. The Mantri
is stationed at the right-hand of the Raja. The arrangement is consequently
crosswise. The powers of move of the pieces hardly differ at all from those
which existed in European chess in the middle of the 16th century. The
Mantri, G&jah, Kuda, and Ter have exactly the same moves as their respective
equivalents, the Queen, Bishop, Knight, and Rook, in modem European chess.
The ordinary move of the Raja is identical with the ordinary move of the King
to any adjacent square. In addition he possesses certain powers of leaping
into a square two squares distant. This liberty is not uniform throughout the
Malay lands. In Borneo, according to Raja Brooke of Sarawak,
The King, when checked for the first time, has the right of making the Knight’s
move, or to move two squares. After this sally, he is reduced to the same powers as
a European King. The first move (in which he can of course take), on being
checked, alters the game considerably, as oue great object then becomes to prevent
the check of your own King early in the game, and to gain a check of your
10 Du. raadsJietr ; earlier road (15th c. raet).
11 Similarly the draughtsmen are named buwah dam (de Hollander, op. cit.) and the
chongkak men are called btiwah gorek (Skeat, op. cit., 486), these last being actual seeds.
G 2
Digitized by Google
100
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
adversary ... for it will be evident if the King be once checked, he is deprived of
one great advantage which your adversary still holds. Castling is not allowed
except in two moves, the first being the Castle s move up to the King, and on the
King receiving a check, he can exercise his right of jumping to the inside of the
Castle. 1 *
In Java, according to Sir T. Stamford Raffles,
The King, if he has not been checked, may move two squares the first time, either as
a Knight or otherwise. . . . The King cannot castle after having been checked.
Castling is performed by two moves ; the Castle must first be brought up to the
King ; after which the King may pass over the Castle at. any future move, provided
he shall not have been checked, or that no piece has occupied the square he would
move into. 18
According to Mr. H. O. Robinson,
Castling is effected in various ways in different parts of the Malay Peninsula
and Straits Settlements ; the recognized method in Selangor is to move two squares
whether a piece intervenes or not, 14 but not in conjunction with one of the Kooks.
This is permitted even if the King is in check.. The King may, also, before he is
checked or moved from his own square, once move or take like a Knight. In
Clifford and Swetteuham’s Malay Dictionary it is stated that the King may, also,
if he has not moved or been checked, move once over two vacant squares 18 ; this
privilege move is unknown to the Selangor Malays.
Finally v. Oefele says that in Batak chess the King may, for his first move,
move from el to any of e2, e3, dl, d2, d3, cl, c2, fl, f2, f3, gl, g2— 12 squares
in all. Five of these are in virtue of its ordinary power of move, and 7 are
to a second square. There are also two other squares, viz. c3 and g3, which
are also only distant two squares, but no mention is made of them, and we
must conclude therefore that the old leap of the Elephant in Arabic chess
is prohibited. The leap may be made to remedy the first check, but at no
subsequent turn of play, even if the first check is remedied by the interposition
of a man or by the capture of the checking piece.
The use of the term ( castling ' is of course inaccurate, since the manoeuvre
intended takes two moves. The leap naturally follows the Rook's move,
since the latter piece has no power of jumping. The manoeuvre is quite
well known, and occurs nine times in the nine games from native play that
v. Oefele gives ; on two of these occasions the King leaps out of check.
In another game he makes the Knight's leap in order to capture a Pawn.
11 I imagine the Raja was deceived by the fact that players generally postponed the leap
to the latest moment, and that as a matter of fact there was no real obligation to defer it so
long, but that the leap could be made any move, up to and including that following the first
offer of check.
14 Zimmermann (epitomized in Qst. r 263 ) merely says : * Castling occupies two moves ; the
Rook must move first, and the King at a later move; if the King be in danger, he may leap
over a piece.*
14 This is not quite consistent with the prohibition of the leap 'over two vacant squares*
mentioned later in the description, since the leap to complete the so-called castling is
obviously not a Knight’s leap. But see the following note.
** This description occurs, s.v. c hator, and runs : 1 In the Malay game the king, if he has
not been checked, can be castled, but over one space only, not over two, as in the English
game. (What does this mean ?) The king may, also, before he is checked or moved from
his own square, move once, like a knight, either to left or right, and he mAy also, if he has
not moved or been checked, move once over two vacant squares instead of one, (Why
vacant?) * A very inexact account, which is probably intended for the practice of Perak.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
CHESS IN THE M£LAY LANDS
101
The differences in practice are accordingly ill connexion with two points :
(1) whether the R&ja can or cannot make the leap when checked for the first
time ; and (2) to which of all the squares two steps distant the leap can be
made. The rules given by the older observers are not sufficiently- explicit
here. )
Every Bldaq or Pawn is permitted the double-step for its first move,
precisely as in European chess. Variety of practice appears to occur in
connexion with taking in passing. Raja Brooke (Borneo) says :
A Pawn, moved out, cannot pass an adversary’s Pawn ; bis first move being
restricted to one square in this case.
Sir T. Stamford Raffles (Java), on the contrary, allows the Pawn ‘passar
battaglia ’ ;
The Pawn may move two squares the first move, even though it should pass
the check of an adversary’s Pawn. 18
Robinson and v. Oefele give the rule thus : A Pawn can only take another
Pawn in passing when its own advance is blocked by another Pawn ; e. g. with
white Pawns on g2 and h3 and a black Pawn on h4, if White plays Pg4,
Black may reply PxPi» passing 17 ; if however there were no Pawn on h3,
Black could not take the Pawn on g4 in passing, because he is not now blocked.
This is a refinement which a casual observer would miss, and it is quite possible
that it is the rule in Borneo and Java, and that the apparent discrepancy does
not really exist. 18 Robinson notes a further peculiarity in Pawn-play among
the Selangor Malays. If White has a Pawn on h2, and Black a Pawn on
g3, White being to play, he cannot play Ph3 or Ph4, but must play PxP,
i. e. if he move the b-Pawn. If however White had also a Pawn on f2, he
may now play either of the Pawns to its 3rd or take the Black Pawn, but he
may not play either Pawn to its 4th.
V. Oefele states that the Bataks allow the King’s Pawn to defer its
double step until its second move, e. g. 1 Pd3 ; 2 (or later) P(d3) d5 ; in such
a case it is liable to be captured in passing on its second move, with similar
conditions to those already given.
Pawn-promotion is quite different from the European practice. Generally
a Pawn is promoted immediately on reaching the 8th rank only on the corner
squares. Elsewhere it has to make some further move or moves. Raja Brooke
says * two extra moves ’ and illustrates the rule in the case of a Pawn played
to c8 ; it is promoted by 1 Pb8, 2 Pa8 ; or 1 Pb8, 2 c 7 or a 7 ; or 1 d8,
16 Zim merman n lias the extraordinary rule, a Pawn may move two steps for its first
move, and if a Pawn confronts it, it may leap over it.
17 Robinson says, 4 Px P en passant or captures the P on li3 (R8) as he pleases, but must
always move diagonally.’ I fail to understand the last, since Black cannot possibly take the
hP with his hP and yet move diagonally.
Xi The risk of misapprehension is well shown by v. Oefele's work. It is obvious to any
one who reads his careful record of Batak chess that he spared no pains to make it as accurate
as possible. Yet, in a subsequent letter in Deutsches Wochenschach (Oct. 8, 1905, p. 365), he has
to admit that he had failed to understand the rules on this one point, and he gives the rule
that I give in the text ns the result of further inquiry made on a visit to tl.e Karobataks,
a Batak tribe which has been visited by hardly any Europeans.
Digitized by Google
102
PART I
..CA’e^S IN ASIA
• • • •
• • • • •
2 e8 or e7. HQ*^xjfla§is *that r this is a delay rather than a prevention,
as froin the/niknfor of squares which may be taken, it is extremely difficult
to guard, them* all Sir T. Raffles, on the other hand, says that the Pawn
.^Ker. Veiling its 8th rank on any file excepting the Rook’s files ‘must
; retrograde three moves before it can become a Queen ’. This in Zimmermann's
' somewhat loose description becomes : € the 3 joy-leaps (Freudenspriinge) of
Strobeck are necessary before queening a Pawn.’ Robinson's full account
will again help to clear up these discrepancies. He says :
When a Pawn has reached the eighth square on the Rook’s file it queens at
once ; the player has also the option of selecting any other piece. If on reaching
R7 a piece on Kt square is en prise and captured on the next move, the Pawn must
move back one square diagonally before queening. On reaching the eighth rank
of the Knight’s file it has to move back one square diagonally, either to the right or
left, before queening ; on the Bishop’s file two squares, and on the King’s or Queen’s
file three squares.
I think it is obvious from this that the two diagonal lines that are drawn
on the chessboard of the Peninsula are associated with this rule of promotion.
The diagonals pass through the Rook's squares, and promotion takes place
at once, the Kt square is distant one square diagonally, and an additional
diagonal move is necessary before promotion takes place. The B square
is distant two, and the K and Q squares are distant three squares, and in
these cases two and three diagonal moves are respectively necessary.
V. Oefele's rules of Pawn-promotion are different again. Some of the
Bataks do not know any rule, and when a Pawn has reached its eighth rank
it turns about and retraces its way square by square across the board still
moving and capturing as a Pawn, and it has the possibility of marching up
and down the board an unlimited number of times. 19 Generally the Batak
players require an additional diagonal move to be made before promotion
is possible. The two concluding steps — that from the 7th to the 8th rank,
and the diagonal step — may both be made in the same turn of play, a double
move called gelong , which is subject to the opponent's right to take the Pawn
in passing on the 8th rank. A Pawn may make a capture on the second
move of the gelong . The gelong may not be played if the Pawn give check by
the first part of the move. For example : White P on e7. Black R on f7.
White can play P-e8-f7 taking the R, all in one move. If, however, the
Black K be on d7 he can only play Pe8, check ! Similarly, if it is possible to
take a piece on the 8th rank, this capture is obligatory when the Pawn is
moved, and the gelong is forbidden. In these two cases a second move is
necessary to secure the right to promotion. Apparently the promotion is still
incomplete and the Raja must next make a move. 20 The promoted Pawn
is now permitted to move in accordance with its new dignity, but it is still
debarred from making a capture until its second move. It is not stated
19 V. Oefele notes that the few Bataks who play in this way are a poorer race, the result
■of a strong admixture of Malay blood.
20 V. Oefele says, der oberste Kriegsherr , by which I take it he can only mean the R^ja.
Unfortunately, the complicated manoeuvre is not exemplified in any of his illustrative
games.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
103
whether the Pawn is immune from capture during these operations. When
finally promoted it can take the rank of any piece. 21
This is a very long and complicated process, and very different from the
rule as given by Robinson. It will be remembered that the Batak board
is also covered with an elaborate network of lines which would not suggest
a rule for. promotion in the same way as the board of the mainland.
It is usual on the mainland to warn a player that his Mantri is under
attack. Blagden gives mor as the call for this purpose. Robinson gives
daman as used at Selangor when the capture is threatened by another Mantri,
and md as used when any other piece makes the threat.
The term for discovered check is ara a. 22 This is derived from the Arabic
ira (Per. 'ira, Hindustani * arop ) which is regularly used in this sense in the
earlier writers. Robinson gives aras sah as meaning double check and ara s md
as a check which forks the Mantri. V. Oefele notes that the Bataks make
a distinction between sah, direct check, and aras, discovered check. If the
latter is irremediable — i. e. in European parlance is mate — the Batak calls
the game drawn ( sri ) : e. g. White, Kgl, Qh6, Kth7 ; Black, Kh8 ; the
move Kt(h7)f6 is aras and the game is drawn. This leads to a still greater
anomaly, a piece which is covering a check is deemed to have no power of
giving check to the opposing King : e. g. White, Kg5, Bg4 ; Black, Ke2,
Rf3, Pd3 ; White can calmly play Kf4 and draw the game.
Stalemate, called metnh (v. Oefele), or mutfn (Robinson), is reckoned as
a draw.
There appear to be no special rules respecting Bare King in the Batak
game. Sir T. Raffles says for Java :
A piece or Pawn must remain on the board till the last ; if the King is left alone
it is considered as stalemate, and he wins.
The allusion is probably to the English rule of stalemate at the beginning
of the 19th century, in which the King who was put into the position of
stalemate was counted as having won the game. MacGleans (< Sch . 1867, 227)
says of Java, however, that Bare King is a drawn ending. At Selangor the
rule is different again ; Mr. Robinson says :
Towards the end of a game care must be exercised in not capturing all the
opponent’s pieces, for if the King be left solus the game is practically drawn, as he
may move just as he pleases, like a King, Queen. Bishop, Knight, Rook or Pawn !
He is then termed Raja Lela with powers to bermaharaja Ida , i. e. to play, the
Maharaja Lela. 33 ...
n Promotion to the rank of any piece is also the rule in Borneo. The evidence for Java
is not clear. Sir T. Raffles merely says that there is no limit to the number of Queens
possible at one time in the game. This suggests that promotion is limited to the rank
of Mantri.
8 Wilkinson in his Malay Dictionary appears to have misunderstood this term, for he
defines aras thus : ‘Arabic, an expression in Chess, “Guard your Queen’’, “The Queen is
en prise ”, only used, however, when the Queen is threatened by a Knight.' The comparative
evidence of Arabic, Persian, and Urdu chess- books supports Robinson and v. Oefele.
** ‘The only person who in former days was not in the least affected by the royal taboos
which protected the regalia from the common touch was the (now I believe extinct) official
who held the post of Court Physician ( Maharaja Lola). He, and he alone, might go freely in
the royal apartments wherever he chose, and the immunity and freedom which he enjoyed
Digitized by Google
104
CHESS IN ASIA
PART
The fact that the game is generally played for a stake naturally lead
to the game at odds being often played. V. Oefele notes that the usual odd
given by a strong player is to undertake to mate the opponent on one of tli
four central squares (d4, e4, d5, e5). This is called Tepong .
The crosswise arrangement of the Rajas, combined with the modem power
of move, has led to the prevalence of the wing attack in the actual g*amc
Raja Brooke remarks that the ordinary method of opening the game in Borne
was to advance the QRP, the QKtP and QBP and to manoeuvre the Q, behin<
them. This is well illustrated in the nine games which v. Oefele gives fron
Batak play. After recording some games played by natives in his neighbour
hood, he arranged a match between the best of the local players, by nam<
Singambati, and Sibayak, whom popular opinion declared to be one of th<
best living Batak players. Sibayak had no difficulty in beating his opponent
by 4-0. From his experience of native play, v. Oefele states that there art
certain regular lines of opening play which are popular among players. The
better players observe the rule that a piece once touched must be played. 24
The study of the simpler endings is also attempted with some system.
I select three games from v. Oefele's work as illustrating well the main
features of Batak play. In all of them I give the move to White, and the
Kings are to be placed upon dl and e8.
No.
1
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
O*
15 Bx B
Be 5
33 Pl>3
Qg4
51 dRd6
eRc7
Lioetong v oingam-
1 in 4 1
1 6 Pe3 1
Pd 4
34 R x P?
Kte4
52 Rel
Kta5
ban
17 Kta4
Qb4
35 Be5
QxB
53 eRdl
Rb7
White
Black
18 Kt x B
Q x Kt
36 QxQ
Kt x Q
54 B(d6)d3 Ktc4 +
1 Pd3
Pa6
19 PxP
QxP
37 B(el)e3
Ktf5
55 Kbl
cRb8
2 Pg4
Pd 5
20 Rel
Qd6
38 l!f3
Kt x P
56 Kc2
Kta5
3 Bg2
l!x P
21 Bel
Rf8
39 Rfl
Pa 4
Resigns.
4 Ktt3
Pc6
22 Kbl
Kg8
40 f Rel
PxP
5 Pf4
Bf5
23 Pl>4
Pb5
41 aP x P
Ktf5
6 QI2 “
Ktf6
24 Pha
Pa5
42 R(el)e4 Ktd6
o
7 Ktf3
bKtd7
25 Q.l)2
f Re8
43 Rb4
Rc3
1NO.
£
8 Pli3
Qc7
26 Ph6
Pg6
44 Rd4
Ktf 5
biabas v Singambati
9 Ktd4
Bg6
27 P x P
fPxP
45 Rb4
Kte3
1 Pd3
Pa6
10 Pf5
Bh5
28 cRdl
Ktd5
46 R xP
Kt x P
2 Pg4
Pbo
11 Rfl
Rc8 26
29 B x Kt )'xB
47 Kb2
cRc8
3 Bg2
Pd 5
12 Bf4
Pc5 27
30 Pd4
Qc7
48 Pe7
Ktd4
4 Ph3
l J c5
13 Bg3
Qb6
31 Px P
Qc4
49 bR(15
Ktc6
5 Pf4
Bb7
14 Ktf3
BxKt
32 PeG
Kte5
50 ReG
Rx P
6 Qf2
Qc7 M
in this respect pnssed into a proverb, the expression *‘to act the Court Physician ” ( boat
Maharaja Lda ) being used to describe an altogether unwarrantable familiarity or imperti-
nence.* Skeat, op. cit., 89.
24 This rule is obviously necessary whenever the game is played for a stake, if it is
desired to obviate a fruitful cause of dispute. V. Oefele notes that one player washed his face
before playing, in order that he might see more clearly.
25 This is the general position of the Q in the opening.
20 V. Oefele says that the play up to this point frequently recurs in Batak play, and that
it may accordingly be regarded as one of their regular openings. In the match-games
between Sibayak and Singambati a more cautious and less stereotyped method of opening
was adopted.
27 The Bataks use the term chaicang ( * fork) for this ‘forking * of two pieces.
28 The Black development up to move 6 is traditional (cf. Raja Brooke, cited above), and is
called Prung gunung crag war), since the opening is much played by the mountain tribes.
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Malay Chessmen (Selangor)
From the Skeat Collection in the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Cambridge
[ Face page 105
Digitized by v^ooole
CHAP. V
CHESS
IN THE
MALAY
LANDS
105
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
7 Ktc3
Pd4
No. 3
16 Pa4
Ktg6
34 K xR
Rcl +
8 Ktd5
BxKt
Sibayak
v Sin gam-
17 Ph4
Kte5
35 Kb2
Re 5
9BxB
Ra7
bati**
18 Pf3
Ba6
36 Bd3
Kf8
10 Pf5
Ktf6
1 Pd3
Pe6
19 Kth3
Ktg6
37 Rc3
Ke7
11 Bf4
Pe5
2 Bf4
Bd6
20 Ktf2
Qc3
38 Kc2
Pf6
12 BxP +
K xB
3 Bg3
Kte7
21 QxQ
PxQ
39 Kd3
Ph6
13 Bg5
Ktd5
4 Pe4
Pb5
22 Bfl
BxB
40 Rc4
Kd7
14 Qf 3
Qd6
5 Bx B
PxB
23 cRxB
Kte5
41 Pb4
PxP
15 Bel
Kte3 +
6 Ktc3
Pa6
24 Ktd3
Kt x Kt
42 RxP
Rc7 1
16 Kbl
Pc4
7 Pd5 so
Rf8
25 P x Kt
Kg8 ?
43 Pa5
Ra7
17 BxKt
PxB
8 Pg4
Bb7
26 Kc2
fRe8
44 Rb5
Kc7
18 QxP
Rc7
9 Bg2
Qc7
27 PxP
dPxP
45 Kc4
Pg5
19 Ktf3
Pc3
10 Bel
Pb4
28 Pd4
Pe5
46 Ph5
Rb7
20 Kte5 +
Kg8
11 Kta4
Pa5
29 Pd5
Rc5
47 RxR
KxR
21 Pd4 !
PxPl
12 Pb3
Kta6
30 Bdl
eRc8
48 Kl>5
Kb8
22 Qb3 +
R17
13 Kbl
Bel
31 hRel
Rb8
49 Kb6
Ka8
23 Q x R mate.
14 Qd2
Ktc5
32 Re 3
Rc7
50 Kc6
Resigns.
15 Kt x Kt Q x Kt
33 E xP
KxR +
There is no systematic study of the problem in Malay chess, but v. Oefele
notes that a position is occasionally arranged on the board and a wager laid
upon its solution. One such position that he had seen is the well-known
European problem, White, Ke5, Rel ; Black, Ke8, in which White gives mate
on the third move. 31
The chessmen in use on the mainland are generally clumsily carved from
soft wood, with no distinction of colour, the one side being only distinguished
from the other by a daub of lime or paint. Mr. Skeat tells me that the
Pawns are often made afresh on each occasion of play. Ivory sets for royal
use, and other sets of harder wood are not unknown. I give illustrations of
some of the chessmen in the Skeat Ethnological Collection, and of some other
set6 as well. The more highly finished chessmen approximate in pattern to the
modem Muslim pieces used in India. Since the Malays of the Peninsula are
Sunnite Muhammadans of the Shall* ite school, the use of carved pieces, images
of the actual forms represented, is forbidden by their religion.
In Sumatra, it is usual to make fresh chessmen on each occasion of
playing. This only occupies about 10 minutes. A piece of bamboo or the
midrib of a palm leaf is obtained and the pieces are quickly cut after a con-
ventional pattern. The two sides are distinguished by slight variations in the
shape. The pattern does not look to me to be derived from the Muslim type
of the mainland. Most noteworthy is the fact that the Mantri is made the
tallest of the pieces. The Kuda, with head cut aslope, may be a recollection
of an early type of European Knight which is still occasionally repeated in
English sets, and the Ter with its cleft in the top recalls the old shape of the
European Rook.
The country whence the Malays obtained their chess has been represented
*• Prom the match of four games.
30 For the deferred double step, see p. 101 above.
81 Solved by 1 Ke6, .** ; 2 Rcl or gl according to Black's play, Ke8 ; 8 R mates.
Digitized by Google
106
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
by different writers as Arabia, Persia, and India . 82 The philological evidence
derived from the nomenclature is only satisfied by the hypothesis of an Indian.
Gftjah. Kuda.
I. A set of hard wood in the possession of Mr. Robinson,
Bfija. Mantri. Ter. Kuda. Gfijah Bldaq.
II. From v. Oefele.
h D.Q Dm a.b C21.fi 0 .i= -
Raja. Mantri. Ter. Kuda. G8,jah. Bidaq.
III. From Mr. Claine's paper, BCM. 1891.
Malay Chesshex.
ancestry, with later modifications as a result of the knowledge of Arabic which
resulted from the introduction of the Muslim religion from Southern India. It
is not improbable that the Tamil and Telugu terms were also introduced with
Muhammadanism .
The evidence of the practical game points to Southern Europe 33 , and
** Arabia is the opinion to which Clifford and Swettenham incline. There is, of course,
strong Arabic influence in the nomenclature, but the presence of Skr. terms, and the name of
the game, chdtor , seem fatal to the claim. Persia (i. e. probably the Parsis in S. India) was
suggested by Crawfurd (Hist. Ind. Arch., Edinburgh, 1820, i. 112), the intermediaries being the
Telingas, and the date of the introduction comparatively recent. Forbes supported the view
that I have taken in the text (263, 265, 275). He argued for a greater antiquity than I think
probable, from the presence of the Prahu in the Javan game. This piece he associated with
the Boat in the four-handed Bengali game.
M Thus the rule that the R&ja loses its power of leaping after the first check, even though
it remains unmoved, existed in the chess of certain parts of Italy, and possibly elsewhere in
Southern Europe, in 1600 and later.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
CHESS IN THE MALAY LANDS
107
suggests that extensive modifications have been made in rule and move as a
result of the intercourse with Portuguese and Dutch since 1500. The existing
variations all appear to me consistent with the view that the European practice
of the middle and later half of the 16th century remodelled the native game.
The differences are superimposed, not fundamental. They occur just in those
points in which uncertainty exists to-day among beginners, or in circles out of
touch with the literature of the modem game. At the same time the use of
the unchequered board, and the whole question of Pawn-promotion, is still pure
Asiatic. To the objection that the European powers of move had already
taken root in India, and that there is the simpler possibility that the change
came via India, the Pawn’s move seems a sufficient answer. Had the change
come from Southern India, we should have found the double step restricted
to particular Pawns, or hedged about with conditions: we should probably
also have found restrictions placed upon the free promotion to the rank of
any piece.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
Introductory remarks. — I. Burmese chess. — Name of the game. — The chessboard. —
The chessmen. — Nomenclature. — Initial arrangement. — Rules. — II. Siamese
chess. — Name of the game. — The chessboard. — The chessmen. — Nomenclature. —
Initial arrangement. — Rules. — Specimen game. — III. Annamese che3s.
Modern European observers have recorded the practice of chess in each
of the three great political divisions of Further India (Indo-China). Their
accounts show that each of these countries has its own peculiar variety of
chess, while the Chinese game has been introduced by the numerous Chinese
settlers, and is widely played in Siam and Annam.
At first sight the native Burmese and Siamese games, of which alone
we have sufficiently detailed information as to the method of play, look very
diverse. Closer investigation, however, results in the discovery of certain
features which link the two games together. These are — (a) the fivefold
move of the Elephant, which al-Berunl recorded as existing in India in his
day, occurs in each game ; (b) both games begin from a different arrangement
of the chessmen from that, followed elsewhere : in Burmese there is no pre-
scribed arrangement for the pieces, but only for the Pawns ; in Siamese chess
a definite initial arrangement exists ; (c) the rules of Pawn-promotion are
unusual.
I have already shown that the Burmese and Annamese names for their
forms of chess both go back ultimately to the Skr. cliatnranga , and thus point
to the Indian ancestry of both games. Although the Siamese name for chess
is of different origin, the names of the pieces show a closer connexion between
Siamese and Annamese chess than between either of these games and Burmese
chess. We know too little of the history of these nationalities to be very
certain as to the history of their games, but it seems most probable that chess,
which has always been in attendance on great missionary movements, reached
Further India with Buddhism, and spread over the peninsula with that
religion. It has been commonly held that Buddhism reached Burma from
Ceylon and that its further spread was by way of the river basins. The intro-
duction is placed in the 5th e. a.d., and the diffusion from the Irawadi basin
to Arakan first, and later to Kambaya, Pegu, and Siam, where Buddhism was
introduced in the 7th c. There is, however, good reason to believe that the
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
109
overthrow of Buddhism in Northern India resulted in migrations into Burma
from the Ganges basin direct, and that Buddhism spread down, as well as up,
the river valleys. Chess may well have reached Burma by land.
Chess is undoubtedly of high antiquity in Burma, but no tradition of its
history has been recorded. 1
I. Burma.
The earliest accounts of Burmese chess are contained in Symes’s Account of
an Embassy to the Kingdom of Ava (in 1795), London, 1800, 466-7, and in
Captain Hiram Cox's paper On the Burmha Game of Chess compared with the
Indian , Chinese , and Persian Games of the same Denomination , which was written
in 1799 and was published, after the author's death, in Asiatic Researches ,
Calcutta, 1801, vii. 488-511. Captain Cox had obtained his knowledge of
Burmese chess during his residence at the court of Amarapura. Of more
recent date are the accounts of Dr. Adolf Bastian (Leipziger lllnstr . Zeit. } July 4,
1863) and of Sir J. G. Scott, who devotes a whole chapter of his work on
Burma to Burmese chess. 2 The following account is based upon information
given me by Mr. E. Colston, I.C.S., who, a chess-player himself in England,
had learnt and played the native game in Burma. The accuracy of the details
has been established by reference to native players.
The Burmese name for their chess is sittuyin , pronounced in Arakanese
sitturin . 8 The game is also called colloquially sitbnyin (Arakanese, sitburiti).
In both these forms sit is the Burmese word for army, and is probably the
direct Burmese descendant of the Skr. chaturanga . 4 Sittuyin may be trans-
lated ‘representation of the army'. Sitbnyin is identical in form with the
Burmese military term for ‘ generalissimo *, ‘commander-in-chief*, but
Mr. Colston and the Burmans whom I have consulted do not recognize any
connexion between the two words.
The Burmese chessboard (siting in -hon ; kya-kwet= a square of the chess-
board or any similar board) is unchequered. 6 It is usually very large, and
is raised above the ground for the convenience of the players who, following
the ordinary Burmese custom, squat upon the ground. The chess-table, for
60 it becomes, is supplied with a drawer to hold the chessmen when not
in use, and often a supply of lime, areca nuts, and betel ready for the player
to chew during play. Like the Indian and Malay boards, the surface exhibits
1 Tho story which a Rangoon player told Sir J. G. Scott (Shwny Yoe), that chess was
invented ‘ by an ancient Talaing qu$en, who was passing fond of her lord, and to keep him
by her and out of war invented chess’ (Shway Yoe, The Bur man , His Life and Notions, London,
1882, ii. 70), can hardly be dignified by the name of tradition.
* The Barman, already quoted above. Other writers have followed one or other of these
authorities, often misunderstanding them. Falkener’s account (177-190) is quite worthless,
and his secoud variety, in which lie allows a Pawn to receive the rank of the Rook on
promotion, is a game of his own invention. It is unknown in Burma.
* I follow the official transliteration. Symes’s spelling, chedreen , and Cox's, chit-tha-reen, are
attempts to reproduce the Burmese word by ear. Himly’s forms ( chatturan , chachturan , tsitturan ;
tsai bhuran , tsii^boyen) are due to obsolete methods of transliteration.
4 The word has lost all trace of its original meaning of four-membered. Judson {Diet.
Burmese Lang.) quotes the phrase sit inga leba , * an army composed of four parts \
6 Mr. Colston has seen boards that have been chequered for purposes of decoration.
A
Digitized by Google
no
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
other marks than the lines which divide the squares from each other. These V
marks vary on different boards, and may even be entirely absent, but the player
must always supply them mentally. They govern the whole question of
Pawn-promotion .
These markings are something like those recorded in the Malay boards
from the mainland, where again, though in a different way, they are asso-
ciated with Pawn-promotion. On the other hand, they widely differ from
the markings of the Indian boards. The most persistent marks on the
Indian board are connected with the central squares on opposite edges and
The ordinary Burmese Board
(Bassein, &c.).
From a Board belonging to
Mr. A. J. Neilson, Glasgow.
Falkener.
m
m
■
m
m
m
■
■
s
m
■
0
IKS
0
0
(3
13
(n
■
■
■
■
■
■
*
□
□
□
□□on
m
□□
■
■
□
■
■
□□□□
□
■
■
■
■
■
Shway Yoe.
m
■
■
■
■
■
m
■
m
I u
m
m
■
■
m
□
□
0
0
m
□
□
*
K
■
■
■
■
■
■
*
K
□
□
□
□□□□□□□
■
■
■
■i
■
□□□□
Is
■
■
■
■
■
□
Capt. Cox.
The markings on Burmese Chessboards, and Burmese arrangements of the Chessmen.
the four squares in the middle of the board. The marks on the Burmese
board deal rather with the board as a whole than with particular squares
on it. I am at a loss to explain them, for the anomalous rules of Pawn-
promotion must, I think, be due to the marks, and not the marks to the
rules: indeed, I see no other way of accounting for the appearance of
the rules than to suppose that they were suggested by the markings.
None of my Barman informants could give any explanation of them. They
thought that the markings were only added * for ornament \
Burmese chessmen are always actual figures, though the carving of them is
V
Digitized by Google
Digitized by
CHAP. VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
111
very rude and tends to become conventional. They are nearly always made
of wood and stained red and black. 6 The red Pawns are carved as men, the
black as monkeys, in reference to the battle in the Uamayana between Rama
and the monkeys. Ivory sets are very rare ; none of the Burmans whom
I consulted had ever seen any ivory sets in use. There are ivory sets, how-
ever, at South Kensington and in the Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford ; of the
latter set I give a picture. The ivory sets are coloured white and red.
The names and powers of the Burmese chessmen are given in the following
table :
No.
Burmese
Name. 7
Translation.
Power of Move.
Equivalent.
1
min-gyi
Great King
One step in every direction
K
2
sit-ke
(sit-bo)
Lieutenant-
General
One step in the four diagonal directions
Q
3-4
sin
Elephant
One step in five directions, viz. the four
diagonal directions and vertically forwards
only
The Knight’s leap
B
5-6
myin
Horse
Kt
7-8
yattali
Chariot
The Rook’s move
R
9-16
n6
One step vertically forwards, capturing as in
European chess
P
All the major pieces capture as they move. 8 The title sit-ke was formerly
employed for civil as well as military officers of subordinate rank. Yattak
(in Arakanese ratta) is simply the Skr. rat'ha .
At the commencement of the game the sixteen Net or Pawns are placed
upon the board in the position shown iu the
accompanying diagram. This arrangement of
the Nes is never varied. The game now
commences with alternate moves, and each
player in turn places one of his major pieces
on the board on any vacant square in his own
half of the board. As a rule the players
begin by placing their Min-gyxs (K) on g2
and b 7 ; their ilyins (Kts) are placed so as to
support one another, one Sin (B) is placed
next the Min-gyi (K), and the Yattahs (R) are
placed on files which are comparatively empty
of pieces in order that they may break through
• Mr. Colston has only seen black and red chessmen. Other authorities speak of red and
green chessmen ; possibly the green are only black men which have worn badly. There are
pictures of native boardls and chessmen in Falkener, facing 177, and in Culin, C. & P. C.,
plate 82, facing 859.
7 I follow the official transliteration. Earlier writers have followed different methods
or have attempted to take the names down orally. Thus Symes has meem (K), thckcy (Q),
tnene (Kt), yettay (R), maundday (P). Cox has ming (K), chekoy (Q), chein (R), mhee (Kt),
rutrha (R), yein (P) ; Bastian seekay (Q), yetta (R) ; Shway Yoe, sTta (Q), yittah (R).
• Cox limited the sin’s power of oapture to the diagonal directions. Later autliori ties know
nothing of any limitation of move, and Mr. Colston and my Burrnan informants agree that
Cox is wrong here.
Initial arrangement of the Nte
(Pawns).
Digitized by Google
112
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
as soon as possible. If a player think it expedient to place one of his major
pieces upon a square already occupied by one of his Nee (P), he is at liberty
to do so and to place the Ne elsewhere behind the row of Nee. In the position
given by Bastian, Black has evidently done this, placing his Sit-ke on h4
and the Ne from h4 on e3.
When all the pieces are disposed on the board, the players are still at
liberty in the following moves to continue to rearrange their pieces by
abnormal moves, removing one piece in each turn of play. With the advance
of the first Ne (P), this liberty ceases, and the game continues by alternate
legal moves of the chessmen.
Most Burmans have a favourite disposition for their pieces, though
obviously a good deal ought to depend upon the arrangement adopted by
the opponent. Previous observers have recorded the favourite arrangements
of their native informants. Earlier chess writers (cf. Forbes, 261) have asso-
ciated these varying arrangements with the Arabic ta'btyat, or the Indian
custom of opening the game with a number of simultaneous moves. It is
obvious from Mr. Colston’s full description of the whole manoeuvre that we
have something utterly different here. I imagine that the Burmese initial
play has developed out of an older arrangement of the board of which the
Siamese arrangement is perhaps a survival. Both Symes
and Cox would seem to point to an earlier condition of
things. According to the former, each player arranges
his men on three lines by which eight squares are
left unoccupied. This would exactly fit the Siamese
arrangement as given below. A young Burman from
Moulmcin drew the Siamese arrangement and gave the
Siamese rules when I asked him to describe the chess
that he played at home. 9 The arrangement which Cox
gave (see p. 110) shows an intermediate position of the
Pawns between the Siamese and the modem Burmese.
Any Ne (P) that is played to a marked square can be promoted to the
rank of Sit-ke (Q), provided that the player has no other Sit-ke on the board
at the moment. In promoting the Ne the player is at liberty to place the
Sit-ke (which replaces the Ne) upon the square occupied by the promoted Ne,
or upon any adjacent square which is not commanded by an opponent’s piece.
If a player whose turn it is to play has a Ne standing on a marked square,
and no Sit-ke on the board, he can, if he likes, simply promote the Ne without
moving at all. In certain positions, when a player cannot make a move
without disadvantage, this may become a valuable privilege. Obviously the
Net most favourably situated for promotion are those on the player's right
wing. It is in consequence of this, and the difficulty of promoting a Pawn
on the other wing, that Cox and Shway Yoe would limit promotion to the
9 But other Burmans to whom I showed this arrangement refused to recognize it as
Burmese. I believe there is a considerable Siamese colony in Moulmein, and perhaps
Maung Kin only gave me the Siamese arrangement and rules of Pawn-promotion.
Burmese arrangement
of the Chessmen.
From Bastian.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
113
Pawns on the right wing, which alone could advance to the sinister diagonal
(al to h8) on which promotion is most easily secured. 10
The most useful piece with which to give mate is the Sin (B) ; Burmese
players accordingly do not like to exchange their Sins. For ' check 9 they
say bet (Cox, boat), and for check-rook, a move forking King and Rook,
kwadot. There is no term for mate ; the winner generally says Neinbe , c I
have won ’ ; the loser, SAonbe, ‘ I have lost \
Stalemate is not known in Burmese chess ; a player is not allowed to
place his opponent in a stalemate position. He must give the Min-gyi room
to play.
At the conclusion of a game it is usual for the winner to give the loser
a dab on the cheek with the soft powdered lime that Burmans always carry
with them in order to prepare the betel for chewing. In this way the
score of a succession of games at a sitting may be kept. Some players give
a dab for every check in the game. Chess is mainly played by elderly
Burmans, and, according to Mr. Colston, is of all Burmese games the freest
from betting. Shway Yoe, on the other hand, says that there is always
heavy betting on the games, and that during matches between the more
famous players the excitement becomes so intense that it is not uncommon
for the spectators (who advise the players freely) to come to actual blows. 11
The Burmans have paid no attention to the composition or study of chess
problems.
II. Siam.
La Loubfcre, the envoy-extraordinary of Louis XIV of France to the court
of Siam in 1687-8, tells, in the account of Siam which he published on his
return to Europe, 12 that the Siamese i jouent aux echecs k notre manifere, et
k la manure chinoise \ This information agrees with that given by travellers
in the present century, and explains the apparent discrepancies that exist
between other descriptions of Siamese chess. An admirable account of the
games of Siam (first written in 1829) was contributed in 1836 to Asiatic
Researches (XX, part ii, pp. 374 seq.) by Capt. James Low, M.R.A.S.C., and
Falkener supplements this by giving reliable native information which he
obtained from Prince Dewawongse, the Siamese Minister of Foreign Affairs,
through the assistance of Mr. E. B. Gould, our consul at Bangkok in 1889. ia
10 Cox allowed promotion to 5, Shway Yoe to 4 Nts only. The latter gives the rule about
the position of the new Sii~ke thus : 4 When, however, the Pawn replaces the dead leader (Q),
he is not allowed to remain on the square where he gained the distinction. He must be
placed on one of the eight surrounding checks at the player's option, and therefore often falls
a victim to his new-gained eminence. 1 Falkener has misunderstood this passage com-
pletely. Mr. Colston and my Burman informants agree that Shway Yoe’s statement is
incomplete, and give the rule as stated in the text.
11 Cf. Shway Yoe, op. cit., and Y. C. Scott O’Connor, The Silken East , London, 1904, i. 186.
12 M. de la Loub&re, Du Royaume de Siam, Paris, 1691, i, 191. Sir John Bowring, Kingdom
and People of Siam, London, 1857, i. 151-2, apparently used La Loubere as his authority for
Siamese chess and merely describes the Chinese game.
18 Other information is to be fo^nd in the Leipzig. Illustr. Zeit., April 16, 1864 (by I)r. A.
Bastian), which was summarized by v. d. Linde, i. 84 ; in the Leipzig. Illustr. Zeit. y Oct. 11, 1879
(which served as the basis for an article in the Sch., 1880, 321) ; and in the BCM , 1898, 382,
quoting from the New York Tribune. The German accounts describe the native game, but the
1270 H
Digitized by Google
114
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
As the Chinese chess of Siam does not appear to differ materially in move
or rule from that of China itself, I propose in the present chapter to confine
my attention to the native variety alone.
It is not possible to discover any trace of Indian ancestry in the nomen-
clature of Siamese chess. This is the more remarkable, for the word chaturanga
has actually been adopted in Siamese in the sense of army . 14 The game bears
the name of mak-ruk, a word of which both origin and signification have been
forgotten. It cannot be explained by reference to any existing Siamese root,
and is therefore in all probability a loan- word adopted from some neighbouring 1
language . 15 Loan-words in Siamese often undergo such radical changes that
the original word is completely disguised ; the language, being originally
monosyllabic, although it now shows a large admixture of Burmese and
Khun. Met. Rua. KhOn. Mi Bia.
Siamese Chessmen. From the Schachseitung.
Burmese Pali, has a tendency to reduce all foreign words to a monosyllabic
form.
The Siamese chessboard is unchequered, and, so far as information goes,
exhibits none of the additional lines that are to be found on the Indian and
other boards of the far East.
The Siamese chessmen are fashioned after a conventional pattern, approxi-
mating somewhat to European and somewhat to Indian models. For the
Pawns it is usual to use cowrie shells, placing them with the aperture down-
wards. On promotion the player merely turns the shell over so that now
the aperture is uppermost. Instead of shells the glass counters used in the
Chinese game of tcei-Jt' i are often used.
ECU. describes Chinese chess, and apparently the use of dice is contemplated, for the note
concludes : * As a rule the powers of the pieces are more circumscribed than those in our
game, and the moves to some extent are regulated by the throw of the dice, but the end is
the same — checkmate to the King.’
M See Pallegoix, Siamese Vocal ., 87, 'Giatu rang, quatuor agmina exercitns cum suis quatuor
ducibus.*
15 The first element, snak. appears in the names of other games. Low mentions mak-yep.
a board -game played with 14 counters on a board of 16 squares; mak khom, the game of tmmngala ;
and maak-yek, played on the chessboard between two sides of 16 men which are arranged
on the 1st and 3rd (6th and 8th) rows of the board. The men move on the squares in all
directions without limit to the number crossed ( ?L e. move like the Rook), and the aim is to
place a man between two opponents, when he captures both. In another variety one man
opposes 16, and moves in any direction, not diagonally, and takes by leaping over an op-
ponent into a blank square beyond. Similar games exist in Japan, seep. 147.) It looks,
accordingly, as if mak meant board-game or something similar, especially as the names of the
other games commence with len ( = play), e.g .len doai ; len cua A-iii x the tiger game) ; Un
choa ; len saki (backgammon).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
115
The names and power of move of the Siamese pieces are exhibited in the
following table :
No.
Siamese
Name.
Translation.
Power of Move.
Equivalent.
1
khun
Lord
One step in every direction. For its first
move the Knight's leap also
K
2
met
Minister {Low)
One step in the four diagonal directions. For
its first move a double step (el-eS only)
Q
3, 4
khon
Nobleman
(post, sup-
porter, Low)
One step in five directions, the four diagonal
directions and vertically forwards only
B
5, 6
m&
Horse
The Knight's leap
Kt
7,8
rua
Boat
The Rook’s move
R
9-16
bia
Cowrie shell
One step vertically forwards. It captures as
the European P does
P
The meanings of the Siamese names are not altogether certain. Khun is
the ordinary word for Uobleman, but the King's name may be a contraction
for Hun luang , meaning king. Met in Siamese means a small seed or trifle,
* but the name is not very appropriate, and it has been suggested that met may
be really Skr. mantri . The chief objection to this conjecture is the absence
of any other trace of Skr. nomenclature. According to Mr. Gould khOn has
no meaning at all. Falkeners conjecture that Hon = Burmese chein (Cox),
sin (Shway Yoe), is too far-fetched. Md is Chinese for
horse. Bia means a cowrie shell and is due to the'
common use of these as Pawns.
The Boat also appears among the chessmen in the
Annamese game, and we have already met with it in the
modem chess of Bengal, and in the Javan game. I have
already expressed the opinion that these coincidences are
accidental. Siam and Annam are both countries in
which the principal means of communication is by water,
and the presence of the Boat in chess may reflect this fact.
The initial arrangement of the game is invariable and yet not that of
Indian ch^ss. The Kings are placed crosswise, each met (Q) being on the
King's right . The eight Pawns on each side are all advanced to the third
rank. We have already seen that there is some evidence for the existence of
this or a similar arrangement in Burmese chess.
The same arrangement of the Pawns upon the third line is found in the
Japanese game. The resemblance is probably accidental, although there are
other features of Siamese chess which approximate curiously to features of
the Japanese game. The fivefold move of the Khon (B) appears in Japanese
chess as the move of the Gin , which also is posted on the third square from
the comer (cl, &c.). Still more curious is the fact that in both games the
row upon which promotion takes place is the third from the opponent’s edge
of the board — in Siamese chess the player's sixth row, upon which the
opponent's Pawns were originally posted. But the resemblance is probably
accidental and extends no further, for, while in Japanese chess pieces
h 2
The Siamese arrange-
ment of the Chessmen.
Digitized by Google
116
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
and Pawns alike obtain promotion, in the Siamese game promotion is
confined to the Pawns. A Pawn reaching the sixth row becomes at once
a Met (Q), whether the player’s original Met be on the board or not. There
is no limit to the number of Met* that a player may have at any one
time. 1 6
Capt. Low gives the following rules in connexion with the ending (op.
cit., 378) :
The following are established rules. If a King is left alone to contend, his aim
is to get so placed as to prevent being checkmated within a certain nnmber of moves.
In the first place, however, the number of pieces actually on the board is deducted
from the prescribed number of moves in each case. Thus, if the King has opposed to
him a King and two Castles, the number of pieces on the board (4) is deducted from
the prescribed number 8. If the adversary has only a Castle, the prescribed number
is 16. If he has two Bishops, it is 22. If with one, 44. If with three Knights, 33.
If with one Knight, 66. If with a m6t, it is a drawn game. If with a Queen or m6t
and two Pawns, 88 moves ; with a Queen, Bishop, Knight, and Castle, 16 moves are
prescribed. 17
This is a curious attempt to ovetcome the slowness of the game: of all
varieties of chess that I have studied, the Burmese and Siamese are the most
tedious and prolonged.
Stalemate is a drawn game.
The differences between Siamese and Burmese chess have the effect
of making the former game at once older and more modern in type. The
existence of an initial arrangement of the men in Siamese chess, and the
absence of any limitations to Pawn-promotion, belong to an older type of game
than the Burmese, while the crosswise arrangement, and the larger powers of
move of King and Met are more modern in type than anything in the
existing Burmese game.
The following specimen of Siamese chess was supplied by Prince
Dewawongse to Mr. Gould and is taken from Falkener. The white men
were played by Chong Kwa and Coy consulting, the black by Nai Chang.
All three were reputed to be good players.
White Black
1 Pe4 Pe5
2 Pf4 Bf7
3 Ktf3 Be6
4 bKtd2 Pf5
5 Qf2 Ktf6
6 Qe3 Bc7
7 Bf2 Rg8
8 Ke2 Pc5
White
Black
9
Bc2
Kf7
10
aRfl
Bc6
11
Pa4
bKtd7
12
Pb4
Qc7
13
Bb3
Ke2
14
fRgl
Pb5
15
Pa5
P x eP
16
dPxP
Pc4
White Black
17 Be 2 aRc8
18 Pg4 Pg5
White, Black
24 Ktd2 Qd6
25 Bf3 cRf8
26 Ph5 Kd8
27 Pg5 Bf5
28 Pg6 = QPe4
RxR
PxB:
Q +
1 9 P x gP P x gP
20 Ph4 Pd5
21 KtxgPPxP
22 Kt(d2) Kt x Kt 29 Q x B
x eP 30 K x R
23 Kt xKt B(c6)d5
16 Low adds: ‘The pawns on reaching an adversary's line become pieces of higher value
without reference to the number of these which may have been taken from their side/
I suppose this is intended for the rule of the text, but if so it is expressed with extraordinary
looseness.
17 Low gives the score of a game in 85 moves which was eventually abandoned as drawn
because ‘ the King had got to his own country within 16 moves * — a reference to the rules
for shortening the ending of the game. The game begins 1 Pe4, Pd6 ; 2 Q£2, Qc7 ; 3 Qe3
Pc5; 4 Kte2, Ktd7 ; 5 Ktf4, Bf7 ; 6 PxdP, Pe5 ; 7 Ktg2, (Jd6; but owing to errors in the
score, and the looseness of the method of describing the moves, the game is unintelligible.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
CHESS IN FURTHER INDIA
117
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
31 KtxQ
HxQ
52 Bf5
Rel
73 Rf7
Rfl +
94 Bc6
Rh7
32 Ph6 = QKc7
53 Rg6 +
Kb7
74 Kg5 1
Kte4 +
95 Qc7
Ka7
33 Qg5
Be4
54 Bd6
Bc6
75 B x Kt
Rx R
96 Ktf5
Rh3
34 Ktd4
Re5
55 Be4
Kc7
76 Ktf5
Ke6
97 Kd7
Rh8
35 Q(g5)f4 Re7
56 Hh6
Kb7
77 Qe5
Rh7
98 Qb6 +
Ka8
36 Bg6
Bd5
57 Kf4
Rgl
78 Ktd4 +
Kd7
99 Kte7
Rf8
37 Ktf5
Re6
58 Ktf5
Rfl +
79 Kte2
Rh3
100 Qc5
Ka7
38 Rg7
Kd8
59 Ke3
Kc7
80 Qd4
Kd6
101 Kc7
Rb8
39 Kd2
Rf6
60 Ktg3
Rf6
81 Bd5 +
Kd7
102 Qb6 +
Ka8
40 Ktg3
Rh6
61 Rh7
Kd8
82 Ktf4
Rh8
103 Ktd5
Re 8
41 Bdl
Re6
62 Qe5
Re6
83 Ktg6
Rhl
104 Kd7 l 18
Rg8
42 Be2
Be4
63 Kf4
Kc8
84 Kth4
Ke7
105 Ktc7 +
Kb8
43 Qd4
Kc8
64 Ktf5
Kd8
85 Ktg6 +
Kd7
106 Ktx P +
Ka8
44 Rg5
Kc7
65 Ktd4
Rg6
86 Kte5 +
Kc7
107 Ktc7 +
Kb8
45 Q(f4)e5 Bd5
66 Kf5
Rg3
87 Kf6
Rh6 +
108 Ktd5
Rg6
460x0+ KxQ
67 KtxB+
Kc8
88 Ke7
Rh7 +
109 Pa6 = Q
Kg7 +
47 Be3
Kc6
68 Qd4
Rgl
89 Ktf7
Rg7
110 Kte7
R x Kt +
48 Rg7
iUB
69 Bd5
Rfl +
90 Qc5
Rh7
111 Kx R
Kc8
49 Ke2
Re6
70 Kg5
Rgl +
91 Qb6 +
Kb7
112 Be 7 mute.
50 Kf3
Rf6 +
71 Kf4
Ktf6
92 Ke6
Rh3
51 Bf4
lie 6
72 Kte7 +
Kd7
93 Ktd6 +
Ka8
The Siamese have paid no attention to the End-game or the chess problem.
III. Anxam.
Our information as to Annamese chess is very slight, but sufficient to
show that, like the Siamese, the Annamese play chess in two ways, one
resembling Indian chess, the other identical with Chinese chess. The latter
is called cotuong (kd tiiong ), which is the Annamese form of the Chinese
slang Jci. Himly notes that the names of the chessmen — called ion id =
Chinese k'i tzc — follow the Chinese with the exception of the horse, which
is called ngiia instead of ma , 19
Strangely enough, the native game has preserved a name which is derived
from the Sanskrit chaturanga , though a popular etymology has done its best
to disguise the word. Aymonier, in his Dictionnaire khmer , p. 181, s.v. trang, has
chhdeu trang 20 (for chador ang) chess ; where chhSeu is the native word for wood,
and the perversion of the word is undoubtedly due to the attempt to
explain the chess as wooden something, an attempt suggested by the wooden
pieces for play. Aymonier gives also leng chhoeu trang = to play chess ;
kedd ( = board) chhSeu trang = chessboard ; idun ( = son) chhSeu trang = chess-
man. 21
19 Overlooking 104 Bb7 mate.
19 Himly, in ZDMG ., xli. 466, and in Toung Pao , May 1897, viii. 168. He also gives kd
vay =« Ch. wei k*i ; kd lien — Ch. sien k'i ; kd song luo = Ch. shwan lu k'i (allied to Eng. back-
gammon) ; daft kb «= to play chess ; ban kb = Ch. k'iphan , Eng. chessboard.
80 Himly, op. cit., has chhbtrang .
21 I quote from Himly, ZDMG., xliii. 416. Leng (« to play) is found in Janneau’s Manual
pratique ds la longue cambodgitnne , p. 107, in connexion with a number of games of Chinese
origin. The Siamese form is len. Leftg bUr (Aymonier writes bit = cowrie shell, domino,
obviously the same with the Siamese bia =* cowrie shell, mussel, pawn) = to play at dominoes.
Moura explains the Siamese left bia as a dice game.
118
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Moura, in his Ttoyaume du Cdmlodge (i. 391), says of Cambodia :
Almost all classes play chess. As is to be seen, this game is one which is
spread over the whole world ; it is well known in Europe, and is played in India,
Tibet, Mongolia, Indo-China, Annam and China. The Cambodian board resembles
ours ; it is divided into 64 squares. Each player has 8 pieces, and 8 pawns. The
pieces are one King ( sdach ), one Queen, two Knights, two Generals in the place
of Castles, and lastly two Boats instead of two Bishops. The 8 other men are simply
Pawns which the Khmer designate Fishes (trey, less commonly mickha = Skr. matsya).
The game consists in each player trying to prevent his opponent from giving him
‘ check *, and it is played almost as in Europe.
It is unfortunate that Moura has given so brief and unsatisfying an account.
The game is evidently closely akin to that of Siam. Presumably Moura has
confused the pieces, and the Boat should replace the Rook, not the Bishop.
The pieces probably resemble the Siamese, for among a number of other
stories 2 * we read in the Biddles of Tkmenh Chei how once Thmenh Chei was
bidden by his royal master to follow him into a certain forest with a horse,
and not being able to find one in the flesh, he appeared with a Horse from
the chessboard in his hand, a misinterpretation of the king’s command such
as might have been anticipated from the famous jester of Indo-China.
28 Aymonier, Textes khmers , pp. 20-80 (Himly).
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
The inter- relationships and ancestry of these games.— I. Chinese chess. — The
name. — Early references. — The modern game. — The board. — Nomenclature. —
Rules. — Openings. — End-games and problems. — Specimen games. — The
games ta-ma and kyu-kung . — Derivative games. — II. Corean chess. — Board. —
Nomenclature. — Rules. — Specimen game. — III. Japanese chess. — The
name. — History. — Literature. — Board. — Nomenclature. — Rules. — Specimen
game. — Derivative games. — Problems.
The development of chess in the far Orient — in China, Corea, and Japan —
presents one of the most puzzling chapters in the history of the game. The
existing forms of chess are farthest removed from the primeval Indian game,
and it is difficult at first sight to believe that a common origin is possible.
In Chinese and Corean chess we see the pieces moving, not on the squares^
but on the lines of the chessboard. In Japanese chess, not only Pawns but
also pieces obtain promotion, while a player is at liberty to place the men he
has taken from his adversary again upon the board and to add them to his
own army. And yet there is no uncertainty as to the immediate parentage
of the Japanese chess. Japanese authorities are unanimous in ascribing their
game to China, in complete accord with all that we know of the lines of
development of Japanese religion, culture, and literature. The game also
itself approximates somewhat to the earlier type of Chinese chess played under
the T'ang and Sung dynasties (a.d. 618-1279). We must regard Japanese
chess as a modification of the older Chinese chess in one direction, the modern
Chinese chess (and the Corean game, which closely resembles it) as a modifica-
tion in another.
The Indian ancestry of the Chinese game is supported partly by internal
evidence based upon the identity of certain essential features in the two
games, 1 and partly upon what is known of the indebtedness of China to India
in religion, culture, and, above all, in games.
In both Chinese and early Indian chess we find that the pieces from angle
to middle of the back line are named
Chariot, Horse, Elephant, 2 Counsellor,
1 V. d. Linde’s suggestion that the Chinese name of the game, siang k'i y might be a corrup-
tion of the Skr. chaturanga is justly condemned by Himly.
2 As Himly has pointed out, chess must have been invented in a country in which
elephants formed a usual and necessary branch of the army. India, of course, satisfies this
condition. But so also, apparently, does China. Macdonell (JRAS., 181 n.) quotes Prof.
Douglas as stating ‘ that elephants were numerous in China in the old days, and that the
eommentator Tso (who lived within a century after Confucius) says they were employed in
battle between the states of Wu and Ts'u (512 b.c.) \
Digitized by Google
120
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
and that these pieces possess essentially similar moves. 3 The Indian Raja has
been replaced by a less exalted general, but there would appear to have been
weighty reasons for the change. 4 The identity of position and close resem-
blance of move are too remarkable to be explained as merely due to chance.
From very early times an important trade route has existed from North-
west India by Kashmir, Leh, the Karakoram Pass, Yarkhand, to the basin
of the Hoang Ho and the fertile plains of Northern China. 6 By this route
Buddhism penetrated to China, together with much else of Indian culture.
It was for long the principal road from West to East. And by this route
other Indian games reached China, of which tables or backgammon is one of
the most interesting, because it long retained a name revealing its Indian
origin. This name, I'shu-j/u, is a Chinese transliteration of the Indian chaupur
(=Skr. chatush-padam). Chinese works mention its introduction as having
taken place as early as a.d. 220-265, and the game had reached Japan before
the end of the seventh century. 6 .
At one time there was supposed to be actual historical evidence for the
introduction of chess from India in the reign of Wu-Ti (a.d. 560-578). 7 As
will be seen below, this belief arose from a confusion between chess and
another game. 8
* The moves in the Chinese game are more restricted than those in the Indian game.
At first sight, following the analogy of the Western development of choss, this suggests that
the Chinese chess may preserve an older type of the game than we find even in the oldest
Indian accounts, and even supports the view that chess is really of Chinese invention.
But further investigation shows that the whole tendency of the Chinese game has been in
the direction of restriction of power or liberty, and hence I conclude that the restriction of
move which we note in the case of these pieces is a Chinese modification of the Indian game.
4 Thus Ssfi-ma Kuang, in his Tung kien nun (a. d. 1084), tells that the Emperor WGn-Ti
of the Sui dynasty, a. d. 589-605) once visited an inn where foreigners resorted, and found
a game of Cshu-p*u in progress, in which one of the men was called I pai ti (white emperor).
He was so enraged at the want of reverence for his august title that this showed, that he put
all the inmates to death. This game cannot have been the Indian cfiaupur , as we know it,
for that game shows no differentiation of man.
5 This caravan route keeps to the north of the tableland of Tibet, a fact which explains
the entire difference of the Tibetan chess from the Chinese game.
6 The Chinese references to this game were collected by Himly. The Him Tsun Su (of the
Sung period, 960-1279) says that t'shu^p'u was invented in Western India, and spread to
China in the time of the Wei dynasty (a.d. 220-265), where it attained its greatest vogue
between 479 and 1000. It adds the information that the game had four other names in
succession, wu-sho (spear-seizing), thshan-han (long row), po-lo~sai-hi t and shwan-liu (double
sixes), its present name. The Ki Tsuan Tuan Hai says that the sAuxm- liu came from India,
and is called po*lo sai in the Nie-pan-ktn (i.e. the Nirvana-sutra, translated by the Yiie-chi or
Indo-Scythian monk, Chi-Chang, in the latter half of the second century a.d.). The
Pd-Wuh-Cht (a later reconstruction of a lost work of the third century) says that Lao-Tzti
(end of 6th c. b.c.) invented t'shu-p'u when he went to Central Asia. This would associate
it with the introduction of Buddhism. In Japan it is called sunoroko or sugoroku ( — shxcan-liu),
and was prohibited by the Emperor Jito (a. d. 690-7). (At the present time the game is
obsolescent in Japan, and is only played by a club of thirty or forty members, which was
formed to resuscitate the game. The name sugoroku is ordinarily used to designate the
children’s games of the race-type.) The identity of Vshu-p'u with tables seems to be estab-
lished by a passage in the Tang Kwo Shi Pu , which states that fhe game is played with fifteen
black and fifteen yellow men on opposite sides, and two dice.
7 This was first announced by Freret, in a paper which he read before Louis XV, at
a meeting of the French Academy in 1719 (Hist, de V Academie, Paris, v. 252). He gave as his
authority the Ha\-pien y a dictionary no longer in existence, though often cited in the Siang-hai ,
the great dictionary of the Manchu dynasty.
8 There remains the possibility that China obtained its knowledge of chess from Persia,
and not from India direct. There was early political intercourse between China and Persia ;
thus the Chou-Shu mentions the arrival of an embassy from Po-sze (Persia) in a.d. 568, and
another from An-si (Partliia) in a.d. 567, both during the reign of Wu-Ti. There are
Digitized by Google
chap, vii CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
121
I. China.
Chess appears always to have borne the name of Siang k'i 9 in China. The
meaning of this name has been much discussed. K'i is the usual term for
a board-game, as in wei k'i, the game of enclosing (the national game of
China), mm k'i, the * three 9 game, merels. Holt (JR AS., xvii. 352 seq.)
points out that the ideogram k'i in siang k'i differs from that in wei k'i. In
the former it is built up from the radicle mvh, wood ; in the latter from the
radicle shih, stone.
The meaning of siang is more difficult to determine. This word has
several meanings in Chinese. Originally meaning elephant , it has also the
derived senses of (1) ivory, (2) celestial figure, (3) figure, or image. The
Hang Fei tze (3rd c. b.c.) justifies the last meaning on the ground that it
is possible to represent a living elephant by the ivory of a dead one. Siang
k'i may accordingly mean (a) the Elephant Game (as Himly advocated),
(b) the Ivory Game (c) the Astronomical Game, or (d) the Figure Game (as
The Chinese name. The Japanese name.
v. d. Linde and Holt advocate). Japanese chess affords no help in deciding
between these, for the Japanese have replaced siang by tseung (general), both
words being pronounced sho in Japanese, though written with different
ideograms.
Although at first sight the meaning Figure Game looks the least likely
of the four possibilities, the game now being played without figures or pieces
but with inscribed draughtsmen only, it is yet probably the correct rendering.
Some of the older references to the Chinese game, which will be quoted later,
show that the game of siang k'i must formerly have been played with figures,
just as was the case in India and Persia, since the whole point of the references
coincidences in the use of a chessboard of 10 by 10 squares in both China and Persia in
early times, and in the mention of a river in Firdawsi's description of the appearance of this
board in the Shahnuma. Chinese chess again (but not Corean, nor Japanese chess) retains
the move of the Elephant which existed in Persian chess. On the whole, however, the
difficulties of the history on the assumption of a Persian parentage are greater than on that
of a direct Indian parentage.
Forbes’s conclusion (262) that Chinese chess is merely a variation or modification of the
Burmese game ’ is opposed to the known facts as to the early trade and culture routes between
India and China.
* The Chinese name is variously rendered, though the form siang k'i is the commonest.
Eyles Irwin (1798) and the Japanese writer Ch5-Yo give chony-ki(e) ; Hiram Cox, choke-choo -
hong-ki t the play of the science of war ( choo-hong « siang) ; Culin gives tseung k'i ; Holt, seang ciii.
The word siang k'i is given in the S/iwo-icen, a dictionary dating from c. a. d. 100 (Himly,
Toung Pao, viii, May 1897, p. 172). In the same article, Himly gives the Manchu name jir
gang ju } and adds that the chessboard is called k'ip'an in Chinese, and loniko in Manchu.
Digitized by Google
122
CHESS IN ASIA
PAKT I
depends on the use of actual figures for the chessmen. In the substitution
of conventional forms for carved images of the men or objects named, Chinese
chess has only followed the ordinary line of development, it only differs in
carrying the use of conventional forms a step farther by using the simplest
of types. The name of Figure Game would reflect one of the most striking
peculiarities of chess ; our own name chess means nothing more.
But Siung-k'i can also mean the Astronomical Game, and in early times
it was the name of an astronomical game. This makes it necessary to
examine early references to the game Siang-k'i with great care, in order to
discriminate between this game and chess.
The Astronomical Game is attributed to the Tatar Emperor Wu-Ti (of
N. Chou dynasty, a.d. 560-578). Thus the San-t'sai-f u-kwei™ an encyclo-
paedia dating from the commencement of the Manchu dynasty (1616-1912),
quoting from the Tai-ping-yii-lan , a work that was revised in a.d. 984,
says :
The sian-hi was discovered by Chou- W u-Ti ; the pieces, whose moves are given
in the manual composed by his office-bearer Wang-Pao, were called after the sun, the
moon, the planets, and the star-houses (sin-t' shfoi). This does not agree with the
present time.
The Chou Shu, the official history of the Chou dynasty, states that the
Emperor Wu-Ti wrote a book on this game which he expounded to a meeting
of 100 literati in 569, and that the famous scribe Wang-Pao added annotations
to the imperial work. The Sui Shu } the history (compiled in the first half
of the 7th c.) of the Sui dynasty (581-619), enumerates several editions of
this book. 11 Finally we have an indication that there were other games with
the name siang-lti, from the title San-kii-slang-king (Manual of the three siang-
Fis) given to Wu-Ti’s book in the 32nd book of the history of the T'ang
dynasty 12 (618-907).
Wu-Ti adopted the name of Chou from the older dynasty of that name
(1135-256 b.c.). It happens that the first emperor of the older house was
named Wu-Wang (1135-1115 b.c.), and this has led to confusion. First
Wu-Ti's siang-Ui is identified as chess, next Wu-Ti is interchanged with
Wu-Wang, and in this way the origin of the usual statements claiming a high
antiquity for Chinese chess is obtained. 13 The more reliable Chinese historians
10 Qst., 272, from the Japanese version, San sai dzu e (a.d. 1712), which is partly
a translation of the Chinese work, partly a commentary on it, and partly a new work.
11 Namely (1) Siang king, the Emperor’s work ; (2) Wang Pao chu , Wang Pao’s commentary ;
(3) Wang Yu chu ; (4) Ho To Chu with Siang-kitig-fa-hien-i, Ho TVs commentary, with the
explanation of the meaning of siang k'i.
18 In the biography of Lii-Ts'ai. The Emperor T'ai-Tsung (627-660) was puzzled by the
phrase t'ai-tze-si-mh (‘the crown-prince washes the horses’ : ‘to wash the dominoes’ means
‘ to shuffle them * in modem Chinese ; ma or ‘ horse ’ is used for the pieces in a game. The
phrase probably meant ‘the crown-prince shuffles the men'). He consulted Yun Rung, who
had known the phrase as a young man but had forgotten it, and then Lii-Ts*ai. The latter,
after a night's consideration, explained the point, and recovered the method of play of the
astronomical game and the actual position.
18 Eyles Irwin gave an extract from the Concum or Chinese Annals which attributes the
invention of chess to the Mandarin Hansing (Han-Hsin, D. b.c. 196) during an expedition into
the Shensi country in the reign of Hung Cochu (Han Kao-Tsu, b.c. 206-194), King of Kiangnan
(Ch'ang-ngan), 379 years after Confucius (D. b.c. 479'. The Concum is probably the Kangkien ,
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
123
notice this and warn their readers of the confusion. Thus the Ko chi king
Yuan , ‘ the Mirror of Investigations into the Origin of Things/ quoting from
the Shi-Wn-chi-yiian the passage, ‘ Yung Mong Chou said to Meng Ch'ang-
chun (D. b.c. 279): Sir, when you have leisure, play swLng-Uij adds the
pertinent question, t But was siang- k'i known at the time of the Warring
Kingdoms (b.c. 484-221) ? 9 and the encyclopaedia Tai Ting Yu Lan discusses
the point at great length :
The Wvrtaa-tsu says the tradition that sian-hi was invented by Wu Wang at
the time of the war of the Chou is contrary to fact. The chariot was still esteemed
in warfare at the time of the Warring Kingdoms. The ability of the soldiers to
cross the boundary, and to advance, but not to retreat, signifies that the boat must
be sunk, and the axe broken. Although opportunities and chances are somewhat
restricted in Wei-k'i, there are countless opportunities for the practice of strategy
in attack, in defence, and in alliance. ^
This passage is very obscure, but it appears to argue that chess represents
a type of warfare that was inconsistent with its existence as early as the
third c. b.c.
The earliest certain reference to Chinese chess occurs in the Jliian Kwai
Lu , € Book of Marvels V 4 a work dating from the close of the 8th c. The
passage, which is also quoted in the Ko chi king Yiian 9 runs as follows :
In the first year of the period of Pao Ying (a.d. 762), Tseng-Shun of Ju-Nan
heard one night the sound of a military 7 drum in the Lady La’s house. A man
in full armour announced the news from the General of the golden elephant (kin
siang tsiang kun) about the battle with the thieves of Tien-No. Shun kindled
a light in order to see better, and after midnight a mouse-hole in the east wall
changed into a city gate. Two armies stood opposite one another. When he had
arranged the army, the general (shwai) entered and said : ‘The celestial horse (t'ienma)
springs aslant over three, the commanders (sJumg-triang) go sidewards and attack
on all four sides, the baggage-waggons (tze cho ) go straight forwards and never
backwards, the six men (liu kia) in armour go in file but not backwards.* Then
the drum sounded and from either army a horse moved out three steps aslant.
Again the drum sounded and on either side a foot-soldier moved sidewards one step.
Once again the drum was sounded, the waggons moved forwards, and in an instant
an abridgement of the Tung chien kang mu, ‘ the General History of China,* which was com-
piled 1180-1200. Himly (Toung Pao , viii. 179) says that the passage is not to be found in his
copy of the Kang kien t and Holt (op. cit., 368 seq.) says that, while the parent work has
plenty to say about Han-Hsin’s expedition, it nowhere connects him with chess. Holt quotes
three passages from this work in which k'i is used for a game, and equates this game with
chess. They are : (1) b.c. 154 ; Liu Hsien was playing at court with a prince when a dispute
arose with reference to a doubtful move, and the prince killed him with a blow from the
game-board. (2) a.d. 263; Yuan Tsi was playing when news of his mother’s death was
brought to him. He finished the game. (3) a.d. 960: Tai Tsu, the founder of the Sung
dynasty, staked at play, and lost, a certain temple in the province of Honan.
He also cites (1) from Jfun Yi i, the Dialogues of Confucius (K'ung Fu-Tzti, 661-479 b.c.),
xxii, a passage in which the master deprecates idleness, and continues, * Is there not at least
chess-playing ? * (yih, the older word, now replaced by k'i) ; and (2) from Mencius (Mfing K*o,
372-289 b.c.), xxx, a passage in which chess-playing (yih) is held to be unfilial.
There is nothing in any of these five passages to show what form of game was intended ;
Vi is quite indefinite, and there is nothing to justify so exact a rendering as is implied by the
use of the word * chess*. Even if it be conceded that siang k'i is meant, it has still to be estab-
lished that at each of these dates siang k'i meant chess only.
14 Written, according to the Kiu fang situ, the History of the Tang Dynasty (written
a. 907 and printed a, 1088;, by Niu Sdng-ju (D. a. d. 847), in ten books. The reference
implies that siang k'i was even then a well-known game.
Digitized by Google
124
CHESS IN ASIA
PAET I
the shot from the cannon (j>ao) fell in confusion. He made a hole through the east
wall, and found a set of siang k'i in an old tomb, with waggons (kii) and horses in
rank and file.
The Ko chi king Yuan quotes from the Chao Wu Kin Sii , a work of the
Sung writer, Chao Wu King (flourished between 970 and 1127). After
explaining chess as a representation of warfare, Chao goes on to say that
he had seen people playing siang lei in his boyhood, and that at a later time
he had made a new game by dividing the board lengthways and across, so
that he made 19 lines 15 out of the original 11, and by increasing the number
of the men from 32 to 98. This game, however, did not come into general use.
The Hu Ying Lin Pi T*sung gives a valuable commentary on these two
passages. This again is also quoted in the Ko chi king Yuan :
The story of Tsfing-Shun in the Hiian Kwai Lu serves as evidence for the kind
of chess in use among the contemporaries of the Tang dynasty (618-907). The
Horse went aslant three lines, and the
Soldier ( tm) 1 * went one line sidewards,
just as they do now, but the Chariot
went straight forwards and could not
retire, which is like the present soldier,
and I conclude that the remaining moves
do not entirely agree. Chao's Sii says
that the chess of the Sung dynasty
(960-1279) had 11 lines lengthways
and sideways. Now there are 10 lines
lengthways and 9 sideways, which again
is very different from that time. The
Shi Wu Ki Yuan of the Sung period
quotes the story of Ts6ng-Shun to show
that the chess there mentioned was
identical with the game of the Sung dynasty, which proves that chess was played in
the same way under the Tangs and the Sungs, whereas our chess probably agrees
with neither.
And finally the T*ai Ping Yii Lan, which has been quoted already, says :
In the work Siang-hi-t* u-fa ( = method of playing chess with examples) of Ssu-
ma W6ng Kung of the Sung period occur the figures (siang) of generals ( tsiang ),
councillors (ahl «= litterati, bodyguard), foot-soldiers (pitrtsu ), chariots (kii), horses
(mo), and cannon (nu pao ), which are in use at the present time.
The Elephant (siang) is here omitted, probably (as Himly suggests) from
an error of a copyist who supposed the repetition of the word siang to be
an error.
From these passages we can draw a certain amount of information as
to the practice of Chinese chess prior to the close of the 13th c. The game
was a figure game in fact as well as in name. The whole point of Tseng-
Shun’s dream consists in this, and the use of the word siang by Ssu-ma Weng
Kung implies the same thing. It was played on a board of 100 squares or
121 points. There is no clear statement as to whether the game was played
16 Wei-k'%, of course, is played upon a board of 19 x 19 squares.
16 The term tsu is not used in the HUan Kwai Lu .
Himly’s Reconstruction of Early Chinese Chess.
R = Kii. Kt = mo. B = kin siang. C = p'ao.
Q = tsiang kin or swai. K = shang tsiang. P = Aria.
Digitized by
Google
chav, vii CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
125
on the squares or on the points, but the fact that there were only 6 Pawns
points to the latter as alone affording a symmetrical arrangement. The total
number of men on the two sides was 32, and the names of the men were
identical with the existing men in the present game. Assuming that the
arrangement of the men was symmetrical at the outset, the 16 men on each
side would be composed of 6 Pawns, 2 Chariots, 2 Horses, 2 Elephants, and
2 Cannon, General, and Counsellor. Himly’s 17 reconstruction of the array
is shown in the diagram on page 124. The information as to the moves
of the men is incomplete, but points to moves intermediate between the
existing Chinese and Japanese
games. The General and Horse
appear to possess the Chinese
moves, the Pawn and Chariot
the Japanese moves. We have
no information as to the other
pieces.
If Himly’s reconstruction is
correct, the game shows a re-
markable approximation to the
Arabic and Persian decimal
chess. 18
For the modern Chinese game
which is played in China proper,
in Annam, in Siam, and possibly
also in parts of the Malay Archi-
pelago, we are fortunate in pos-
sessing an abundance of reliable
evidence. The first knowledge
of the game was brought — to-
gether with actual game-sets —
to Europe by the early Jesuit
missionaries in the latter part of
the 16th c. Since then there
have been a number of records, 19
the most valuable being the
Manual of Chinese Chess (Shanghai, 1893), which Mr. W. H. Wilkinson, a most
careful observer and student of Oriental games, based upon The Secrets of the
Oranye Grove , a Chinese work dating from 1632, and still a standard book on
the game.
The Chinese chessboard consists of two halves of 8 x 4 squares which are
17 Toung Fao, viii. 169.
l# The Cannon’s move might have been developed from some variety of move of the
dabbdba in one of the derived Muslim games, e.g. the vertical move to a third square, which
included a power of leaping. See below, p. 344.
19 See the list at the commencement of the book. Cf. also v. d. Linde’s books (he had the
assistance of Prof. J. J. Hoffmann, of Leyden, for Chinese and Japanese chess) and Culin’s
Korean Games and Chess and Playing Cards.
Chinese Chess (Culin).
Digitized by Google
126
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
separated by a space, the width of one square, and generally left blank, which
is variously called kyai-ho (=boundary river), hwang-ho (= yellow river), and
t'ien-ho (= celestial river, the Milky Way), and commonly by English writers
the ‘ river \ As for all practical purposes the river is merely an additional
row of squares, the board is practically one of 8x9 squares. Four squares
in the centre of the two opposite ends of the board, viz. two on the outer row
and the two on the second row immediately before them, are considered as
forming special areas, and the diagonals of these areas are drawn for the
purpose of defining them, and the resulting square of nine points is called
kyu-kung or the ‘ nine castle \ Western writers have wavered between the
terms ‘ palace ’ (Culin), 'camp* (Wilkinson), and ‘fort* (Cox). The squares
are not coloured, and the board is generally ' made of paper and destroyed
at the end of the game. The pieces are placed upon the intersections of the
lines instead of on the squares as in most varieties of chess, so that the board
becomes one of 9 x 10, or 90 stations. The chessmen consist of circular disks
of wood, ivory, or other convenient material, all alike in pattern, size, and
colour. The names of the several pieces are inscribed upon the upper face
of the disk, in two colours generally described as red and black, but in ivory
sets the black is really blue, while in wooden sets yellow replaces red, and
brown black. The favourite colour is red, the choice of which abandons the
right to play first : ‘ he who takes the red does not take the first move/
The names and power of move of the Chinese pieces 20 are exhibited in
the following table :
No.
Names of Chessmen.* 1
Equi-
valent.
Chinese
Canton
Mandarin
Translation.
Power of Move.
Position.
Ideogram.
dialect. '
dialect.
I. Pieces confined to the Nine-Castle.
ts^ung
tsiang
General
1
One step vertically
el
m
sut**
shwai
Governor
or horizontally
elO
J
■K
±
sz’
shl
Counsellor
One step diagonally
dl, fl
(dlO, flO)
!o
i
1
\ q
10 Prof. Rapson calls my attention to the fact that there are three bronze Chinese chess-
men among the Central Asiatic antiquities in the Coin Room of the British Museum. These
Bronze Chessmen in the British
form part of a collection of miscellaneous antiquities made by Mr. G. Macartney, the Special
Assistant for Chinese Affairs to the Resident in Kashgar. He was told that all came from
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
127
Names of Chessmen.
21
No
Chinese Canton
Ideogram, dialect.
Mandarin
dialect.
Translation.
Power of Move.
Position.
Equi-
valent.
II. Pieces confined to their own Half op the Board.
m !
tseung
siang
Elephant
Diagonally to the ,
next point but one;
the intervening j
!
cl, gl |
s©ung M
siang
Assistant
point must be un-
occupied 28 '
clO, glO |
III. Pieces free to Move over the whole Board.
6,7
.1
ma
ma
Horse
A move compounded
of a step vertically
or horizontally fol-
lowed by a step dia-
gonally ; the inter-
vening point must
be unoccupied
bl, hi
(blO, hlO)
j Kt
8,9
&
kii
ch'e
Chariot
Any distance verti-
cally or horizontally
al, il
(alO, ilO)
R
10,11
p'ao
pa'o
Cannon or
Catapult
The same ; but it can
only capture if some
other piece (called
the ‘screen’) inter-
venes
b3, h3
(b 8 , h 8 )
C
12-16
£
£
1
ping 22
tsut
ping
ts-uh
Foot-
soldier
ji
One step vertically
forwards ; when
across the river, one
step vertically for-
wards or laterally.
There is no promo-
tion
a4, c4, e4,
g4, i4
a7, c7, e7,
g7,
P
Every piece takes as it moves with the exception of the Camion. It may
the Takla Makan Desert (near Khotan). These men were at first mistaken for modern coins
or tokens, but Dr. S. W. Bushell pointed out that they were respectively the chessmen called
pao, ping , and shih. (A. F. Rudolf Hoernl©, C.I.E., Report on the British Collection of Antiquities
from Central Asia , Part I (Extra No. of the JAS. of Bengal for 1899), Calcutta, 1, 1899, p. 22,
and Plate ii, No. 25 ; and ibid. Part II {JAS. of Bengal, vol. lxx, Part i, Extra No., No. 1 of
1901, Supplement to Pt. I, p. 6).) The pieces are quite modern, and it is doubtful whether
they ever saw the Takla Makan Desert. They weigh 80*5, 108*5, and 89*5 gr., and are 0*83 in.
in diameter.
The San Vsai t'u hicei gives the present valuation of the pieces thus : K = 20, R = 10,
C — 7, Kt a 6, B = 4, Q « 3, P = 2. Total of all the 16 men = 90.
21 There is considerable variation in the transliteration of the Chinese names. The text
follows Himly. Hyde has K, yiang and ?ai ; Q, su ; B, siang and siang ; Et, mk or b a ;
R, cu or che; C, p&5 ; P, ping and 96 . Irwin: K, chong; Q, sou; B, tchong; Kt, mai;
R, tche ; C, pao ; P, ping ; of which Cox corrected K, choohong ; Q, soo ; C, paoo. Holling-
worth has K, tscang and sae; Q, sze ; B, sSang ; Kt, ma; R, keu ; C, p'aou ; P, ts'uh and
ping. Culin has K, ts4ung ; Q, sz' ; B, ts©ung ; Kt, ma ; R, ch '6 ; C, p'au ; P, ping and tsut.
Holt has K, tseang and shuai ; Q, sze ; B, seang ; Kt, ma ; R, ch© ; C, p'ao ; P, ping or ts’uh.
V. MOlIendorff gives the Pekin names as K, chiang ; Q, shlh ; B, hsiang ; Kt, ma; R, chii ;
C, p'ao ( =-- jumper) ; P, ping. He adds the technical terms, hsiangchi «= chess ; t© * take ;
cliih — eat, take ; ta « shoot, take (said of the cannon) ; t©ng = trample on, take (of the
horse); chu « remove (in literary use) ; ta-chiang « I hit the general, check; ss©-liao = dead,
mate ; shu-liao = slain, mate ; slieng *= to win ; ying-liao = won ; chieh-‘ho ■» the ‘ river*.
Himly (Toung Pao , viii. 162) notes the term zh©n- ( «= human beings) as used for the chessmen
in general.
82 Shwaij siang (assistant), tsut, are used for the red men, i. e. the second side : tsiang ,
siang, ping , for the black men.
28 So say most authorities very distinctly. Himly, however, quotes ( Toung Pao , viii. 166)
the T ao-lio y&an ki pai hie ki-p'u as stating that the Elephant can leap, but the Horse not.
Digitized by Google
128
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
perhaps make the power of this piece clearer if its power at the commencement
of the game be examined. The Cannon on b3 can move without taking as
far as b 7 forwards, b2 backwards, as far as g3 and a3 laterally, just as if it
were a Rook or Chariot. It can also capture the Kt on blO which is ‘ screened 9
by the Cannon on b8. The capture is effected by removing the Kt on blO,
and placing the Cannon on that square. Any piece, red or black, can act as
‘ screen \
A General is in check (xiaug), (1) when it is under attack by any piece,
and could — but for its immunity from capture — have been taken on the
following move if nothing were done to remove the attack ; (2) when the two
Generals face one another upon the same file with no intervening men. When
Either player can give triple check. Red by Kt Red gives quadruple check
c9 or g9, Black by Rf2. by Re9.
Multiple Checks in Chinese Chess.
check is given (1) the attacking piece must be taken, or (2) the General must
move out of check, or (3) the check must be covered. If none of these can
be done, the General is defeated, xze (=dead) or tsao liao (=in Pekin, destroyed)
being the technical term. A check can always be covered, in the case of the
Kt by interposing a piece at the € angle 9 of its move; in the case of the
Cannon either by interposing a second piece or by removing the ( screen ’
behind which the Cannon is attacking. The greater possibilities permitted by
the variety of checks that can be covered or discovered lead to such com-
plicated checks as triple and quadruple check.
The game is won either by checkmate or by stalemate. A player must
not give perpetual check ; in such a case he must vary his move.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
129
At the present time the knowledge of chess is very widely spread through
China, but the game is hardly held in the same esteem as in Europe. The
more educated classes prefer Wei-lci , which is considered to be a far more
difficult game, and skill at Wei-lc i is highly appreciated and adds greatly to
the reputation of its possessor. But chess is the game of the masses, and is
used more as a means of passing away the time than as a serious mental
exercise. A small stake is generally played for, the Chinese being a born
gambler . 24 At several points of the walls of Pekin inscribed chessboards may
be found on the top of the ramparts, which have been carved by the soldiers
Rii
|iii
m
pi
pi
Ill
II
hi
m
ill
■■1
tan
hi
III
III
hi
in
III
■■1
Ini
in
III
III
ill
il
hi
[ill
m
Mi
III
i!
Red mates in 5.
Rh3-e8 + o ReS-el0++ Chl-h9-f
1 KelO-dlO 1 Kd L0-d9 3 Qf8-e9
J RelO-dlO Pf9-fl0m.
*K7h — 6
[Black mates in 3.]
Red wins in 7.
Pf7-e7+ ft Rf6xQ + 0 Rel0-e8 +
1 Ke8-d8 J QxK 3 B x R
Pe7-d7+ _ Ch6-d6 + Cd6xRd2 +
* Cd9 x P ° Cd7-e7 6 Ce7-d7
Cd2 x Rli2.
[Black mates on the move.]
Chinese Chess Problems.
who guarded the walls . 25 Idlers and even beggars may be seen playing chess
in the streets of any Chinese town, and the average standard of play remains
low. The practical game is less popular than the study of problems, and while
works on the latter abound, only a few treatises appear to be in existence
which deal with the openings, or the game as a whole. A knowledge of
chess problems is a valuable source of income to a gambler. The majority
44 So Ch0-Y6 and other recent writers. Hyde, following liis native authority Shin Fo
Sung, says that chess is rarely played for a stake.
14 Himly, in ZDMQ ., xxiv. 175.
uto I
Digitized by Google
130
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
of these are constructed so that the one player is apparently on the point of
being mated, but can, with the move, by a long series of checks obtain the
victory. 26 ‘There are few towns in China*, writes Mr. Wilkinson, ‘where
the professional player i6 not prepared to set up an end game on the board,
give you choice of men, and beat you for a wager.* 27 On the preceding
page I give two problems as specimens of the Chinese art.
Nevertheless the Chinese have in the past paid some attention to the
theory of the Openings, though it is perhaps significant of the want of
popularity of the game among the more educated classes that Mr. Wilkinson
found that a book published nearly 300 years ago was still the standard Chinese
work on the Openings. Before the appearance of the Manual of Chinese Chess
only the barest indications as to the best or most usual methods of play had
reached Europe. 28 We now possess a collection of 33 games and 291 variations,
arranged under the headings of (1) games won by the first player, (2) games
won by the second player. Of these games and variations, which are nearly
all played to a decisive issue, the first player wins 211, the second 102, while
11 are left doubtful. It would appear from this that the first player has
a very decided advantage, but an examination of the games weakens this con-
clusion largely, for — like Greco — the author often allows a weak move on the
part of the second player for the sake of a brilliant or interesting mate. One
of the most striking points of the games in the Manual is their brevity ; no
game runs to 40 and very few to 30 moves ; the majority terminate between
the 13th and the 20th move. This is largely due to the openness of the
position, arising from the absence of Pawns on four files, and the limitations
attached to the nine-castle . The player always knows where his opponents
King is to be found, and frames his attack on the centre from the first move.
With a knowledge of the simpler mating positions stored in his memory, it is
his endeavour to reproduce one of these in the game, and this idea dominates
his play throughout. As most of these mating nets require a Cannon on the
centre file, the opening move C h3-e3 has become the normal line of play.
The science of Pawn-play does not exist, the battle is mainly one of the three
superior pieces (R, C, and Kt). Compared with the European game, the Rook
is far more powerful, the Knight less so.
I add a brief summary of the chief Openings from the Manual. The
various names employed are due to Mr. Wilkinson. The distinctive moves in
the different openings are printed in italics.
26 Tho problems are often given fanciful names from the supposed resemblance of the con-
cluding position. V. d. Linde ( Qst ., 274) gives one called 4 The flying wild geese ’ (Position —
Black : Kdl, Ba3 and gl, Kg5 and i3, and g7, Pa5 e9 and h8. Red : KdlO. Rd8, CclO,
Pc5 dS, e2). The game is drawn after 28 moves, the concluding position being — Black : Kel,
Bc5 and g5, Pd9 and f9. Red: Ke8, Ce4, Pd2 and f2. This position is said to depict
three flying wild geese,
87 V. MOllendorff notes that the beating may be a physical one if you are so unfortunate as
to mate the professional player. The latter generally has a body of friends near for the
purpose of creating a disturbance if he is getting the worse of the game.
84 These were mainly to be drawn from specimen games. Of these Hollingworth gave
two, and v. d. Linde gave one in the Qst. (275), from a native book with the title 7 w ao-
lio-yuan-chi, dated 1801. These games are all longer than those in the Manual.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
131
A. Regular Opening : Left Cannon Defence.
Ch3-e3 „ Kthl-er3
Ch8-e8 1 Kthl0-g8
The Preparation
_ Ril-i2 Ri2-d2 29
3 RilO-hlO 4
Ri2-d2
6 C68-d& Qdl0-e9
K Cb3-b7
5
_ Pa4-a5
The Masked Cannon
K Ce3-e2
o
The Seventh
File Cannon
Pa4-a5
4 Qfl0-e9 5
Ri2-d2
Klbl0-a8 4 Cb8-c8
Ril-hl Rhl-h7 Rh7xPg7 S0
Ril0-i9 Ri9-d9 5 Rd9-d2
3
Ktbl0-c8
Two Knights' Defence
1
B. Regular Opening : Right Cannon Defence.
Cb8-e8
0 Kthl-s-3
KthlO-i8
2 Ktbl0-c8
Ril-hl Ktbl-a3
RilO-hlO 4 Ktbl0-c8
Ril-hl
Ch8-g8
Giuoco Piano 31
o o Ril-hl
Kthl0-g8 Ktbl0-c8
Two Knights’ Defence
C. The Knight’s Defence.
0 Kthl- ff 8
1 Kthl0-g8 2 Ktbl0-a8
2 Bgl0-i8
2 RilO-hlO!
D. Irregular Defences.
Kthl-g3
Ktbl0-c8 Kthl0-g8 or i8
. BclO-e8
Two Knights’ Irregular Defence
Bishop’s Defence
E. Irregular Openings.
Kthl-g3
Bgl-e3
Knight’s Opening
Bishop’s Opening
2* Five replies : 4 . . , Kt bl0-e8 and 4 . . , R hl0-h6, regular ; 4.., Q d8-e9, hazardous ; and
4 . . , Kt bl0-a8, and 4 . . , Qfl0-e9, irregular.
50 6 Kt bl-c3. This represents the best line of play for both sides in this opening.
81 This represents the best line of play in this defence.
i 2
Digitized by Google
132
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Attention has also been paid to the End-game. The resulting decisions
are for the most part 60 obvious as to stand in need of no demonstration.
There would seem to be nothing corresponding to the fine End-game play
which is possible in European chess. The simpler endings are (1) K and R
wins against K by mate ; (2) K and 2 Kts win against K by mate ; (3) K.
and Kt win against K ; (4) K and P not on base line win against K, both
by stalemate ; (5) K and C against K, (6) K and Bs against K, (7) K and
Qs against K, (8) K and P on base line against K are all drawn games.
If more pieces are present the play is more complicated, and the Manual
contains several positions from the 46 discussed in the Chinese work.
The following games are taken from the Manual :
I. Left Cannon Defence, Irregular. ( Manual , pp. 15, 16.)
Black
Red
Black
Red
Black
Red
Black Red
1 hCe3
liCe8
6 Pa5
Rli4 ss
11 CxC
RxC ,!
16 C x Q QxC
2 Ktg3
Ktg8
7 Kta3
Rx gP
12 Rf9
CxP +
17 Kdl Rx Kt**
3 Ri2
RhlO
8 Ra2
Cb6 **
1 3 dQe2
Cg4
18 fRxQ + KtxR
4 Ed 2
fQe9
9 Rf2
Cg6
14 Qf3
CxB +
19 RdlO mate.”
5 Ed 9
Kta8 "
10 Ktb5
C x Kt
15 Q(fl)e2 R(g3)g51
n.
Left Cannon Defence,
, X. ( Manual , pp. 26, 27.)
Black
Red
Black
Red
Black
Red
Black Red
1 hCe3
hCe8
4 Rh7
Rd9
7 Cb5
Kta8 39
lORxKt CxR
2 Ktg3
Ktg8
5 RxgP
Rd2
8 Ra3 40
bCd8
1 1 Mate in 2
3 Ehl
Ri9
6 Ktc3 "
Ec2
9 Cg5
Cd3 ? 41
We have seen that the existing Chinese chessboard is different from that
which was used under the 'Fang and Sung dynasties (618-1279). The
present board would, however, appear to have been already in existence at
that time, but to have been used for a distinct game called ta-ma, or 'take
horses i. e. ' game-men *, which seems to have been a dice-game allied to
the e game of goose \ Himly 42 has given a full description of the modifica-
tions introduced in the board for this game, which chiefly consist in names
for special points, more or less geographical in character, and in the marking
of stations for the game on the lines connecting these points. The game was
88 Better is 5 . . , Ktc8. 88 Better is 6 . . , Rh2 or h6.
84 Continuing his counter-attack. Otherwise 8 . . , Cd8 or Rf4 to meet the threatened
9 aRd2, f2 or h2.
85 11 . . , C x P + loses every way.
86 Fatal. His only move is 17 . . , Rd5 ; 18 Rx R, Be8.
87 A brilliant termination, helped by weak play on Red’s part. 13..,Rbl0; 14 Ktd6 r
Ce6 : 15 Kte8, Rbl ; 16 Kdl, Rg4 threatening 17 . . , R x cP is better.
38 Wilkinson notes that the Manual gives no correct reply to this move. He suggests
6 . . , Pc6 preparatory to bringing out the right-hand Kt.
89 If 7 . . , R x Kt ; 8 Cc5 with the better game.
40 Or 8 Kt(g3)e2, bCc8 ; 9 Cg5, Kti9 ; 10Ch3 !, Ra9 or Ch8. [If Rd2 ; 11 Mate in 4.]
41 A weak move for the sake of a pretty mate.
42 In ZDMO. t xli. 470-8. Himly used the Chinese San-fsai-t'u-kicei (the Japanese recension
omits the passage). The game is mentioned in the Tang kwo shi pu , which was composed
according to some authorities by Li Chao, who lived in the T'ang times (618-907). The book
was printed in the Ming period (1868-1644).
Digitized by k.OOQLe
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
133
played with six men called ma or horses, and five dice, coloured black and
white, which from the explanations of the throws have obviously taken the
place of some simpler agent. The throws generally move the men forwards,
but some throws move them backwards. The additional marked squares,
eleven in number, were separated by eight points, apparently distinct from
the points of the chessboard, and were in the main obstacles to advance.
The nine-catUe appeared on the ta-ma board, though it is not clear that
it served any purpose in the game. It is therefore very improbable that the
use for ta-ma was original ; the board may very well be anterior both to ta-ma
R^d
Game of the Three Kingdoms.
and to chess : if the name of ‘ Milky Way * for the River is original, the origin
of the board may be found in Wu-Ti’s astronomical game of siaug-kU. The
board must have been very ill-adapted for ta-ma .
The Nine-cattle takes its name from a board of nine points used for a game
essentially identical with the three meiis merels, which has existed in China
from at least the time of the Liang dynasty (a. d. 502-57). The Swei shu
(first half of the 7th c.) gives the names of twenty books on this game.
There are also enlarged games of chess in China. One of these is the
San-kwo-Ui , or Game of the Three Kingdoms, which is described by v. Mdllen-
Digitized by Google
134
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
dorf. It is supposed to illustrate the war of the Three Kingdoms, Wei (blue),
Shu (red), and Wu (green), a.d. 221-64. I give a diagram of the board;
it will be noticed that the lines are not straight throughout, and that each
kingdom faces the other two. The pieces consist of the usual 16 with, in
addition, 2 new pieces [F] in each of the three armies. These are called :
Red, Chuo (fire) ; Blue, C/ii (banner) ; Green, Feng (wind). Their move is
an extended Kt’s leap, viz. two steps vertically or horizontally and then one
diagonally. The game is said to be very complicated and difficult, but is
not considered as interesting as the ordinary chess. When one of the
Generals, who are named Wei , Shu , and Wu after the names of the three
kingdoms, is mated, the player who has mated him removes the King from
the board and adds the remainder of his army to his own.
It is probable that some of the enlarged Japanese chess-games enumerated
below were originally of Chinese invention. V. Mollendorf cites the following
names of pieces in a derived game from a Chinese romance : — Kin-siang tsiang -
kiun (General of the golden elephant), kin-tsiang (gold-general), yu-Uiang
(jewel-general), yin-tsiang (silver-general), kio-lsiang (horn -general), t* ien-ma
(celestial horse), pu-ping (foot-soldier). 43
During the last hundred years a considerable trade has developed between
China and Europe in elaborately carved ivory chess sets. These are something
quite different from the inscribed counters which are the sole type of man
used in the native game, and are obviously not intended for use in the
native chess, since the set consists of King, Queen, two Priests or Mandarins,
two Horsemen, two Castles, and eight Soldiers on each side. It is evident
that these sets, which commonly represent Chinese on the one side and Mongols
on the other, are only the result of an attempt to treat the European chess-
men from a Chinese point of view. Interesting and charming as these
f Chinese chess-pieces * are as specimens of elaborate and dainty workmanship,
they are of no value for the history of chess. They merely illustrate that
popularity of chess in Europe which has created a market for curious and
recherche implements of play.
II. Corea.
Corean chess, Tjyang Keui, on the whole approximates to the Chinese
game and its nomenclature is identical, allowing for the slight varia-
tions in pronunciation which have arisen in the course of time. Nothing
is known as to the period when the game was introduced into Corea, but
the small variations in the existing game would not require any long time
for their development. Nor is it known whether there have not been, as
in China itself, earlier types that have been superseded by the present game,
though the wide difference between Chinese and Japanese chess suggests
that this is probable. The present game cannot have been the origin of
the present Japanese chess. Our entire information as to Corean chess is
45 There are also in China chess card-games. See QsL, 276 note.
V
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by boogie
Chessmen carved in China for the European Game
From Mr. Platt’s Collection
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
135
due to Mr. W. H. Wilkinson, who contributed the section on chess in Culin's
Korean Games , 44 and this section is the source of the present account.
The design of the chessboard is practically the same as that of the Chinese
game ; the river, however, is ignored, and the files are carried across it,
making the board one of 8 x 9 squares. The board is rather wider than it
is long, the width of the squares being increased to facilitate the moves
on the base lines. The men are generally octagonal in shape, and differ
slightly in size according to their value, the General being larger and the
Counsellors and Foot-soldiers smaller than the other men. The men are
inscribed with their names, the sides being distinguished by the colour of
the ideogram; one side is generally red and the other green.
The following table gives the names, powers, and initial places of the
chessmen. It will be noted that the Generals occupy a more advanced post
than in Chinese chess. There is, moreover, considerable latitude with regard
to the initial places of the Elephants and Horses, the player being allowed
to arrange them as he pleases on the squares bl, cl (blO, clO), and gl, hi
(glO, hlO), so long as there are Elephant and Horse on each wing.
No. |
Corean
name.
! Translation. 1
i
Power of Move.
i
Position.
Equi-
valent.
I. Pieces confined to the Nine-Castle.
1
tyang
(or more
generally
koung)
General
One step along any marked line
e2, e9
K
2, 3
sa
Counsellor
The same
dl, fl
| dlO, flO
Q
44 No. LXXIV. Tjyang-Keui Chess. Mr. Wilkinson had previously written on ‘Chess in
Korea* in the Pall Mall Budget , Dec. 27, 1894, and in the Korean Repository . Cf. Culin,
C. <fe P. C., 866.
Digitized by Google
136
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
No.
Corean
name
Translation.
Power of Move.
Position.
Equi-
valent.
II. PlECE8 FREE TO MOVE OVER THE WHOLE BOARD.
4,5
syang
Elephant
A move compounded of a step verti-
cally or horizontally followed by
two steps diagonally, all the inter-
vening points being unoccupied
see above
B
6,7
ma
Horse
A move compounded of a step verti-
cally or horizontally followed by a
step diagonally, the intervening
point being unoccupied
see above
Kt
8,9
tcha
Chariot
Any distanoe vertically or horizontally
with no power of leaping: within
the nine-castle along any marked
line
al. il
alO, ilO
R
10, 11
hpo
Cannon
Any distance vertically or horizontally
combined with a leap over a piece
called the < screen*, which must be
other than the Cannon
b8, h3
b8, h8
C
19-16
pyeng
or tjol
Foot-soldier
One step vertically forwards or late-
rally : within the nine-castle along
any marked line
a4, c4, e4,
g4, i4
a7, c7, ©7,
g7, i7
P
The diagonals of the nine-castle fill a more important place in Corean
than in Chinese chess. In the latter game they merely help to visualize
the extent of the nine-castle ; in the former they have caused considerable
changes in the movements of the pieces. It is a principle in Corean chess
that every piece which is capable of playing along a line into the adjacent
point can within the nine-castle play along any marked line. We accordingly
find that both General and Counsellor possess the same power of move,
a power that varies from point to point. Thus from dl either can move to
d2, el, e2, since there are marked lines connecting these three points to dl ;
it is only from e2 that they can move in all eight directions, for that is the
only point in the castle from which eight lines are actually drawn. Both
Chariot and Foot-soldier possess similar powers in the nine-castle , 45
As in Chinese chess, two Generals are not allowed to be upon the same
file unless there are intervening pieces. Corean chess, however, extends
certain privileges to the weaker side. If one player has an overpowering
advantage, the weaker player is permitted to give check to his opponent
by playing his General on to the file commanded by the latter s General.
By so doing the player is considered to confess his inferiority, and he is not
allowed to do more than draw. 46 A game is considered drawn if the mating
45 Thus Kd3 commands e2, f 1, in addition to the points commanded as a result of his
ordinary powers. It must be noticed that this enlarged power does not extend to broken
or crooked lines, e. g. RdS does not command el or f2, nor is such a move as Ra8 to fl (via
b3, c8, d8, e2) possible.
44 Thus in the position — Green : Kel, Rgl, Pg4
Red : Kf9, Pc4 and f4
Red playing, draws thus : 1 Ke9 + , Kdl or fl ; 2K+ &c.
It is essential that the player be actually numerically weaker; if he be only positionally
weaker, he is not allowed the privilege. Thus in the position given in the following
paragraph of the text, in which Red threatens mate by Pe2 mate, if Green is to play he
may not play Kfl + , for he is numerically stronger.
Digitized by Google
chap, vii CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
137
piece is only defended by the General. 47 A € bare 9 General is not obliged
to move at all. In this case the player simply turns his General over when
it is his turn to play. 48
The Cannon requires a screen if he is to move at all. In this he differs
from the Chinese Cannon. Thus in the position —
Green : Kel, Ra7, Ca6, Ktc7, Pc6.
Red : Kf 10, QelO, Ktc3, Be9, Pd3 ;
the Cannon has two screens, viz. Ra7 and Pc6. He may accordingly move
forwards to any of a8, a9, or alO — from the last of these he gives check,
the red QelO providing the necessary screen ; or horizontally to any of d6,
e6, f6, g6, h6, or i6 ; these are his only moves that are possible. One Cannon
can neither use another Cannon as a screen, nor capture another Cannon ; but
it is permissible to cover check by a Cannon by interposing a Cannon.
All other pieces capture as they move.
The technical term for 4 check ’ is tjyang , for ‘ mate * tyousa .
The game accordingly differs from Chinese chess in a good many points :
in the absence of the river , in the initial position of the General, in the liberty
to place the Elephant and Horse differently, in the moves of the Elephant,
Cannon, and Foot-soldier, in the greater freedom of move in the nine-castle ,
and in the privileges accorded to the weaker player. Mr. Wilkinson notes
that there appear to be no native works on the game, and no collections
of problems. ' Chess is regarded as a somewhat frivolous pastime, suitable
for young persons and rustics. The educated Korean, deeply imbued as he
is with Chinese sympathies, affects to prefer Patok/ i.e. Wei-k'i .
It is usual to concede the first move to the weaker player, which shows
that the opener is considered to have some advantage. As a general rule,
the game is commenced by Pb4 or Ph4, or Kt^ in order to facilitate the
early play of the Cannon.
The following example of Corean chess is taken from Culin ; for the
sake of uniformity the notation has been altered. The Elephants (B) are
to be placed upon cl, hi, blO, glO.
Red
Green
Red
Green
Red
Green
Red Green
1 aPb4
iPh7
9 fQe2
Rf6
17 Cg2
Pc5 54
25 R x Kt Qd9
2 Ktf3 4 »
Ktd8
10 iPh4
Pa6
18 cPx P
hCh8
26 Rb8 Cc9
3 hBe3
bCe8
11 Rd5
Pb6
19 CglO+ fQg9
27 RblO + QdlO
4 Ktc3 B<>
ePf 7 51
12 bCd3
Ral
20 RilO
KthlO
28 aBc7+ Ke9“
5 Kte5 M
gBe7 u
13 cBa4
CxhP
21 Rx Kt
eB x gC
29 gR x Q K x R
6 pPf4
liKtf9
14 Ri9
Cc8
22 llxB+ QflO
30 R x Q mate
7 Kel
bBd7
15 dCg3
bPc6
23 Kt x B
cP x Kt
8 Kao
lti6
16 Cg9 +
KelO
24 R x P
cCx Kt
47 Thus in the position — Green : Kel, Ra9, BalO ;
Red : KflO, Ktc3, Pd2,
in which Red would play Pe2 mate, Green only draws by Re9 + .
44 Thus from actual play— Green : Kd2.
Red : Ke9, Qd9, Ktc3 and d4, Pe8.
Green plays. 1 K turns, Kte6 ; 2 Kdl, Ktf4 ; 8 Kd2, Pe2 mate.
44 To form a screen for tlie Gannon. 50 To defend P on e4.
41 Bringing the Cannon to bear on B on e3. 53 The Green Cannon now bears on the P.
41 Threatening P on g4. 44 Better is 17 . . , cPd6. 44 The only move.
Digitized by
Google
1S8
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
III. Japan.
The Japanese game of chess is called SJw-gi (SJtd-ngi ). . So far as the
pronunciation goes this may represent either the Chinese siang-lci or tsiang-k'i,
but the ideogram for the latter form is used, giving the word the meaning of
‘ the Generals' game.* In all probability this is due to folk-etymology. The
Japanese chessboard is occupied by Generals of many types — Jewelled Generals,
Golden Generals, Silver Generals — and the majority of the pieces obtain in
the course of a game promotion to the rank of General. And to explain the
name as meaning the Generals' game would appear far more appropriate than
to call it the Figure game or the Elephants' game, when the game shows no
Elephants and the men are all alike five-edged tablets, plain save for the
written name each one bears. Not only is there no evidence to show that the
Japanese ever used carved figures in their chess, although their skill as carvers
of ivory has long been famous, but the very peculiarities of Japanese chess
would preclude the possibility of any other type of piece than the simple
variety of ‘ draughtsmen ' now in use. For promotions from one rank to
another are very frequent in the game, and — a stronger argument still for the
draughtsman type of chessman — a piece may change sides often in the course
of the game.
Our knowledge of the history of chess in Japan is confined to a few notices
in different Japanese works 56 which were translated for the Quellenxtudien by
Professor Hoffmann of Leyden. In the main these notices are identical, and
probably go back to the San sai dzu e , Simayosi Anko’s Japanese translation
and revision of the Chinese encyclopaedia San-t sai-Cu-hwei^ which was com-
pleted in 1712. None of these works give any information as to the date of
the introduction of chess into Japan beyond the statement that the word shogi
is not to be found in the Wa-mei-seu , the dictionary of the older Japanese
language, the compiler of which died about a.d. 986. It seems a reasonable
inference from this that chess had not reached Japan in the 10th cent. The
introduction, however, has been associated with the name of Kobodaisi, the
introducer of the reformed Buddhism in the first decade of that century, but
I cannot discover upon what authority. 57
The ordinary route followed by Chinese culture on its road to Japan lies
through Corea. We may probably assume that this was also the route followed
by chess, though there is no evidence that would directly support this hypo-
thesis. Japanese chess has no affinities with the present Corean game. Some
resemblances between the Japanese and the Siamese games have been put
forward as suggesting another route, but these seem too slight to bear the
weight of a theory that finds no support from history. Other influences than
Chinese have undoubtedly been at work, and have transformed the game from
a representation of warfare to a game in which it is difficult to find a repre-
56 Viz. Simayosi Anko’s Wo kan san-sai dzu e (1713), Ran-zai Ynma-saki Uyemon’s Fak
buts-zen fl768), Taka Asiya’s To-kicm stts-yu fyak-ka tsu (1801 and 1819), 3fan dai sets yu, and
Ta-ura Dai-an's Dai-fuku sets-yu (1863). See Qsf., 271-84, and JT ., Nos. 1313-18.
87 So Himly, ZDJf';., xxvii. 126, without source.
Digitized by
Google
chap, vii CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
139
sentation of anything; 68 but these influences have possibly been religious in
character, reflecting the known theoretical objections of Buddhism to war and
slaughter. The rapid promotion which can be attained by all the minor
pieces reminds one of other Buddhist games of the ‘ promotion ’ type in which
the counter, as it moves round the appointed course in obedience to the throws
of the dice, passes through a succession of incarnations until it reaches the
Buddhaship which is its goal.
The Japanese authorities are unanimous in ascribing the origin of their
chess to China, while they admit the wide differences that now exist between
the two games. Unfortunately they have nothing to say as to the origin or
cause of these changes in the Japanese chess, but this is not surprising, as
the present game was fully developed before the earliest accounts of it were
written. The encyclopaedias also treat the game almost entirely from the
practical side, and after a few references to the Ohashi family they pass on to
a discussion of the names and powers of the pieces in the various varieties
of chess that have been played in recent times. To these I return later.
The present game was certainly played before the close of the 16th
century, for it was under the Mikado Go-yo-zei, who ruled from 1587 to 1611,
that the first and most noted of all the Ohashi family flourished. This player,
Ohashi-Sokei, ranks in tradition as the greatest master of Japanese chess, and
his chess works are still sold as standard books on the game. His renown
was more useful to him than is generally the case with chess champions, for
he was appointed by the Mikado chief chess-player of the empire, a dignity
that was made hereditary in his family. The Japanese Government in old
days would seem to have been excellent patrons of shogi, for the Fak-buts-zen
(1768) says that at the time of its compilation the Government allowed the
best player of each generation to build a house called Shdgi-tokdro, ( chess-
place ', where the principles of the game were taught, and the player received
an official salary for his services. And in 1860 there were seven State teachers
of chess in Yeddo alone. 69
Government patronage also extended to the holding of an annual tourna-
ment for chess. According to a notice in the Japanese Mail , quoted in the
Times , April 16, 1890, the palmy days of s/iogi were during the long peace
which Japan enjoyed under the rule of the Shoguns.
* Once every year, on the 1 7tli day of the 11th month, the masters of the game met
in Yedo, and fought a grand tourney 60 in an appointed place within the precincts of
M Ch6-YC, however, insists on the parallelism with warfare all through his Japanese Chess
(1905).
w Not only chess but bgo (Chinese i cei k*i) also came under Government patronage.
Wei-Jc'ij according to Japanese authorities, was introduced by the priest Kibi, who spent
twenty years in China, and brought the game back to Japan with him in a.d. 735. The
encyclopaedias give a long list of famous players, from I-un Ron in, who lived under the
Emperor Go Tsutsi mikado, 1465-1500, downwards. Ohashi Sokei’s contemporaries were
Hon In B6, called the i-go sage, who established a special f -go school (called Ten-ka no go-shU ■■
Imperial 1-go place) in the monastery of Ziyak-kwu. and Nikkai Hdin of Jakkoz. Hon In Bd
received an official salary for his skill, and this appears to have been the general custom.
(Culin, Korean Games , 90.)
60 From the Japanese terms for a tourney, makenuke jumban, toturi makenuke jumban , torinoke
jumban , I infer that these tournaments were arranged on the 4 knock-out ’ principle. Indeed,
Digitized by Google
140
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
the palace. Judges, umpires, strict rules, and all things necessary to the combat
were provided, and after the fight was over the ranks of the various combatants were
officially fixed. The number of ranks was seven in all, the seventh being the
highest.* 1 Rarely did any player attain the distinction of reaching this, but the
sixth generally had one or two representatives. There appears to have been
a certain element of heredity in the game as played in Japan, for certain families
took the lead for many generations, and the contests between these champions were
a salient feature of every tourney. To this time-honoured custom, as to many
another of even greater merit, the Revolution of 1867 put a stop. A long era of
neglect ensued for chess-players, but it did not fall into disuse because Court
patronage was wanting. Its votaries still studied their gambits and elaborated their
variations, and now once more the science promises to resume its place of importance.
In October last (1889), a giand meeting of all the important chess-players in Japan
was organized in Tokio. Over 200 players assembled, all boasting greater or less
degrees of skill, from the first up to the sixth. Count Todo, the former Daimio of
Tsu, who has the honour of belonging to the sixth rank, is among the chief
promoters of the revival. Another meeting took place on the 18th of January
(1890), when a ceremonial in honour of the revival of chess was performed/ w
It is not unknown for Japanese to play shdgi blindfold (Jap. mekakushi
shongi or mekura shobu = blindfold chess).
There is a very considerable Japanese literature on the game, and many of
the Ohashi family have distinguished themselves as chess authors. Thus
among the standard authorities are works by Ohashi Sokei, the founder of the
house, by his son Ohashi Soko, who is generally named with his father as
a great master, by Saindaime Ohashi Soyo, and Ohashi Soyei, by Goidame
Ohashi Sokei (1810), by Ohashi Eshun, by the brothers Ohashi Soyei and
Ohashi Riyo Yei (1839), the grandsons of the fourth Ohashi (Ohashi Soyei).
Among other writers on the game may be mentioned Tukuzhima Zhunki, Ito
Sokan (1694), Ito Kanju (1821), Ito Sokan (1849), Ito Soin, Ito Kanju
(1858), S. Hamashuna (1891), S. Hasegawa (1892), S. Yamashima (1821),
and Kuwabara Kunchu. The chess works of these writers comprise treatises
on the practical game, on games at odds, on End-games, chess studies, and
collections of problems. The advanced character of some may be judged
from the fact, stated in the Japanese Mail , that ‘ one leading work contains
problems, the solution of which is said to make the player worthy to be
placed in the sixth rank*.
Chess is very widely practised in Japan at the present time, but its
popularity is greatest amongst the middle and lower classes : with the upper
and tbe educated classes it comes only second, icei-k'i (i-go) being 4 the classical
or, rather, aristo-plutocratic game' of Japan.
Shdgi 63 or Seo Shdgi (small shogi — to distinguish it from the enlarged
varieties) is played upon a board (shdgi -ban) of 9x9, or 81 squares. Unlike
the other games of this group it is played upon the squares, not on the inter-
otherwise, with the numbers given above, it is difficult to see how a tournament could have
been conducted.
61 According to Ch6-Yo there are now nine ranks, the ninth (called ku-dan ) being the
highest, and the first (called sho-dan ) being the lowest.
62 Quoted by Falkener, 166 ff.
w For a list of authorities on Japanese chess, see the beginning of the book.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
141
sections of the lines. The technical term for the squares, ma, means spaces,
intervals, or eyes, and the last meaning can be paralleled from other Asiatic
languages . 64 There is no river on the Japanese board, and no nine-castle .
Nor is there any trace of these characteristic Chinese additions ever having
existed in Japanese chess, nor of the game ever having been a line-game.
The board is in general a small four-legged table, with a drawer for holding
the chessmen, and the players squat on the ground on either side of it ; but, as
in China, paper diagrams are also in common use. The board is not exactly
square, as the squares are slightly elongated to facilitate the play with the
long-shaped chessmen . 65 At tlie four corners of the central block of nine
squares there are small marks, either small circles or crosses upon the inter-
section of the lines, which are intended to mark off the three rows at each end
The Japanese Chessboard.
of the board. It is on these three rows that a player arranges his men at the
commencement of the game, and they are called his dominion or territory
(Jap. rydbun ). They have additional importance, since a piece may receive
its legal promotion as soon as it is played into the opponent's territory.
The chessmen are five-sided or punt- shaped pieces of wood or ivory which
lie flat upon the board. They are made rather thicker at the base than at the
vertex, and differ slightly though not materially in size, the Kydsha and Fu
being rather narrower than the other pieces. Each man bears on the one face
its ordinary name, and on the opposite face its promotion name. This is,
in the case of the majority of the pieces. Kin or Kin-slid , but it is rendered
possible to tell the original value, without it being necessary to turn the man
over, by the use of certain variations in the manner of writing the word kin.
M Ma is also used for the points of the backgammon board. In Tibetan and other Central
Asian languages, the squares of the chessboard are also called ‘eyes’. Other Japanese terms
for features of the chessboard are : tate , a file of the board ( akitoshi , sukitdshi, tsukildshi , open
file) ; yokoj rank or line of the board ; izuwari , the squares el, e9, on which the O-sho stand ;
aetsuin (closet), a corner square ; miyako (capital), the central square of the board (e5) ; naname
or sujikai , a diagonal of the board.
•* The native books give the relative dimensions as length 1*2, breadth 1-1 feet. Falkener
possessed a table 5j x 6$ in., and a paper board 10 J x 12 J in.
Digitized by Google
142
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
This is a matter of some moment when there is a choice of captures possible.
There is no distinction between the pieces on the two sides, but each player
places his men with the vertex towards his opponent, and the direction in
which the point projects alone determines to whom any particular piece
Javanese chessman different aeripU for Kin
belongs. When a player promotes one of his men he merely turns it over
so as to show its new rank.
The pieces are called ma uma , or more commonly koma } meaning a colt
or small horse. It is possible that the form koma contains the word
Chinese k'i , game ; 66 it is by no means uncommon to find the men used in
a game called ‘ horses \ Each player has twenty koma at the commencement
of the ordinary game. Their names, powers of move, and promotion values
are exhibited in the following table. All the pieces take as they move.
No.
Japanese 07
Name.
Translation.
Power of Move.
Position.
Promotion.
Equi-
valent.
1
0-shd
I Jewelled
General
Gold General
One step in every direction
el ; e9
—
K
2,3
Kin sho
One step in six directions,
viz. the four horizontal
and vertical directions,
and the two diagonal
directions in advance
dl, fl;
d9, f9
Q
4,6
Gin-shd
Silver
General
One step in five directions,
viz. the four diagonal
directions, and vertically
forwards only
The Knight’s leap, but
only in the two most
forward directions
cl. gl ;
c9, g9
Kin-slid
[B*]
B
6,7
Kei-ma
Honourable,
or laurel
horse
bl, hi ;
b9, h9
Kin-slid
[Kt.]
Kt
8,9
Kydsha
or
Yarl
Fragrant
Chariot or
Spearman
Any distance vertically
forwards only
al, il ;
a9, i9
Kin-sho
[R.]
R
10
Hisha
Flying
Chariot
Any distance vertically or
horizontally
h2 ; b8
Ry6-w0 -
C
11
Kaku-ko
or i
Kakkd
‘ Angle-
going '
Any distance diagonally
b2 ; li8
Ryd-ma
D
12-20
[
l
Fu-hyo
or
Hd-hei
Ryd-wo
Ryd-ma
Foot-soldier
Dragon King
Dragon
Horse
One step vertically for-
wards
Move of O-shd + Hisha
Move of 0-shd + Kakko
a-i 3;
a-i 7
Kin-sho
[p*]
P
C*1
D*]
M This is Himly’s suggestion, ZDMG xxxiii.
67 The transliteration varies with the different sources. The text follows Culin (except
kako-ko) and Chd-Yd (except ryu-0 and ryu-ma). Hoffmann (Qst., 281) has K, wau-siyau ;
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
143
Players generally say 0 , Kin, and Gin for Osho, Kins /id, and Ginsho . The
Fu-hyo is usually called Fu or Hyo, and the Keima is often simply Kei. In the
problem works the opponent’s King is called Gyok-dshd or simply Gyok-o,
i. e. the Usurper General.
The relative values (kurai, rank) of the /coma are thus estimated by
Cho-Yo : Q=9 (9-8 %), B = 7 (7-6 %), Kt=4 (4-3 %), R = 3 (3-2 %), C = D = 18
(19«5 %), P = 1 (1*1 %). This estimate is probably only a rough one, since it
assigns the same value to both Hisha and Ka/cko , pieces with the moves of
our Rook and Bishop respectively; the experience of the European game
would suggest that there must be a considerable difference of force between
these pieces.
As soon as a Gin, Keima, Kyosha , Fu, Hisha or Kakkd is played to a square
within the opponent's territory, it may at once be promoted to its promotion
rank ; in the first four cases this is that of Kin, in the last two cases this
is respectively Ryo-wd and Ryd-ma. This promotion is made in the same move
with the move to the qualifying square. A player may, however, postpone
the promotion to a later move if this suits his plans better. The ordinary
term for the operation is naru (to turn), or more fully, kin-ni (ryo-wa-ni, &c.)
naru (becomes a Kin, &c.). Other terms are natta (turned), narasem (to cause
to turn over), kaeru (to turn over), hikkunkaeru (to turn upside down), or if *
the promotion is made by capturing an opposing piece, torite naru (take and
turn). It is not always advantageous to exercise the right of promoting
a piece. The Keima , notwithstanding its limited move, is often more useful
as a Keima than as a Kin, for as a Keima it can leap over occupied squares
and its check cannot be covered.
The greatest peculiarity of shdgi arises from the power that a player
possesses through the possibility of the replacement of prisoners (toriko) on
the board. 68 Since a player generally keeps his prisoners in his hand this
possibility is called Ungoma (tegoma) or mochingoma (mochigoma) (man in hand).
Instead of moving one of his men on the board, a player may, at any time
when it is his turn to play, enter one of his prisoners on any unoccupied
square and so add it to his effective forces. This manoeuvre makes a capture
doubly valuable; there is not only the negative value arising from the loss
of the piece, but the positive value arising from its possible replacement on
the board. This power, however, is subject to certain limitations and a con-
vention. The limitations are —
Q, kin-siyau ; B, gin-siyau ; Kt, kema ; R, kiyau-siya ; C, hi-siya ; D, kaku-giyau ; P, ho-hei ;
C*, riu-wau ; D*, riu-ma. Himly ( ZDMO ., xxxiii. 672) agrees with CI 16 -Y 6 except R, kOsha or
yari (this latter term is nowhere mentioned by Cho-Yo) and P, ho-hei, which again is not
given by Cho-YO. Chamberlain and Culin ( Korean Games , 90) give as the popular forms K, o ;
Q, kin ; B, gin ; Kt, keima ; R, yari ; C, hisha ; D, kaku ; P, fu ; ryO-wO, and ry 6 -ma.
BCM. y 1896, pp. 200-2, agrees with Chamberlain excepting K, ou ; Kt, keima uma. V. d. Linde
(ii. 136) and BCM 1899, p. 447, give K, yok sho ; Q, kin sho ; B. yin sho ; Kt, kema ; R, kioshia
(koshia) ; C, hyshia ; D, kakusho ; P, hohei. Falkener (167) has K, o or sho ; Q, kin ; B. ghin ;
Kt, ka ma ; R, yari or kioshia ; C, hisha (promotion, nari hisha) ; D, kaku (promotion, nari
kaku) ; P, fu or hio. Nari hisha and nari kaku are palpably erroneous.
M The Japanese terms are torn, ikedoru , toriko.ni-suru (to capture) ; tokkaeru or torikaeru (to
exchange) ; tokushile torikaeru (to win the exchange) ; sonshite torikaeru (to lose the exchange) ;
ryotenbin (to fork).
Digitized by Google
144
CHESS JN ASIA
PART I
(1) A second Fu may not be entered on any file upon which the player
already has an un promoted Fu. doubled Fus ( nifu ) are not tolerated in shogi,
and if a player, either by inadvertence or intention, should place a second
Fu in this way his opponent simply removes it from the board (Jap. nameru ,
nametoru, suitor! , tad atoru, or tadatori, to huff), and plays his own move,
precisely as a player at draughts plays f the huff '.
ttyo- 5 (2) A Fu or -fftshfr may not be entered upon the opponent's back line, nor
a Keima on his second or back line : this is because these pieces would then be
unable to move and could not be promoted.
(3) A re-entered piece only possesses its original value, even if it be
entered within the opponent’s territory. In the latter case it qualifies for
promotion after making one move.
The convention is that it is bad form to re-enter a piece where it does not
actively assist in attacking the opponent ; a machingoma or waiting game is,
according to Cho-Yo, considered cowardly.
This peculiarity of the game differentiates Japanese chess from all other
varieties, and renders it difficult for a European to appreciate the science of
shogi. A Japanese generally holds his prisoners in his hand, but must show
them at any time when requested. The usual phrase is te-ni-wa ( Q-te-ni-wa
or te-ni), meaning c In your hand ? ’
Check in Japanese is 6-t<f, i. e. Jewel’s move. Double check is ryd-dte or
niju-ote ; discovered check, akiote ; the dangerous divergent checks which
* attack simultaneously the Hisha or Kakko are hishate-dte or hishatori-ote and
kakute-ote or kakutori-dte. Checkmate is tsnmi, tsumu , or tsunda , all meaning
e fixed '. Mate on the K square is izuwari zeme ; mate in the corner, setsuin
zeme ; mate on the midmost square of the board (e5), miyako zeme. To check-
mate is tsumeru (to fix). Stalemate is not permitted, and it is considered bad
form to mate with a Fu.
The move is generally determined by throwing up a Fu, when the opponent
cries ( Fu ' or c Kin ', and wins when his cry falls uppermost. In a sequence of
games the winner begins in the following game. In the tournaments the
match appears to be for the best of three games. The rule of ‘ Touch and
move ' is disregarded by ordinary players, who say ‘ matta ', c matta-naraz ', or
( matte ' (‘ wait, please wait ') when they wish to take back a move, but experts
hold to the strict rule with the penalty of moving the O-sliO for its breach.
A player who wishes to put a piece straight says e gomen (or shikkei) naoshite >
pardon me, I adjust').
The works which I have used give very little information about the Open-
ings in shogi. Cho-Yo says that all openings (uchidashi) of repute have
distinctive names and are classified as regular (teishiki) or irregular ( futei -
shiki). He gives the following: (1) The Kakute method (Pc3), (2) The
Nakahisha method (beginning 1 Pe4 and 2 Ce2), (3) The Rishats method
(beginning Ph4), (4) an attacking opening (1 Bc2 ; 2 Pc4 ; 3 Bc3 ; 4 Pb4 ;
5 Pb5 ; 6 Bb4), (5) a defensive one (1 Qc2 ; 2 Bd2 ; 3 Qg2 ; 4 Bf2 ;
5Rf3).
Digitized by Google
chap, vu CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN 145
There is an elaborate gradation of odds ( orosu , otosu), the scale being as
follows : (1) a P or IP, (2) bP, (3) aP + iP, (4) R, (5) both R, (6) R + Kt on
same wing, (7) both R + Kt, (8) both R + both Kt, (9) the same + a,b,h,iP,
(10) C or D, (11) C + D, (12) the same+both R, (13) as 12+both Kt, (14) all
the pieces except K, G, and B.
An expert playing against a novice will remove all his own men excepting
the O from the board, and undertake to win with the move if he be allowed to
retain three Fas in his hand. He commences by placing a Fa in front of the
novice’s Kakko , winning it the following move. This chess joke is called
Fu-*an-mai .
The following specimen game is taken from Himly's paper in the ZDMG .,
xxxiii. 672 seq. 69
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
1 Pc4
Pg6
13 D*i8
Done6
25 Kth8,*
B x Kt*
37 ora +
Pon c8
2 Pb4
Ph6
14 CxP
B x Kt
26 Q x B
bGxQ
38 D*d4
Kt x P +
3 DxD
BxD
15 Ch9,* +
Kf8
27 D* x C
Q on h7
39 B x Kt
QxhR
4 Ph4
Ktg7
16 Ron hi
P on h3
28 Cong9+ Kton f9
40 D* x bP
QxiR
5 Pi4
Pi6
17 Bg2
Kt on g5
29 D.g8
Kd8
41 Ktonc7
Chi,.
6 Kti3
Pi5
18 Kton i6 Pf6
30 Cx Kt,*
Kc8
42 Ktx Kt,*
+ Kx Kt*
7 Ph5
iP x P
19 P on li7
Pb6
31 D*f7
Q<18
43 Pc7,»
R on b8
8 Ch3
Kt x P
20 Ph8,*
QxP*
32 B on<19+ Kb7
44 P* x R +
KxP.
9 Kt x Kt
Bg9
21 D* xQ
DxC*
33 D.J5 +
Pc6
45 R on b7 +
Ka8
10 Don g7+ Qf8
22 D« x D
C on h6
34 C. x fP
Qc7
46 D on b9, tsunda.
11 Dx R,.
Qg8
23 Qonf7+ Ke9
35 Pc5
Kb8
12 Ktg7
Bh8
24 Qg8
Ph2,*
36 P x P
Q16
In addition to the ordinary chess, Japanese works make mention of five
other varieties of chess, tsiu shdgi (= intermediate chess), played on a board of
12 x 12 squares with 46 men a side ; 70 dai shdgi (= great chess), on a board of
15 x 15 squares with 65 men a side ; maka dai-dai shdgi, on the same 15 x 15
board with 96 men a side; dai-dai shdgi , on a board of 17 x 17 squares ; and
dai-shdgi , on a board of 25 x 25 squares with 177 men a side. No further
particulars appear to be known of the last four of these, but the tsiu shdgi
would seem to have been still played in the 18th century. The names of the
different chessmen are an interesting illustration of the thoroughness with
which the war-character of chess has been eliminated in Japan, and the
pa were of move exhibit the care with which the various possibilities of move
have been investigated.
The names, powers, and positions of the pieces of tsiu shdgi are exhibited
in the following table.
69 In this game and in the problem solutions on pp. 147-8, I describe the replacement of
a prisoner on the board thus : T> (C, &c.) on g7, &c.; and the promotion of a piece by an
asterisk preceded by a comma, e. g. Cli9,* means *Hisha plays to h9 and becomes a
Ry6-w6 1 (C*).
70 Since Hiroly ( Toung Pao , viii. 170) quotes from the Chinese Son fsai Vu hioei a mention
of a chung siang k'i, which is the Chinese equivalent of the Japanese tsiu shdgi , with ninety-two
pieces in all, it is possible that this game was originally borrowed from China.
mt
Digitized by Google
146
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
No.
Japanese
Name.
Translation.
Power of Move.
Position
(one side
only).
Promotion.
1
O-shO
as
in Shogi
fl
—
2
siu zo
Drunk
One step in all directions except
gi
tai-se
Elephant
vertically backwards
hisha
3, 4
kin-shO
| as
el, hi
5, 6
gin-shO
in ShOgi
dl, il
el, jl
shu-go
7,8
dou-sho
Copper
One step vertically or diagonally
woo-go
Ch. thung
General
forwards
t slang
kakkO
9, 10
mau-hau
Horrible
One step diagonally, and verti-
bl, kl
Ch.mOngpao
Panther
cally forwards and backwards
11. 12
kyOsha
as
in ShOgi
al, 11
hakku
18
ki-rin
Unicorn
One step diagonally, or a leap
f2
sisi
Ch. ki-lin
into the second square verti-
cally and horizontally
hon-woo
14, 15
hoo-woo
Phoenix
One step vertically and hori-
g2,d5
Ch. fong
zon tally, or a leap into the
huang
Blind Tiger
second square diagonally
fi-roku
16,17
mau-ko
One step in all directions, except
e2, h2
Ch. mOng hu
vertically forwards
18,19
kakkO
as
in ShOgi
c2, j2
ryO-ma
20, 21
fan-sha
Retreating
Any distance vertically forwards
a2, 12
kei-gei
Ch. fan chO
Chariot
or backwards
22
sisi
Lion
A leap to second field in all eight
fS
—
Ch. ahi-tze
direct directions 71
23
hon-woo
Ch. pon
Fleeing King
= fan-sha
gS
wang
fi-ziu
24,25
ryO-wO
\
e3. h3
26, 27
ryO-ma
Ch. lung-ma
L as
in Shogi
d3, i3
kaku-yu
28,29
hisha
c3,j3
ryO-wo
80, 81
shu-go
Straight-goer
Any distance vertically forwards
b8, k3
fi-giu
Ch.shu-hing
Sideways-
or backwards, or one step hori-
zontally
82, S3
woo-go
Any distance horizontally or one
a3, 13
hon-tsio
Ch. hOng-
goer
step vertically
hing
84-45
hohei
as
in Shogi
a-1 4
9
46
tsiu-yin
Adjutant
One step vertically forwards and
i5
siu-yo
Ch. clmng-
backwards
zhOn
Pieces
after Promotion.
tai-se
Crown-prince
= O-sho
hakku
White Horse
Any distance vertically forwards
and backwards, and diagonally
forwards only
fi-roku
Flying Stag
Any distance vertically forwards
and backwards ; one step in all
other directions
kei-gei
Whale
Any distance vertically forwards
and backwards, and diagonally
backwards only
fi-ziu
Flying Eagle
Any distance in all directions
except diagonally forwards; a
leap to second square diagon-
ally forwards
kaku-yu
Horned
Any distance in all directions
Falcon
except vertically forwards and
backwards ; a leap to second
square vertically forwards
fi-giu
Flying Ox
= kakk6
hon-tsio
Flying Pig
Any distance in all directions
except vertically forwards and
backwards
Digitized by t^ooole
chap, vii CHESS IN CHINA, COREA, AND JAPAN
147
The ordinary chessboard of 81 squares is used for two other games, each
of which is named a variety of chess. In Tobi-shbgi (jumping chess), each
player arranges his eighteen men, now considered to be all of equal value,
upon the first and second rows. Each man can move straight forward or
laterally, and captures as in the English game of draughts. In Hasami-shdgi
(intercepting chess) each player arranges his nine Fus upon his back row. Each
man can move any distance forwards or laterally. When two men occupy
the two squares adjacent to that occupied by an opposing man, in either
a horizontal or a vertical direction, the opposing man is captured.
Two other games with the chessmen are only played by children. Neither
requires the board. In the first, Furi-shogi (shaking chess), the chessmen
are used as dice. If the chessman falls face upwards it counts 1, if face
downwards, 0; if it stands on its end, 10, and if it stands on its side, 5. In
the other, Uke-shOgi (receiving chess), the chessmen are used as dominoes.
A certain number are dealt out, and the first player challenges his opponent
to pair a named piece in his hand. If he succeeds, the move passes to the
opponent; if he fails, the first player throws out this piece, and challenges
with a second piece, and so on. The player who first succeeds in getting
rid of his hand wins. 72
Mention has already been made of the extensive problem literature of
Japanese chess. Very few examples of Japanese chess problems have been
printed in Europe, and the following selection would seem to show that the
problem art is at a much more rudimentary stage than is the case in Europe.
The liberal use which is made of the mochingoma powers removes much of
the difficulty of construction. In none of the problems (Jap. mondai) is the
winner’s King on the board, which means that the resources of the defence
are materially circumscribed. As a whole, the problems show little sign of
any appreciation of economy of force as a beauty of construction. The
solutions show a long succession of checks, and European players will prob-
ably consider them to be on a lower plane than the Muslim problems which
I give in Chapter XV, many of which were composed in Baghdad a thousand
years ago.
(Problems 1—5 are taken from Cho-Yo’s Japanese Chess> to which reference has
already been made. No. 6 was given by v. d. Linde in his Leerboek , Utrecht,
1876, 299.)
Solutions.
1. — 1 Cd9,* + , K x C* ; 2 Dx Kt*,* + , K x D* ; 3 De6 + , BxD; 4 Kt on
<16 + , Kc9 ; 5 Ktb7 + , Kb9; 6 Ktc7 m.
2. — 1 RxP + d, P* x D ; 2 Ce5 + , KxCj 3 Ktf3 + , Ke6 ; 4 Df5 + , K x D ;
5 Ci5,* + , Ke6 ; 6 C*e5 + , Kf7 ; 7 Ktg5 + , Kg8 ; 8 C* x B + , B x C* ; 9 B on
g7 + , K x P* ; 10 P on f8 + , Kg9 ; 11 Rh8, *m.
3. — 1 Qb3 + , KxQ; 2 Bc4 + , Ka3 ; 3 C*b4 + , R x C* ; 4 Kt on bl + ,
R x Kt,* ; 5 P on a2 + , Kb4 ; 6 Cb2 + , R* x C ; 7 P on b3 + , R* x P ; 8 Bc5 + ,
Kb5 ; 9 Qb6 m.
71 The Lion possessed additional powers. These are by no means clear, but apparently he
could devour any piece on an adjacent square. If the Lions on both sides came together,
•other things could happen, but the text is unintelligible. See Qst 283 and note.
72 From information given me by Professor Tsuboi, a well-known Japanese ethnologist.
K 2
Digitized by Google
pi
m
■□I
mm
I0BEI
m\
No. I In six moves
No.2. la eleven moves
□■Q e ai
No.5. la Dine mates
black hasin band Kt and. hvo
No.+. la rziae mow
black has in hand Q and five
Na5. la twenty-one moves
Black has in hand Q> and three
Kts
No.6. In No moves
4. — 1 Q on c8 + , R*xQ; 2 Da7,* + , K x D* ; 3 P on a6 + , KxP; 4
D x R*,* + ,CxD*; 5 Pon a5 + , KxP; 6 P on a4 + , K x P ; 7Pona3 + ,KxP;
8 P on a2 + , Ka4 ; 9 Ron a3m.
5. — 1 D x Kt*,* + , Kg9; 2 Kt on h7 + , C* x Kt ; 3 D*h9 + , Kf9; 4 Kt on
g7 + , C* x Kt ; 5 D*g9 + , Ke9 ; 6 Kt on f7 + , C* x Kt ; 7 D*f9 + , Kd9 ; 8 Kt on
e7 + , C*xKt; 9 D*e9 + , Kc9; 10 Ca9,* + , Kc8 ; 11 Q on c6 + , C*xQ;
12 C*d9 + , Kb7 ; 13 D* x C*, + , K x D* ; 14 C on c8 + , Kb5 ; 15C*d5 + ,Ka4;
16 Ca8.*, + , Kb4; 17 C*a3 + , K x C* ; 18 C* x Q + , Kb4 ; 19 C*a3 + , Kc4 ;
20 Q on d4 + , K x Q ; 21 C*d3m.
6. — 1 Kta3 + , Kb6 ; 2 D* x R m.
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER VIII
CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
Literary references. — The Karnamak . — The Chatrang-namak. — Probable introduction
under Nushlrwiin. — The story in the Shcihnama.
When Ardawiin saw Artakhslur, he rejoiced and esteemed him highly. He
commanded him to accompany his sons and knights to the chase and to the games
of ball. Artakhshlr did this, and by God’s help he became doughtier and more
skilled than them all in ball-play, in horsemanship, in chess {chatrang), in hunting,
and in other accomplishments.
So runs the earliest reference to chess in all literature, occurring in the
Kamdmak-i-Artakhshatr-i-Papakdn, a middle-Persian or Pahlawl romance
which is based upon the career of Ardashlr (Artaxerxes), the son of Papak,
the founder of the Sasanian dynasty, who ruled over Persia a.d. 226-41.
This interesting romance is largely mixed with legend and fable, and the
mention of chess establishes nothing more than the fact that chess was known
and esteemed at the time of its compilation. This date, however, can only
be fixed approximately. Ndldeke 1 states frankly that there is no linguistic
evidence available to fix the real date of any particular work. In the case
of the Karnamak the external evidence is also very slender. There is a doubt-
ful indirect reference to it in a 7th cent, work, another in a work of 815
or 816, while the first direct mention occurs in al-Masudl in 943-4. On
the other hand, the references of the Greek historian Agathias (a.d. 580) to
written Persian chronicles of their kings in his accounts of Sasan, Papak, and
Ardashlr show that works of the class of the Karnamak were already in
existence in his time. Ndldeke* s final conclusion is that there is much in
favour of ascribing it to the last period of the Sasanian rule — possibly to
the reign of Khusraw II Parwlz (a. d. 590-628). With this verdict competent
authorities have generally agreed; Prof. Browne, in his luminous Literary
Hietory of Per sia, London, 1902, p. 122, sums up the general opinion thus —
4 The Karnamak was probably composed about 600 a.d./ and Jacobi, calling
attention to the form chatrang , accepts the same date when he says that this
reference is at mo%t 50 years older than the earliest mention of chess in Indian
literature. But even if it prove to be later than the references in Subandhu
and Bana, it cannot be denied that the present mention would still imply the
greater antiquity of the game. For not only does it imply that the game
was fairly generally known in Persia, but also that popular opinion had seized
on chess as a characteristically national game in which it was fitting that the
1 Who edited the Kamdmak with a German translation in 1878 : Qesch. des ArtachHr-i -
Papakdn am dem Pehlewi ubersetet (Bezzenberger's Beitrage , iv), Gottingen, 1878.
Digitized by Google
150
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
national hero should be skilled. Such opinions do not grow in a day, and
a considerable period of time must be postulated for their growth in an
of slow and imperfect methods of communication. Even in mediaeval Europe
it took chess more than a century to achieve a like result. And beyond this
there is the further interval required for the passage from India to Persia,
and the previous life in India itself.
The Karnamak reference has also a philological value. Scholars have
long perceived that the Arabic shafranj and the Greek ft arpiKtov both point
to an older Persian chair ang as an intermediate step from the Sanskrit chatu-
ranga . With the discovery of the present passage philological theory hi as
been replaced by historic fact.
Another non-religious Pahlawl romance — considered to be of later date
than the Karnamak , though still older than the Shahnama , and ascribed by
Noldeke with some hesitation to the first centuries of Islam (6ay 650-850)* —
treats much more fully of chess under the same form chatrang. This is the
Chatrang-mmak, also called the Slatlgdn-i-chatrang , a short work which treats
of the introduction of chess into Persia, and of the invention of nard, in the
time of Khusraw I Anushak-rubano (Nushlrwan, 531-578).
Although it would have been very easy to over-estimate the importance
of this little work, this has not happened. It obviously stands in some sort of
relationship to the poetical version of the same story in the Shahnama , and the
extreme caution of NSldeke's references 8 has led v. d. Lasa and other chess
historians to put it aside as of no independent value. To Persian scholars its
sole interest has consisted in its relationship to the Shahnama , and in the problems
to which this question gives rise. But quite apart from any questions as to the
literary or historical value of the Chair ang-namak, the romance has a certain
importance as being the first work that we possess which throws any light
upon the nature or nomenclature of chess. Nowhere else can we ascertain
the names of the chessmen in Persia before it was swallowed up in Islam,
nowhere else can we learn for certain that the Persian chatrang was a two-
handed game of skill.
Noldeke’s conjectural date receives some confirmation from the use of
the word chatrang rather than shatranj. In modern Persian the latter Arabic
form has completely displaced the older chatrang : so early as FirdawsI (a.d. 1000)
this had taken place. Indeed the change must have been still earlier and
have been complete within 200 years of the conquest, for not only do we
find no trace of the remembrance of the older form in any of the Arabic
grammarians, themselves largely of Persian blood, but we should hardly have
1 NOldeke, Sitzungsberichte der K. Akadcmie der Wiasenschaften t'n JTt'en, phiL-hisL Class* , Vienna,
1892, vol. cxxvi, Abh. xii. Persische Studien , ii, pp. 20-6, sums up the question of date thus
(p.26) — *Das kleineBuch ist jedenfalls filter als der Schfihn&me. Sehr wahrscheinlich ist es,
dass es auch schon friiher als Ja'qftbi’s Werk geschrieben ist. Auf der andern Seite ist es
gewiss ziehmlich viel spfiter als die Zeit, worin es seine Geschichte versetzt. Vermuthlick
gehOrt es den ersten Jahrliunderten des Islfims an.*
8 Thus (op. cit. p. 20), he says : * Eine kleine Erzfihlung . . . die, so gering ihr Werth in
historischer wie in fisthetischer Hinsicht ist, doch da rum unser Interesse beansprucht, weii
sie in naher Beziehung zu einem Abschnitt des Schfihnfime steht.’
Digitized by Google
chap, viii CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
151
found so careful a historian as al -Ya'qub! (end 9th cent.) explaining shatranj
as derived from the Persian ‘ hashat-ranj 9 (eight-sided) if any recollection of
its real origin had survived to his day.
The Chalrang-namak is one of the works contained in the oldest MS. of
Pahlawl works (J2) of 1323. 4 The following version is based in the main
on Salemann's German translation.
THE HISTORY OF CHATRANG.
1. In the name of God ! It is related that in the reign of Khusraw-i-Anushak-
ruban, DSwasarm, the great ruler of India, devised the chatramg with 16 emerald
and 16 ruby-red men in order to test the wisdom of the men of Iran, and also from
motives of personal interest. With the game of chess he sent 1,200 camels laden
with gold, silver, jewels, pearls and raiment, and 90 elephants, of all of which
an inventory was made, and he sent Takhtaritus, who was the most famous of the
Indians, in charge of them. Moreover, he had written the following in a letter:
‘ Since you bear the name of Shahanshah (King of Kings) and are king over all us
kings, it is meet that your wise men should be wiser than ours : if now you cannot
discover the interpretation of the chatrang, pay us tribute and revenue.
2. The Shahanshah asked for 3 days’ time, but there was none of the wise men
of Iran who could discover the interpretation of the chatrang.
3. On the third day Wajurgmitr of the house of Bukhtak rose and said, 4 Live
for ever! I have not revealed the interpretation of the chatrang until this day, in
order that you and every dweller in Iran may know that I am the wisest of all the
people of Iran. I shall easily discover the interpretation of the chatrang, and take
tribute and revenue from Dewasarm. And I will make yet another thing and send
it to DSwasarm, which he will not discover, and we shall take double tribute and
revenue from him. And from that day none shall doubt that you are worthy to be
Shahanshah, and that your wise men are wiser than those of Dewasarm.’
4. Then said Shahanshah: 1 0 Wajurgmitr, hail to our Takhtaritus!’, and he
commanded that 12,000 dirhems should be given to Wajurgmitr.
5. On the next day Wajurgmitr called Takhtaritus before him and said:
‘ DCwasarm has fashioned this chatrang after the likeness of a battle, and in its
likeness are two supreme rulers after the likeness of Kings (s/ioA), with the essentials
of Rooks (rukh) to right and to left, with a Counsellor ( farziri ) in the likeness of
a commander of the champions, with the Elephant (plZ) in the likeness of a commander
of the rearguard, with the Horse (a*p) in the likeness of the commander of the
cavalry, with the Foot-soldier (piy&dak) in the likeness of so many infantry m the
vanguard of the battle.’ Thereupon Takhtaritus arranged the chatrang, and played
with Wajurgmitr. Wajurgmitr won 12 games against Takhtaritus, and there was
great joy throughout the whole land.
6. Then Takhtaritus stood up and said : 4 Live for ever ! God has bestowed upon
you such glory and majesty and power and victory. Verily you are lord of Iran and
An-iran.
7. Several wise men of India devised this chatrang with much toil and labour,
4 It was first published in a native Indian magazine in 1854, next by Pesluitan Dastur
Behramji Sanjana, Ganjeshaydgan , Andarze Atrepdt Mdrdspanddn , Madegdne chatrang, and Andarze
Khusroe Kavatdn , Bombay, 1885, with Gujarati and English translations. This edition is
based on four modern MSS., not all independent. The English version is by no means literal,
and is in places obviously inaccurate. C. Salemann published in 1887 ( Melanges asiatiques
tires du Bull, de V Acad. Imp. de St.- Peter sbourg, IX. iii. 220-30 = Mittelpersische Studien in the Bull,
de VAcad. Imp. de St,-Petersbourg for 1887, pp. 417 seq.) a brilliant attempt to recover the actual
pronunciation of the Pahlawl text. E. W. West, Note on the Catrang-ndmak ( JRAS. f xxx. 389),
gave the complete text of sect. 5 from MS. J 2, the Bombay MSS. being defective here. Cf.
also NOldeke, Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad ., 1892, pp. 20-6 ; and Grundriss der iranischen Philologie,
ii. 145; and E. W. West in ibid., 119, § 103. Cf. also Macdonell, JRAS. f 128.
The MS. employs the Huzv&rish terms malka for shah and sQsyd for asp. Salemann
transcribes shdh, frazin, asp t piyddah .
Digitized by
Google
152
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
and sent it hither and (?) arranged it. There was none who could expound it, but
Wajurgmitr by his innate wisdom has interpreted it with ease and speed and has
added many riches to the Shahanshah’s treasury/
8. On the next day the Sk&hanshah called Wajurgmitr before him and said to
him : 4 My Wajurgmitr, what is that thing of which you said, “ I will make it and
send it to DewasArm ” ? *
9. Wajurgmitr replied : * Of all the rulers of this millennium has Artakhshlr been
the most active and the wisest, and I erect a game Ngw-Artakhshir 5 after the name
of Artakhshlr. I fashion the board of New- Artakhshlr in the likeness of the land
of Spandarmadh, and I fashion 30 men in the likeness of the 30 days and nights ;
I fashion 15 white in the likeness of day and 15 black in the likeness of night;
I fashion the movement of each after the likeness of the movement of the constella-
tions, and in the likeness of the revolution of the firmament/
10. {The explanation of the spots on the faces of the dice) 1 1 fashion “one” in
movement in this likeness because Hurmazd is one, and he has created all that is good.
1 1. 44 Two ” I fashion in the likeness of heaven and earth.
12. 44 Three” I fashion in this likeness because good thoughts treat of words,
works, and thoughts.
13. 44 Four” I fashion in this likeness because there are 4 temperaments of
which man is formed, and because the points of the world are 4, East, West, South,
and North.
14. “Five” I fashion in this likeness because there are 5 lights, the sun, the
moon, the stars, fire, and the light which comes from heaven, and because the
divisions of day and night are 5.
15. “Six” I fashion in this likeness because the creation of the world was in
the 6 times of the Gahanbar.
16. The arrangement of New- Artakhshlr upon the board, I fashion in this
likeness because Hurmazd the lord placed the things which he had created upon
the world.
17. The movement of the men in this direction and in that I fashion in this
likeness because man’s energy in this world is linked with the heavenly bodies ; and
the 7 stars move in 12 fixed circles, and fall when it is time for one to defeat and
remove another, just as men in this world defeat and remove one another.
1 8. When (?) all are removed ... it resembles man because men must all depart
from the world, and when they are again arranged, it resembles man because at the
resurrection all men are made alive again/
19. When the Shahfinshah heard this oration he was filled with joy and com-
manded (his servants to provide) 12,000 Arab steeds all adorned with gold and
pearls, and 12,000 young men, the most distinguished in Iran; and 12,000 coats of
mail with 8...; and 12,000 belts with 7 clasps; and everything else that is
necessary to equip 12,000 men and horses in the most worthy fashion. And he
placed Wajurgmitr of the house of Bukhtak over them as leader at an auspicious
season, and he arrived in India in good health by God’s help.
20. When Dewasarm, the great ruler of India, saw him in this manner he asked
Wajurgmitr of the house of Bukhtak for 40 days’ time, but there w’as none of the
wise men of India who could discover the interpretation of the game of New-
Artakhshlr; and Wajurgmitr received from Dewasarm twice the tribute and
revenue ; and he returned in good health and with great ceremony to Iran.
21. The solution of the interpretation of the chatrang is this, that in it the
understanding in particular is recognized as the essential weapon by virtue of which,
as certain wise men have said, 4 the victory is obtained by intellect ’. The principle
of play in chatrang is to watch and strive to maintain one’s own pieces, to take great
pains as regards the being able to carry off the opponent’s pieces, and in the desire of
being able to carry off the opponent’s pieces not to play an unfair game. The player
• Bomb, has Vinearthsadar. Noldeke (op. cit., 21) has Nho Artakhshlr. Salemann has Niw
ArdashXr , . For a discussion of the form, which is also found in Arabic as Nardshlr , see Hyde,
ii. 282, and NCldeke, op. cit., 25 ff.
Digitized by
Google
chap, yiii CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
153
must always guard that one piece which is most convenient for the (?) move, aud
take care to (?) move in a fair way so that he may stand blameless in the matter of
good manners.
It is obvious that we have here a literary work, not a simple record of
historical fact. The intention of the narrative lies upon the surface, the
exalting of the wisdom and fame of the Persian race at the expense of a
neighbouring people. The Shahnama shows many similar examples of this
form of patriotic writing. The colour and treatment of the stories are
entirely literary, but behind all these embellishments there is always to be
found a basis of fact from which the narrative has been developed. In the
present case the basis of the story is the historical fact that the game of chess
was introduced into Persia from India, coupled with the popular tradition
that this event had taken place in the reign of NushlrwSn.
The literary construction of the Chatrang-ndmak is crude and conventional.
The parallelism of the incidents, the embassies, their riddles, the attempts at
solution, the amazing success of the one party and utter failure of the other,
all betray the want of experience and skill of the early explorers in the field
of fiction. The plot of the story by which rival monarchs stake tribute or
lands upon the solution of a puzzle or riddle recurs very frequently in rudimen-
tary forms of literature. 6
In opposition to the Indian invention of chess is placed the Persian in-
vention of nard (tables or backgammon) ; surely a very unsatisfactory contrast
from the patriotic Persian point of view, for the invention of chess seems in
every way the more wonderful achievement. But the romance shows no sign
of any suspicion of this, and the writer would appear to have judged of nard
by the elaborate symbolism of the game which occupies so considerable
a portion of his work. We cannot give him credit for the invention of the
interpretation: it is almost a commonplace among Arabic writers; and
Noldeke has suggested that it may everywhere go back to a Neo-Platonic or
or Neo-Pythagorean Greek source. It is, however, possible that the writer's
choice of nard for the Persian reply to the Indian invention of chess, may be
due to the admiration that he felt for this symbolic explanation of the game.
In any case the choice was unfortunate. The history of nard has still to be
written, but its antiquity is undoubtedly very great. Chinese works record
its introduction from India into China in the 3rd c., a.d. As will be seen in
the following chapter, there is good reason to believe that the game was
known to the Greeks in the 6th c., a.d., by the name of talla or taula . The
older Arabic historians attribute its invention to India, and associate it with
the mythical kings whom they allot to that peninsula. At the same time
other Arabic works show a persistent attempt to connect the invention of
nard with Ardashlr, the first of the Sasanians, and the hero of the Kdrndtnak .
I think that this was due to the popular attempts to explain the alternative
Arabic name of nardthlr , 7 though it also requires a greater antiquity than the
* Cf. Benfey, Kleine Schriflen, ii. 165, 178 ff. 7 See above, and the references in note 5.
Digitized by Google
154
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Chatrang-namak allows. It seems clear that we can attach no weight to this
portion of the story. The embassy to India is pure invention.
Nor can we attach any more weight to the story of the embassy from
India which brought chess to Persia. The wisdom of Buzurjmihr has at all
times been extolled to Persian literature, but in this story it transcends belief.
To discover the moves of the chessmen and the rules of play from a study of
the board and pieces is to do something miraculous. Moreover, it is impossible
to identify the Indian characters with any contemporaries of Nushlrwan.
Like all Arabic writers before al-Berunl, our author appears to have thought
of India as a political entity similar to Sasanian Persia. He shows no intimate
knowledge of Indian history, for although he has given his Indian king 1
a Sanskrit name (Dewasarm answers to Devasharman 8 ), it is difficult to see
whence he obtained it. Noldeke hazards the conjecture that it may be really
identical with the name Dabshalim , the king in the Kallla wa Dimna, and
that the legendary Shahram or Shihrdm of another chess story may be a further
perversion or misreading of the same name. The deficiencies of the Pahlawl
script made misreadings of unfamiliar words that could not be guessed from
the context extraordinarily easy. The name TakhtarUus 9 also presents diffi-
culties. Noldeke suggests that the first element is the Per. takht ', chessboard ;
West sees in it a compound term takht-rad , priestly counsellor of the throne,
which he supposes may be a Mid. Per. rendering of some Sanskrit title or
name. This much alone seems certain : the name is not Sanskrit.
We therefore come back to the simpler tradition that lies behind the
Chatrang-namak, that chess was introduced into Persia in the reign of
Nushlrwan. The same tradition is to be found in al-Mas'udl’s Muruj adh -
dhahab (a.d. 947). In his account of the reign of Nushlrwan he says :
He had sent from India the book Kallla wa Dimna , the game of chess, and a black
dye called hindl f which dyes the hair to its roots a brilliant and permanent black . 10
That is to say, the initiative in the introduction of chess was taken by
Nushlrwan, as was the case also in the translations of Greek and Sanskrit
classics which were made in his reign. This reference in al-Mas'udi appears
to me to be quite distinct in origin from the Chatrang-namak , especially as it
shows no attempt to magnify the reputation of the Persians, and as al-Mas'udi
adopts elsewhere a different opinion of the invention of nard , n It will be noted
that al-Mos'udl connects the introduction of chess with the arrival in Persia
of the collection of Indian fables called Kallla wa Dimna. 12 Most Persian
• The Pahlawl reading is not certain. Nbldeke once writes (?) Spisharm . Salemann writes
Dticsarm ; the Bombay edition Dewasarm and Dtwsaram. According to Leumann, Skr. names
in - sharman are Brahman, but they would scarcely be used by the Kshatriya or royal caste.
See Noldeke, op. cit., 24.
9 The form is again not absolutely certain. Noldeke gives T&khtalihis, Tdtantus , TataMus as
all possible readings.
10 In Barbier de Meynard’s French edition, ii. 203.
11 Noldeke’s attitude is non-committal. ‘This may be derived from our history (the
Chatrang-namak ) , but it may also be a good historical note, and also, if it be incorrect, it may
correspond with the statement of another older source : in both cases it is possible that our
history has been manufactured from this statement’ (op. cit., 221).
18 This book, the Skr. Pailchatantra, is better known to Europeans by its name of The Fables
of Pilpayj Pilpay being a corruption of Bidpai y the Arabic rendering of the Skr. vidydpati, chief
Digitized by
Google
chap, viii CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
155
scholars accept the evidence for the transmission of this work to Persia in the
time of NushirwSn as satisfactory when stripped of the absurd embellishments
and details that are added to the story in the Shahnama .
The only difficulty that I can see in accepting this traditional date of the
introduction of chess as historical is the shortness of time which it leaves for
the general adoption of chess in Persia. Within 120 years the game has
attained the reputation which is evidenced by the reference in the Kamamak,
and the fixity of nomenclature which the Arabic nomenclature requires. But
no other Persian king is associated with the introduction in any known
Arabic work. Ardashlr, son of Papak, is the Sasanian most likely to be made
the hero of a fictitious story, but he is only named in connexion with the
discovery of nard. Shahram (Shihram), the king in the story of The Doubling
of the Squares , is an Indian monarch. The phenomenon of the rapid spread of
chess, however, can be paralleled by diffusions equally rapid at later points
of the history of the game, and is indeed one of the most characteristic
features of that history. If chess reached the royal Persian court first, and
became the fashion there, its spread first to the upper classes and then to the
lower orders may easily have taken place in the course of three generations.
The story of the Chatrang-ndmak appears again, but in a rather different
form, in the national epic of Persia, the Shahnama of AbuT-Qasim Mansur
FirdawsI (begun by Daqlql, 975 ; finished 1011). 13 It is not certain whether
FirdawsI had the earlier version before him. Wherever it has been possible
to check the Shahnama by the older legends — as in the case of the Kamamak
and the Ydtkar-i-Zar\rdn — the general fidelity of the later poet to ancient
legend, even in matters of minute detail, has been established. In the present
legend there are fundamental differences between the two versions, extending
to the whole second part of the story. Nard, with the elaborate account of
its symbolism, has gone entirely, and in its place FirdawsI describes another
game of uncertain origin and arrangement.
The whole setting of the story in the Shahnama is different, and the story
is told with greater literary skill. In one point alone does FirdawsI adopt
a more sober colouring. He replaces the jewelled chessmen of the older
writer by pieces of ivory and teak. The colours of the older work would
seem, though, to be the more accurate historically. Red and green have
apparently always been the favourite colours for the pieces in India, if not
in Persia. Ath-Tha* alibi, in his Ghurar akhbar tnuluk d l- Furs (1017-21), 14
pundit. KaVila (Skr. Karat aka) and Limna (Skr. Damanaka) are the names of the two jackals
that appear in the tales. The Syriac translation (c. 570) and the Arabic translation by
b. al-Muqaffa* (c. 750) were made from the Pahlawl version. The Arabic version is the
immediate source of the mediaeval European versions. Cf. Macdonell, JR AS ., 130.
13 This work is based upon the earlier records of the S&s&nian monarchy, the collection of
which was commenced by Nushlrwan. The intervening works — the Greek History qf Persia
by Sergius, First Interpreter at Nusblrw&u’s court ; Danish war’s Khudhdy namak (100 years
later) ; b. al-Muqaffa'’s Arabic translation, the Siyar tnuluk al-'ajam ; and the Zoroastrian
work of 957-8 — are all lost.
14 Ed. Zotenberg, with French trans., Paris, 1900, 700. This work is largely based upon
the Shdhndma , and contains (ed. cit., 622) a much condensed version of the two chess stories
that are contained in the Persian poem.
Digitized by Google
156
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
in his description of the marvellous treasures of Khusraw II Parwlz (590—
628) says :
He had also the game of chess, of which the pieces were made of red rubies and
of emeralds, and the game of nard made of coral and of turquoise, —
a treasure which in later historians 15 was magnified until the chessmen were
made of single rubies and single emeralds, and their value had grown until
the smallest of the pieces was estimated at 3,000 golden dinars. Can it be
that the story of the embassy from India arose from the existence of this
chess set ?
FirdawsI commences his story 16 with a description of the magnificence
of Nushlrw&n’s court, to which one day an ambassador from the Kaja of
India came, bringing many noble presents from Kanuj. Macdonell points
out that the mention of this town as the home of the Indian monarch is
very happy, since Kanuj ( = Skr. Kanyakubya ) is the very place where B&na
represents chess as being known not long after Nushirwan's time. 17
When he had displayed the treasures, the Indian envoy presented a richly
illuminated letter from the Baja to Nushlrw&n and a chessboard constructed
with such skill that it had cost a fortune, and proceeded to deliver the follow-
ing message :
O king, may you live as long as the heavens endure ! Command your wise men
to examine this chessboard, and to deliberate together in every way in order that
they may discover the rules of this noble game, and recognize the several pieces by
their names. Bid them try to discover the moves of the Foot-soldiers (piyada ), the
Elephants (piZ), and the other members of the army, viz. the Chariots ( rukh ), the
Horses (as;>), the Counsellor (farzin), the King (shah), and how to place them on their
squares. If they can discover the rules of this beautiful game, they will excel all
the wise men of the world, and we will willingly remit to this court the tribute and
dues which the king demands of us, but if the wise men of Iran are unable to solve
the riddle, they ought to desist from demanding tribute from us, for they will not
be our equals in wisdom ; nay, rather, you ought to pay tribute to us, for wisdom
is more excellent than everything else of which man may boast himself.
The message ended, the chessmen were presented and placed on the board.
One side was of polished ivory, the other of teak. In reply to some questions
from the king, the ambassador said that the game was a representation of
war, and that in the game would be found the course, the plans, and all
the apparatus of a battle. Nushlrwan then asked and was granted a space
of seven days for the investigation. For several days the wise men of Persia
tried in vain to discover the game, but in vain. At last Buzurjmihr, who
15 Hyde (ii. 82) quotes the account from the Persian historian Majdi, and the farther
information from Al-mustatraf ; an anthology of the first half of the 15th century : 4 It is
reported that some of the Persian kings had a game of chess of red ruby, and that the value
of the smallest piece {gif a) was 8,000 dinars. 1 Forbes (194) estimates from this the value of
the whole set at a quarter of a million sterling.
14 I have used the French version in Le Livre des Hois par Abou'l Kasim Firdausi , publid,
traduit et comments par M. Jules Mohl, Paris, 1888-78, vi. 884-400, verses 2697-2888.
17 It must be remembered, however, that Kanyakubya was a large and famous city ot
India, and if FirdawsI wished to add local colour to the story, it would be only natural that
he should use the name of what was probably one of the best-known cities of India.
Digitized by Google
chap, viii CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
157
had hitherto stdod aloof, approached his king, and promised to solve the
riddle which had proved too much for all the other wise men of the nation.
He took the chess home to his house, and after a day and a night's experi-
mentation, he unravelled the whole game.
At his request the Indian ambassador was summoned, and made to recount
again the terms of the challenge. Then Buzurjmihr produced the chessmen,
and proceeded to arrange the forces.
He placed the king in the centre, and on his right and left the ranks of the army,
the brave foot-soldiers in the van, the prudent vizier beside the king to advise him in
the battle, next to king and vizier were the elephants both observing the battle, then
the horses ridden by two expert riders, lastly at the two extremities were the rukhs,
both rivals, and ready for the battle on the right and on the left.
The Indian was overwhelmed at the discovery, and his admiration for
the wisdom and penetration of Buzurjmihr passed all bounds. He returned
to India, and Buzurjmihr was covered with honour by his grateful monarch.
But Buzurjmihr was planning further triumphs for Persia. He withdrew
himself and pondered deeply until by his unaided genius he invented nard.
The game is thus described:
He made two dice of iyory, with figures the colour of ebony. He then arranged
an army similar to that of chess, he placed the two sides in order of battle and
distributed the troops, ready for battle and for the assault of the town, among eight
houses. The field was black, the battle-field square, and there were two powerful
kings of good disposition who should both move, without ever receiving injury.
Each had at his side an army in its arrangements, collected at the head of the field,
and ready for the fray. The two kings advanced upon the field of battle, their
troops moved on all sides around them, each endeavouring to outgo the other, now
they fought on the heights, now on the plains ; when two on one side had surprised
a man by himself, he was lost to his side, and the two armies remained thus face to
face until it was seen who was beaten.
NushTrwSn was of course delighted at this fresh proof of his minister’s
wisdom and ingenuity, and he sent him on an embassy to India to confound
the wise men at the Raja's court with the game of nard. As in the older
story the Indians fail ignominiously, and Buzurjmihr returned in triumph
to receive fresh honours at the hand of his grateful king . 18
In giving Firdawsl's story at this time, I have rather anticipated the
history of chess in the East, although in a way the real connexion is better
preserved thus. For FirdawsI voiced again the aspirations of the Persians,
and the Shahndma is the first great work in which Persian again came to
the front after a period of eclipse. The eclipse, however, was only apparent,
and extended to little beyond the language. As has so often happened in
history, the race that was vanquished on the battlefield became the victor
in the years of peace that ensued. The view of those who consider that the
two or three centuries which immediately succeeded the Muslim conquest
of Persia were intellectually barren, is quite erroneous. On the contrary,
18 A second story {The History of Talkhand and the Discovery of the Game of Chess) follows this
narrative in the Shdhndma. I shall deal with this in Ch. XII, in connexion with the Oriental
legends of the invention of chess.
Digitized by Google
158
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
it was * a period of immense and unique interest, of fusion between the old
and the new, of transformation of forms and transmigration of ideas, but
in no wise of stagnation or death \ Old ideas and philosophies had to be
restated in terms better fitting the changed conditions, and in every branch
of learning there was a process of moulding and fusion in full swing ; even
the faith of Islam took on a new spirit, ‘ce sont eux (les Persans) et non
les Arabes, qui ont donne de la fermetS et de la force k Pislamisme/ writes
Dozy. 19 And in the intellectual sphere the debt is still more remarkable;
we should leave every branch of Arabic science poor indeed if we removed
the work of Persian writers. The whole organization of the state was Persian,
and, although at first it was the Arabs who composed the invincible armies
that conquered Syria, Egypt, and Persia, by the end of the Umayyad period
the Persians had regained the military supremacy, and it was Persian armies
that placed the 'Abbasids on the throne. In so doing the Persians had a full
revenge for their overthrow at the hands of the early Caliphs. Not without
reason does al-Berunl 20 boast that the 'Abbasids were a Khurasan!, an
Eastern, dynasty, for at their court Persian influences and ideas were supreme,
attaining their zenith under al-Hadl, Harun ar-Rashid, and al-Mamun. The
history of Muslim chess will be largely a history of Persian players, the
development, a history of Persian ideas.
The importance of the pre-Islamic existence of chess in Persia can hardly
be over-estimated, for it has left an impress upon the game that has proved
greater and more lasting than that of any other period of its history. In
that time Persia gave the game a fixity of arrangement, a method of play,
and a nomenclature that have attended the game everywhere in its Western
career. By a singular freak of fate the very name of the game in every
country of Western Europe, except Spain and Portugal, has become a witness
for the passage of chess through Persia. When the chess-player cries ‘ check ’,
and probably also when he cries ‘ mate he bears his unconscious testimony
to the same fact. It is not too much to say that European chess owes more
to its Persian predecessor chatrang than to its more remote and shadowy
ancestor, the Indian chaturanga. 21
APPEN DIX
SOME NOTES ON THE PERSIAN NOMENCLATURE
I have already above (p. 150) dealt with the older name of chess in Persia, and
shown the importance of the two. recorded uses of it. Chatrang is very close in form
to the Sanskrit chaturanga , and its existence is a valuable link in the chain of chess
history.
19 See Victor Chauvin's French translation, Essai sur VHistoire de Vlslamisme , Leyden- Paris,
1879 , 156 .
*° In his Al-dthdr al-baqiya (Chronology of Ancient Nations), translated by Sachau, London,
1879 , 197 .
ai For the modern game of Persia, see Ch. XVII below. The Parsi chess of S.W. India has
no connexion with the game of Persia, see Ch. IV above.
Digitized by Google
chap, viii CHESS IN PERSIA UNDER THE SASANIANS
159
The names of the piecfes are given in the Chairang-ndmak and in the Shdhndma.
They are shah (king), farzin (wise man, counsellor), pH (elephant), asp (horse),
milch (chariot), and piyddah (foot-soldier). In the Shdhndma the word mubariz
(champion) is occasionally used to describe the rukh .
Shah is the Middle and Modern Persian form of the Old Per. khshdyathiya ,
which is found on the cuneiform inscriptions on the rock-face of the cliffs at
Behistun. In Pahlawl writing the Huzvarish form malka was used in its place.
It has always been the royal title of the Persian monarch. When the Shah in
chess was attacked by any other piece it was usual to call attention to the fact
by saying Shah , it being incumbent upon the player whose Shah was attacked
to move it or otherwise to remedy the check. This usage passed into Arabic, and
was adopted in European chess, although with the change in name of the piece
it ceased to have any obvious meaning. Indeed in Med. Lat. the word scac in this
sense was simply treated as an interjection. When the Shah was left in check
without resource, mat or shah mat was said. Mat is a Persian adjective meaning
* at a loss ', 4 helpless ’, 4 defeated ’, and is a contracted form of the adjective mand ,
manad , manld (HAS * uses regularly shah manad and manad for shah mat and mat),
which is derived from the verb mandan, manidan , ‘ to remain V
When a check * forked 9 another piece, it was usual to name this second piece
also, thus shah rukh meant a check that also attacked a Rook. In Muslim chess
this was a check that would generally decide the game, since the Rook excelled
the other pieces so much in value.
Farzin (later in Ar. as Jirzdn , Jirz, and jirza ) is connected with the adjective
farzdna , 4 wise *, ‘learned*, and means literally ‘a wise man*, * a counsellor \ It has no
connexion with wazir, 4 vizier and a wise man is not necessarily a vizier. That the
piece was at a later time associated with the vizier of the Persian kings and
‘Abbasid caliphs was due to its position on the chessboard at the side of the king.
PH, later Arabicized slb/U, means elephant. It is not, however, a native Persian
word, nor is it Skr. Gildemeister suggests that the Persians may have obtained
the word from a language that was spoken by some tribe situated between Persia
and India. The elephant was not a native Persian animal.
Asp is the ordinary Persian word for horse.
Rukh is less simple. The European dictionary statements that the word means
4 an elephant bearing a tower on its back*, or 4 a camel’, are based upon guesses
suggested by the modern carved Parsi pieces, and have no Persian authority
whatever behind them. The guess of Herbelot that rukh meant 4 hero ’ in Middle
Persian has been shown to depend upon the use of the word rukh in the chapter-
heading of the legend of the Eleven Champions, which has been added by some
later copyists of the Shdhndma . It is true that FirdawsI does describe the Rukh
as a champion or hero, reflecting the role that the chariot rider has always played
in the Indian epics, just as in Homer. But it is necessary to show that FirdawsI or
other early Persian writers used rukh where one would naturally expect mubariz
(hero), and this has uot been done.
1 See Hyde, ii. 183, who quotes a number of Persian dictionaries for the form manid;
a note by Mirza Kasim Beg in the Journal Asiatique , 1851, ii. 585 ; Gildemeister in ZDMO.,
xxviii. 696 ; and Dozy's Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, Leyden, 1878. The old view of
the pre-scien title philologists that mat was the Ar. verb mdta , ‘ to die ' — a view which began
to be current at an early period in the life of Muslim chess — has been abandoned by modern
scholars. 3 See p. 177.
Digitized by Google
160
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
The word has two other well-established senses iu Persian, (1) the cheek, and
(2) the fabulous bird, familiar to readers of the Arabian Nights. Its derivation
in both these senses is unknown. 3
There can be no doubt that the chess-term Rukh meant simply chariot. The
regular practice in the westward march of chess has been this: the term the
meaning of which was well known to all who used it was translated into the new
language and thus was replaced by a native and intelligible word ; the term the
meaning of which had ceased to be familiar to those who were using it in the land
whence chess was travelling was adopted unchanged or in a native dress. Rat'ha
can never have been unintelligible in Sanskrit chess circles, and the analogy of
the rule followed in the case of every other of the chessmen requires that the
Persians translated rat ha also by some Persian word meaning chariot. Although
rukh has never been the ordinary word in use for chariot in Persian, there is some
evidence to show that it did bear that meaning both in Persian and Arabic.
In Vullers’ Persian Lexicon , Bonn, 1855-64, s.v. shatranj (chess), p. 410, a native
Persian dictionary is quoted as giving 'araba as an alternative name for the rukh .
• Araba is the ordinary Arabic word for chariot, which, like so many other Arabic
words, has been adopted as Persian. This makes the authority somewhat late,
and accordingly evidences the persistence of this knowledge of the real meaning
of rukh in Persia. The knowledge was, of course, by no means general. For
Arabic we have two valuable entries in early Arabic-Latin glossaries, the knowledge
of which we owe to Dozy. The earlier of these is the Leyden Glossarium MS. 231
from the Leg. Scdliger y the MS. of which is dated 12th c. by palaeographists. Here
we have currus , rukhkh ; 3 quadriga rukhkh dhu arba'a 'aflak (rook of four wheels) ;
and auriga , rukhkh, thumma ^ani* ar-rukhkh (rook, then chariot- maker). In the
other glossary, the Vocabulista , a Florence MS. of which has been edited by
Schiaparelli (Florence, 1871) we have, p. 106, rukhkh , currus; and, p. 329, currus ,
ajala, — rukhkh, to which a marginal gloss adds roc de seas. It seems quite clear
from these two entries in Spanish glossaries that the word rukhkh was in common
use among the Moors in Spain in the sense of chariot. There is also the evidence
of the chess-pieces in the Bibl. Nat. at Paris, which are popularly known as
Charlemagne's chessmen, in which the Rook is carved as a two-wheeled chariot
with a single man in it. Also a 15-16 c. Hebrew MS. (Vatican, 171, f 2), which
contains a poem on chess (v. d. Linde, i. 180, text, 189), substitutes the chariot
for the rook. There is a possible reference in a Latin poem on chess (MS. Einsidlen-
sis, 365) which is probably older than 1100 (11. 141-2):
Extremos retinet fines inuectus uterque
Bigis seu rochus, marchio siue magis.
Piyddah, older payadah , which was Arabicized as baidaq , is a derivative of the
Persian pai , ‘ a foot ’, and means a foot-soldier.
s See Hyde (ii. 109 ff.) and Bland (64) for the native attempts to explain the name of the
chessman as derived from a fabulous Indian monster which preyed upon elephants and
rhinoceroses.
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER IX
CHESS IN THE EASTERN EMPIRE
Chets not a classical game. — The name zatrikion . — First references in Arabic works. —
References in late Greek literature. — Ecclesiastical censures. — Chess in the
Turkish rule, and in modern Greece.
It was a common belief among mediaeval writers that chess was a game,
if not of Trojan, at least of Greek invention, and that various references to
the practice of games among the Greeks and Romans in classical times related
to chess. In the light of the facts of the history of the spread of chess which
have been narrated in the preceding chapters, this view can no longer be
seriously maintained. Quite apart from the fatal anachronisms involved in
the claim, it can be shown to be improbable, if not impossible, on a priori
grounds, from an examination of the character of the references and allusions
to board-games in classical Greek. When these references are carefully
examined, it is found that they reveal not the slightest trace of any allusion
to any characteristic at all similar to the essential characteristics of chess —
pregnant in possibilities of allusion, simile, or metaphor as these have proved
in every chess-playing country. It is inconceivable that such a silence could
have existed throughout Greek and Latin literature had any of the classical
games shown those peculiarities of piece, form, and move which are the
special property of chess. Nor, again, would it have been necessary, as
v. d. Lasa has acutely pointed out, for. the Byzantines to have introduced
a new name for chess if the petteia , or the game of the sacred wag, or any
other of the classical games had been chess. Slight and conjectural as is
our knowledge of these games, whether requiring the agency of dice or not,
this much at least is certain : none of them was chess and none of them was
like chess. 1 Games of skill some of them certainly were, but all lacked the
vitality that chess has always shown, and it is clear that they had dropped
into desuetude by the sixth century of our era, for long before that date
commentators were revealing, by their curious and inconclusive attempts to
explain the classical allusions to the petteia and other games, their complete
ignorance on the subject.
With the games of the Byzantine period (a.d. 365-1450) we are not
much better off for information. Our knowledge is small and goes but little
1 The nature of the classical games was first discussed by the European scholars named
in the text as responsible for the little we know as to the Byzantine games. In modern
times they have been discussed by H. Coleridge, whose paper forms one of the appendices to
Forbes’ History, by v. d. Lasa, in a series of essays in the Schachzeitung (1868, pp. 161, 193,
225, and 257) ; by the Rev. W. Wayte, in Smith’s Diet. Gk. and Roman Aniifpiities , London, 1891 ;
by Saglio and Darembourg, Diet, des Antiguites, Paris, 1804 ; by L. Becq de Fouqui&res, Le$
jeux des anciens , Paris, 1869 ; by Dr. W. Richter, Die Spiele der Griechen u. Romer t Leipzig, 1887;
by Marquardt, PrivaUeben derRomer , 2nd ed., Leipzig, 1886 ; by Falkener, whose reconstructions
of these games I am unable to accept ; and by Professor Lanciani ( Gambling and Cheating in
Ancient Rome y N. Amer . Review , July 1892).
1270 L
Digitized by Google
162
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
beyond the names of a few of the games that were current. Our want of
knowledge may, it is true, be due in part to the uninviting nature of the
later Greek literature. The number of scholars who have ventured upon that
dreary and unprofitable field is very small, and we are practically indebted
for what little we know of the Byzantine games to the first zeal of the
scholars of the Renascence ; no later writer has added anything of material
value to the information first arranged by the four scholars of the 17th c.,
Jules-Cesar Boulenger, Johannes Meursius, Daniel Souterus, and Andrew
Senftleben, the salient facts of which may be seen most conveniently in
the pa^es of Gronovius or the lexicons of Ducange. 2
That chess should be found among the games of the later half of the
Byzantine period is not surprising. On the contrary, when the political
intercourse which subsisted between the Eastern Empire and the later Sas&nian
monarchy and the 'Abbasid caliphate is remembered, together with the general
adoption of Persian customs and luxuries at the court of Constantinople, it
would be strange indeed if a knowledge of chess had not penetrated to the
Imperial court.
The earliest references to Eastern games in Byzantine Greek are probably
those relating to tabla , in later Gk. taula y which was probably identical with
the Persian and Arabic nard or nardshir . Etymologically the word tabla is
merely an adaptation of the L. tabula , table, which was already used by
Juvenal in the sense of gaming-table, and at a later time appears to have
become the ordinary name for the ludus duodecim scriptorum of the classical
period. 3 If this game was ever played in the Eastern Empire, it was soon
supplanted by the Persian nard, a game of the same class, and the name
of tabla was transferred to this latter game. 4 It is this game tabla which
is mentioned in some epigrams of Agathias the scholastic of Myrine in Asia,
who flourished a. d. 527-67 ; the longest of these ( Anthol . Pal., IX. 482)
describes an extraordinary position in the game which had occurred to the
Emperor Zeno (a.d. 475-81). The position has been recovered independently
by M. Becq de Fouqui&res and by Prof. Jackson, of Cambridge, and their
reconstruction shows that the game was identical with the Persian nard.
Hyde (ii. 255-6) quotes notes on the Gk. tabla from Cedrenus, Suidas, and
Isaac Porphyrogenitus which contain the germ of the astronomical explana-
tion of nard which we have met already in the Chatrang-namak . It is
noteworthy that this Greek name for nard has replaced the older name in
Syria, Turkey, and generally along the S. coast of Asia, where the game
on the backgammon board is now commonly called tawula .
Chess makes its appearance in Byzantine Greek under the name £ arpiKiov ,
2 Boulenger, De ludis privatis ac domesticis veterum , 1627 ; Meursius, De ludis , 1622 ; Souterus,
Palamedes, 1622; Senftleben, De A lea veterum , 1667; Gronovius, Thesaurus Oraecarum atdiquitatum.
vii. 1697.
3 More than a hundred game-boardB with 3 by 12 squares have been discovered in Rome
alone in recent yeans (see Lanciani, N. Amer. Review , July 1892). The Latin game was also
called alea in late Latin (cf. Bp. Isidore’s Origines , XVIII, lx-lxviii).
4 This transference of meaning does not seem to have extended to the L. singular tabula,
for when nard reached the Western Empire, it received the name ludus tabularum or tabulae
< pi.) from the draughtsmen ( tabulae ) with which it was played.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN THE EASTERN EMPIRE
163
zatrikion . This word is unknown in classical Greek, and is incapable of
explanation from native roots. As Hyde and Forbes have shown, the word
is 1 simply a barbaric or foreign word with a Hellenic termination \ It can
be shown that this form answers exactly to the Middle Persian chatrang , when
allowance is made for the different range of the Greek and Persian alphabets.
‘ The Greek alphabet *, writes Forbes, c had no letter or combination of letters
capable of expressing the sound of the Persian ch- } and as the nearest
approximation they employed for that purpose the letter z* For similar
reasons they had to transliterate the Semitic sh- } by <r, s, or by cri, si-.
The nearest Greek approximation to Per. chatrang would be (arpayK or
{arpiyic , and this, on Greek analogies, gave {arpiKiov, the form actually
found. (An n sound in such a position was often transposed or altogether
suppressed.) Shafranj , the Arabic and modern Persian name of chess, would
have given satrantz . Ducas has aavTpar £ (with u transposed).
The form zatrikion accordingly becomes of importance in connexion with
the date of the introduction of chess into the Byzantine Empire. The pre-
sumption is that the knowledge of the game was obtained at a time when
the Persians still used the older form chatrang , and not from the later Persians,
the Arabs, or the Syrians, all of whom had substituted the form shatranj
for it. Forbes (190-5) assumed that this required the introduction to be
anterior to the Muhammadan conquest of Persia, i.e. before the middle of
the 7th cent., and fixed upon the exile of Khusraw (II) Parwlz as the date
which with c strong possibility 1 6aw the introduction of chess into Eastern
Europe. That would place it in the first quarter of the 7th century.
Forbes, however, assumed that the influx of Arabic words and forms
into Persian was an immediate result of the Islamic conquest, a.d. 638-51.
Such was certainly not the case. Chatrang may have easily remained in
use for another 200 years, the earliest evidence for its disappearance belongs
to the 3rd century of Islam (a.d. 830-930). All we can assert is that
the philological evidence points to the introduction of the word zatrikion not
later than the 9th century a. d., while it does not at all necessarily follow that
the practice of the game began so early : the knowledge of the existence of
a thing may precede its use by a considerable interval of time. It is quite
possible that the word zatrikion came into Greek first in accounts of travel in
Persia, or in descriptions of Persian life.
Sound as these conclusions undoubtedly are, they cannot be substantiated
by contemporary Greek records, and not one of the earlier uses of the word
zatrikion can be dated with any approach to exactness. The earliest evidence
exists only in Arabic works, and establishes a knowledge of chess and its
technicalities at Byzantium by the year a. d. 800. In the K. akhbar ar-rusul
wal-muluk of the historian at-Tabarl (B. 224/838, D. 310/923) 5 we read :
It is related that when Niqfur (Gk. Nicephoros ) was king, and the Byzantines
* Ed. Goege, 1881, ii. 695. From at>Tabari the story is copied almost verbatim by the
historian b. al-Athlr (B. 555/1 160, D. 630/1284) in his K. al-kamil JVt-ta'rikh (ed. Tornberg, vi. 126)
and thence by Abu’ 1-Fidft’ (Abulfeda) (B. 672/1 273, D. 782/1331) in his Mukhtasarta'rikh cU-bashar
(ed. Reinske, 1789-94, ii. 44), whence the incident is generally quoted. The late date of
L 2
Digitized by Google
164
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
had assembled in allegiance to him, he wrote to ar-Rashld: 4 From Niqfur, King of
Byzantium, to H&run, King of the Arabs, now the Empress to whom I have succeeded
estimated you as of the rank of the Book, and estimated herself as of the rank of the
Pawn, and paid a tribute to you, which you rightly should have paid to her. But
this was because of a woman’s weakness and folly. When therefore you have read
my letter, return the tribute that has been previously paid to you, and come yourself
with what you have to repay. If not, the sword is between us and you.’ It is
reported that when ar-Rashid read this letter, his wrath was kindled . . . and he
called for an ink-pot and wrote on the back of the letter : ‘ In the name of God ! the
compassionate and merciful ! From Harun, Commander of the Faithful, to Niqfur
the dog of Byzantium. I have read your letter, son of an infidel woman.’ The
answer is what you will see, not what you will hear.’ And he struck his camp that
day, and marched until he encamped at the gates of Hiraqla (Gk. Heracltia, 65 m.
N.W. of Tarsus).
The ruthless conduct of this invasion soon compelled Nicephorus to consent
to continue the tribute that his predecessor Irene had paid. The incident
is told under the year A. H. 187 ( = a.d. 802), in which Nicephorus became
Emperor.
The rather later geographer and historian al-Mas udl (D. 345-6/956) refers
to the Greeks in connexion with chess in two places in his Mumj adh-dkahab.
At the close of his account of the invention of chess in India in the reign of
the mythical King Balhait, he says :
The Greeks ( al-Yunanlyan ) and Byzantines (ar- Rum) and other peoples have
special theories and methods about this game, as we may see in the works of chess-
players from the most ancient down to al-*Adli and a^-Suli.
And much to the same effect at the conclusion of a digression on the modi-
fications of chess (among which is 'the round board attributed to the
Byzantines ’) he remarks :
The Indians and others, the Greeks, Persians, and Byzantines who play at chess
have given accounts of the manner and fashion of the pieces in chess, its arrange-
ments, its beginnings, the various motives underlying it, its peculiarities, and the
classifications of the qawalm and mufridat , and the classes of the noteworthy
mansubdt .*
Greek literature and tradition are alike silent as to the existence or other-
wise of these works and theories, and when we turn to the Arabic chess MSS.
which are based upon the works of al-'Adll and as-SulI, we find the only
references to Greek chess relate to the philosophers Hippocrates and Galen,
4 and to Aristotle. Hippocrates and Galen apparently found in chess a potent
antidote to diarrhoea and erysipelas, and prescribed it with success, while
Aristotle figures among the many hypothetical inventors of chess. Another
story tells how Galen once met a friend whom he had not seen for some time,
and learnt that he had been into the country to see a farm which he had
purchased with the result of his gains at chess, whereupon the physician
exclaimed with what sounds like a strong flavour of irony, ' What a fine thing
chess is, and how profitable ! 9 Pure fiction, the whole of it, of course.
Abu’l-Fid&\ coupled with the omission of the correspondence in the anonymous K. al-uyun
(12- 18th c.), led Gildemeistor and v. d. Linde to doubt its authenticity. Finding it in
at-Tabari, almost a contemporary writer, I can no longer discredit the story.
• For the meaning of these technicalities see pp. 228-9 below.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN THE EASTERN EMPIRE
165
Most of the MSS. agree with al-Mas'udl in giving some account of round
chess under the title of ash^kafranj ar-rumlya } or Byzantine chess, while they
lay stress upon the fact that it is only a modification of the ordinary or Indian
chess. 7 It is difficult to understand its designation unless there were some
historic justification for it.
It would appear that the earliest use of the word zatrikion occurs in works
treating of the interpretation of dreams. This is a Science which was
apparently first exploited by the Greeks, 8 but soon passed to Persian and
Arabic writers. The Muhammadan tali Muhammad b. Sirin (B. 33/553-4,
D. 110/729), of Persian parentage, was skilled in this lore, and became the
first of a long line of Oriental writers on the subject. One of these Arabic
works was retranslated into Greek, and thence into Latin by Leo Tuscus in
1160. A later Latin version is due to the German traveller John Leunclavius
(B. 1533, D. 1593), who ascribed the Greek work to Apomazares, in whose name
we may recognize the Arabic oneirocritic Abu Ma'shar (D. 272/885). Nicholas
Rigault (B. 1577, D. 1654) printed the Greek text in 1603 with Leunclavius's
translation, and ascribed it to Achmet fil. Seirem. This is generally under-
stood to mean Muhammad b. Sirin, though on the strength of the Greek
version Achmes appears in some lists of Greek authors as flourishing, now as
early as a. d. 750, now as late as a. d. 950 ! Since the work contains the
interpretation of a dream that happened to al-Mamun, who reigned a.d. 813-
833, it cannot be b. Sirin's work, and Bland has shown 9 that there are
grounds for believing that it is of Christian authorship. The Greek can hardly
be earlier than the 10th century. Chapter 241 treats ‘Of zatrikion . From
the Persians and Egyptians \ 10
If any one dreams that he plays chess ( zatrikizo , vb.) with a man he knows, they
will quarrel over money affairs, &c.
If a king or grandee or general dreams that he plays chess, he will think of the
place for joining battle with the enemy, &c.
If he dreams that he takes many pieces in the game, 11 he will take many of the
enemy, &c.
If a king or grandee or general dreams that he has lost or broken or been
deprived of his zatrikion, he will lose his army, &c.
Besides this passage, Ducange quotes two other references in MSS.
accessible in his time, one attributed — but certainly wrongly — to Astram-
psychus, in which twice occur the words ‘ chess and tables ’, 12 the other from
an anonymous MS. on Persia, Be arte Persica , ‘ slaves and games of bolgon
and chess and love of women.' Neither of these passages can be dated, and
7 For a description of this game see p. 842 below.
8 The earliest oneirocritic is said to have been Artemidorus, a Greek writer of the
2ndc., a.d. A later writer was Astrampsychus, who flourished * possibly as late as 850 a.d.'.
9 On the Muhammadan Science of Tabir ( JRAS xvi, pp. 118-71). Cf. also Steinschneider,
Ibn Schahin und Ibn Sirin y zur Lit der Oneirokritik ( ZDMQ xxii. 227 ff.) and Das Traumbucn
Daniel's und die oneirokritische Lit . des MilUlalters (Serapeum, 1868, No. 13 and 14) ; and v. d.
Linde, ii. 806.
10 ’E* rorv TlepaSzv feed Alyvirrta/y we pi f ‘arpuciov .
11 5ri Ttaifav tka&t irktiovas to )v too waiyviov vpoaunrojy.
12 Astrampsychus iy rtp TlvOay. ka£ov r. MS. "Ex** Koirajyiav vp6s 7 vvcu/ca feed iraibas dyyvvf iovs
vpb s < vyov\ovs , xal veuyvia, zeal (arpl/aa zeal ravkta. Idem zeal ( arpizua zeal ravkta •
Digitized by Google
166
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
the present location of the MSS. is unknown to me. The only point of
importance about either appears to be that chess is associated with other
notorious features of Persian luxury. It has probably never been in worse
company.
A fourth instance occurs in a scholiast’s commentary on Theocritus, Idyll \
vi. 18, 13 where there is an allusion to the Greek game of petteia — f he moves
away the pebble from the line/ This, the commentator explains, ' is a figura-
tive expression borrowed from the phraseology of those who play at the game
commonly called zalrikion 9 — an absurdity that provoked Dr. Hyde’s scornful
comment, ( quantum hallucinatus est Scholiastes ! 9 Here again we have no
clue to the date of the writer. 14
It is not until we come to the 12th century that we have an instance
of zatrikion to which we can assign a definite date. In the twelfth book
of the Alexiad of the Princess Anna Comnena (D. 1148), a laudatory' bio-
graphy of her father, the Emperor Alexis Comnena (D. 1118), we read in
an account of the Emperor’s recreations :
He had certain familiar friends with whom he played chess, a game that was
discovered in the luxury of the Assyrians, and was brought to us. 15
Here again chess is associated with Oriental luxury. Assyria, of course,
was no longer a kingdom in Anna Comnena’s day, and her use of the name
probably only refers to the traditional splendour of the earlier Oriental
empires.
The Emperor Alexis’s fondness for chess may have been the cause of raising
a powerful and bitter hostility to the game. It is at least singular to find
that the first ecclesiastical denunciation of chess on the part of the Eastern
Church was voiced by John Zonares, who, after filling the post of commander
of the Emperor’s bodyguard, retired as a monk to the Monastery of Mt. Athos
and died there in 1118. It was during his retirement that he wrote his com-
mentary on the canons of the Eastern Church.
That the early mediaeval Church viewed the use of dice with strong
disfavour is evident from the attempts that were made to suppress it by
legislation. The early list of rules known as the Apostolic Canons 16 requires
both clergy and laity to give up the use of dice.
42. A Bishop, Priest, or Deacon addicted to dice (Gk. Kvftoi, Lat. alea) shall
either give them up, or be deposed.
43. A Sub-deacon, Reader, or Singer doing the same shall either give them up,
or be deposed. So also the laity.
These rules were adopted by the Trullan Synod (Third Council of Con-
18 Quoted in Gaisford’s Ed. Poetae Minores Oraeci , Oxford, 1816, ii. 107.
14 A fifth mention ia quoted by Hyde from a late glossary. It explains zatrikion as meaning
‘the stocks’. Since f arptlov has the latter meaning and is omitted in the Glossary, it is
evident that we have the result of some scribe’s blunder, who has made one entry out of two.
is e7 X€ tojv avyyfvianr Tivd y wat{oju rb (arpl/ciov irattitcL tovto ix rrjs rwv 'A aovpiojv rpwprjs
Ifivptjfiivov kcu c Is ifjfias ixtiOiv (XrjXvOos.
18 An uncritical compilation from the decrees of local Eastern Synods, first made c. 500,
and extended from fifty to eighty- five rules by John Scholasticus, c. 660. The Western
Church has never acknowledged the genuineness of either collection.
\
v
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN THE EASTERN EMPIRE
167
stantinople) in 680, 17 and have since then formed part of the Nomo-canon
of the Eastern Church. It was natural that, in the course of time, the
attempt should be made to explain the prohibition of kuboi or alea by defining
exactly the games which were to be included under these terms. This attempt
was not confined to the Eastern Church : the later Latin use of alea as the
name of a game helped to confuse the lawyers of the Western Church, and
we shall find Cardinal Damiani arguing in a letter of 1061 that the prohibition
of alea extended to chess. The Western Church took this view for a con-
siderable time.
Zonares makes the following note on the 42nd rule of the Apostolic
Canons :
Because there are some of the Bishops and clergy who depart from virtue and
play chess (, zatrikion ) or dice or drink to excess, the Rule commands that such shall
cease to do so or be excluded ; and if a Bishop or elder or deacon or subdeacon or
reader or singer do not cease so to do, he shall be cast out : and if laymen be given
to chess-playing and drunkenness they shall be excluded. . . .
We shall see later that this extension of the term kuboi was for long
adopted by the Russian Church, and we may probably account in part for the
paucity of references to chess in the Eastern Empire as being due to the
intolerance of the Church.
The beginning of the 13th century saw the Latin or Western Emperors
established in Constantinople, who must have known chess in Western Europe
before they laid hands on the Empire of the East. The result of this may
be detected in the latest reference to Zatrikion in Byzantine Greek. The
history of Ducas, written about 1400, nearly at the close of the Eastern
Empire, contains an account of the incidents which led to the naming of
Timur's son Shshrukh from a technicality of chess. In this passage Ducas
adds the information that the Persians call zatrikion santratz (o-auTparfl, and
the Latins call it scacum ((ncd/cov). Later on he uses (tkolkqv for a chessman
and a/ca/cov naiyviov for the game of chess, which are evidently adaptations
from the Latin scacn * , a chessman, and scacorum ludvs , the game of chess.
Shahrukh is transliterated Siachrouch (c Tta\povx)> with the information that
the Latins call it aicaKon £oy/co>, a curious misrendering of scac-roc . It seems
clear to me that Ducas knew more of the Latin than of the Greek chess.
There is one branch of the later Greek literature, fairly circumscribed in
extent, which might possibly give us some reference to chess earlier in date
than any I have cited. The mathematical problem known as * the doubling
of the squares of the chessboard * may have been known to the later Greek
mathematicians, as we find it included in the oldest Western mediaeval MSS.
on mathematics. The Greek MSS. have not so far been examined for this
purpose.
With the fall of Constantinople (1453) and the last outposts of inde-
pendent Christianity in Asia Minor (1461), the last vestiges of the Byzantine
17 Canon 60 : * No one at all, whether clergy or lay, is to play with dice (alea) from this
time forward.’ Cf. also the Code of Justinian (I. vi. 17), in which the clergy are forbidden
ad tabulae ludere (Novelles, tablizare).
Digitized by Google
168
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Empire passed away, and the Greeks became a subject race and largely
adopted the language of their conquerors. The game of zatrikion, whatever
special points and rules it may have possessed, must be held to have become
obsolete, and its very name soon passed into oblivion. Whatever chess was
played would assuredly be the Turkish chess of the ruling race. A curious
confirmation of this at the very end of the Turkish dominion over Greece
itself is to be found in the name, ‘the Greek Defence', which Allgaier,
following the usage of Viennese chess-play ers, gave to the Fianchetto defences,
which are still to-day a striking characteristic of the native Turkish chess.
This result was probably assisted both by the small degree of popularity that
cliess would seem to have secured among the Greeks, 18 and by the ecclesiastical
opposition to its practice.
With zatrikion forgotten, it is only natural to discover the use of a new
name more closely representing the Turkish skafranj. The poverty of the
Greek alphabet necessitated changes in the form of this word when the
attempt was made to reproduce it in a Greek dress. The Semitic *h was
variously replaced by s or si, the j by tz or z. Shatranj accordingly gives rise
regularly to santratz , as in Ducas, or santraz , the form which Hyde gives as
in use in his time. 19 Modern dictionaries give santratsi as in vulgar use,
and add still another form, Satrengion (SaTpivyiov, < rarpiyyiov), which is
a modern adaptation from the Egyptian dialect of Arabic. 20
Turkish chess has met the same fate in Greece that befell zatrikion, and
the modern Greek has turned to the West for his knowledge of chess, and
the name of the game, skaki (andici), and the translations from the French
which do duty for the names of the chessmen, betray at once the origin of
the modem Greek chess of our day. The attempt to revive the word zatrikion ,
as seen in the title of the only Greek work on the game, the Encheiridion
Zatrikion of Leo Olivier (Athens, 1894), is due to the workings of national
aspirations.
18 The want of popularity is illustrated by the fact that the Greek version of the mediaeval
romance Floire and Elanchejleur substitutes taula for the chess of the original, thus reversing
the usual custom of translators.
19 Hyde (ii. 43) adds that the word santraz had a secondary meaning derived from the
difficulty of the game, and quotes a couple of phrases as given him by a Greek divine.
20 V. d. Linde ^ii. 137 and 191) gives the following terms on the authority of the Greek
librarian Demetrius Patsopoulus : Chess, aicatci ; King, /3a<rtA<ifc ; Queen, &aaikiooa ; Bishop,
9Tparrpftrut6% orrptMos ; Knight, fwwos ; Rook, vvpyos ; Pawn, arpanwrij^. Olivier has : King,
fiaatXtvs ; Queen, icvpia ; Bishop, Tpi\ Aos ; Knight, Ivwtvs ; Rook, w vpyos ; Pawn, arpaTiurrjs ;
chessboard, afrcutiov ; chessmen, T*p&x l0V > to castle, ptraTiOsoOai ; check, c<£x>5or ; mate, vtKpo i ;
checkmate, *<f>o&os-v*icp6s ; stalemate, djcivrjTos. In N. Contopoulos, Lexicon Eng.-Gk ., Athens,
1904, besides other terms (e. g. stalemate, araaifidrrjs tov fiaaiKtojs) which can hardly be in
ordinary use, I find : Chess, atcazt, ( arpitci , oavTpavTot ; castling, fioKapiopa ; square of the
board, aayrpdrai ; chessman, wi6v *, mlov * ; chess-player, okojciottis. The Gk.-Eng. volume only
contains the terms f arphctov , (arpiKian }s, aavTpdrai. Pedoni is obviously derived from the
Italian pedofia, and shows that the possibility of the maritime Greeks having acquired
a knowledge of chess in the course of Italian trade must not be forgotten.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER X
THE ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
The chess works mentioned in the Fihrist , and other bibliographies. — MSS. used for
the present work. — Other MSS. in European libraries. — Poems and impromptus
on chess, &c.
The beginnings of the vast literature of chess are to be found in the
Golden Age of Arabic, the first two centuries of the 'Abbasid caliphate, that
short period during which alone Islam has shown any powers of original
thought and discovery. In b. Ishaq an-Nadlm’s great bibliographical work,
the K. al-fihrist, compiled 377/988, we find a section devoted to the authors
of books on chess.
These are the chess-players who wrote books on chess.
Al-'Adli. His name is (left blank). He wrote Kitab ash-shatranj (Book of the
chess). He also wrote Kitab an-nard (Book of the nard).
Ar-rXzL His name is (left blank). He was of equal strength with al-'Adll.
They used to play together before Mutawakkil (Caliph, 233/847 -248/862). The
book Latif fVsh-shatranj (Elegance in chess) is by him.
As-SulI. Abu-Bakr Muhammad b. Yahya, who has beeir mentioned already.
He wrote Kitab ash-shatranj , the first work, and Kitab ash-shatranj , the second
work.
Al-lajlaj. Abu’l-Faraj Muhammad b. 'Obaidallah. I have seen him. He
went to Shiraz to the king *Adudaddaula (ruled 338/949 - 366/976), and died there
in the year 360/970 and a few. He was excellent at the game, and among the
books on it Kitab mamubat ash-shatranj (Book of chess-positions or problems)
belongs to him.
B. AliqlidisI. Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Muhammad Salih. He is reckoned among
the brilliant players, and wrote the Kitab majmufi mansubdt ash-shatranj (Collection
of chess problems).
The other much later great Arabic bibliography, the Kashf az-zunuu ft
asdmt Fkutub wal funun of HajjT Khalifa (D. 1068/1658) has a shorter
catalogue of chess books.
10224. Kitab ash-shatranj by the authors Abu’l-'Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad
as-SarakhsI, the physician, who died in the year 286/899 ; Yahya b. Muhammad
as-SulI ; and a later author who wrote in Persian and boasts not without arrogance
that he was the best player of that game in our own time in the whole world. He
drew the figure of the chessboard and sketched the pieces and enumerated the
authors who had previously written on this game.
As-Sarakhsi 1 ranks as the most important of the pupils of the Arabic
philosopher al-Kindl, who lived in Basra and Baghdad in the caliphates of
1 The epithet as-SarakhsI means the inhabitant of Sarakhs in Khur&s&n. ‘Sar&khs lies
on the direct road from Tub to Great Marv, and on the right or Eastern bank of the Mashhad
river, which is now known as the Tajand.* G. Le Strange, Lands of Eastern Caliphate , Cam-
bridge, 1905, 395.
Digitized by Google
170
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
al-Ma’mun and al-Mu'tasim. He himself held a position at the court of
al-Mu'tadid, bnt fell into disfavour by revealing a secret which this caliph
had entrusted to him, and was thrown into prison and executed, 286/899.
An-Nadlm, however, makes no mention of a chess work in his list of
as-Sarakhsl’s writings, 2 nor does al-Qiftl (568/1172 - 646/1248) ; a later
biographer of as-SarakhsI, b. Abl Usaibi'a (B. 600/1203, D. 668/1270), on
the other hand, who wrote on the lives of the Arabic physicians, mentions
it under the title AT. fish-shatranj aL'alvja (Book of the higher chess) in
his K. *uyun al-anba* fl fabaqdt al-a\ibbd\
An-Nadlm left a blank in the place of al-'Adll’s personal name, thereby
implying that he was unable to discover it. In some modern works, e. g. in
the catalogue of the Library of the Sultan 'Abd-al-Hamld Khan, however, his
name is given as Abu’1-* Abbas Ahmad al-'Adll, thus making his personal name
identical with that of as-SarakhsI. I have been unable to discover the
authority for the modem statement, and am inclined to think that it has
arisen from the assumption that al-'Adll and as-SarakhsI were one and the
same person. This assumption would certainly account for the omission
of al-'Adll’s work in Hajjl Khalifa’s bibliography, but it introduces chrono-
logical difficulties. We know from as-SulI that al-'Adli had stood alone in
the first class of chess-players for some considerable time when he was defeated
by ar-R&zI in a match which we know from an-Nadlm was played in the
presence of the caliph Mntawakkil (a. d. 847-862). After his death ar-RazI
in his turn stood alone in the first class for some time, and was dead before
as-Sull came to the front under al-Muktafl (a.d. 902-8). It seems reasonable
to infer that al-*AdlI was past his prime at the time of his defeat, and that he
probably did not survive it many years. As-SarakhsI, on the other hand,
must have been still a young man in Mutawakkil’s time, since his master
al-Kindl flourished a.d. 813-842, and he himself only met with his death so
late as a.d. 899. Moreover, the MS. EAS gives al-'Adll the local epithet
of ar-Ruml, which implies that he was a native of some town in the lands of
the old Byzantine Empire. Had he come from Sarakhs, al-Khurasani would
have been the more appropriate designation. On the other hand, if, as seems
most likely, the two men were really distinct, the silence of all the Muslim
chess writers concerning as-SarakhsI is somewhat remarkable.
Of the other authors named above, ar-RazI 3 has been identified with
the celebrated physician Muhammad b. Zakartya ar-RazI, the ‘ Rhasis ’ of
mediaeval science, who died 311/923 or 318/932. This identification is
palpably false. The chess-player belonged to an earlier generation and was
dead before a.d. 900. Of as-Sull and al-Lajlaj I shall have more to say in
the following chapters; b. AliqlldisI is not otherwise known, but Hajjl
a This is not necessarily conclusive against its existence, for an-Nadlm partly classifies
Arabic books by their subject-matter, and devotes a separate entry to chess. As-Suli’s other
works, for instance, appear under a separate entry. A single book on chess might esSir
have been overlooked. 3
» The epithet ar-Bazi means the inhabitant of Kai (Ray, ar-Rayv, Gr Rhaaea'i
portant city of Persia, close to the modern Tiliran (Teheran), which b. Hauoal (867 9%'
described as ‘ except for Baghdad the finest city of the whole East ’ (Le Strange/op. cit., 214 ’
Digitized by t^oosle
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
171
Khalifa’s anonymous and bombastic Persian MS. appears to be the one I refer
to below as RAS.
B. 'Arabshah, the biographer of the great Timur, in his digression upon
the chess-players of the Court incidentally refers to another work by a con-
temporary of Timur (D. 1405).
‘Ala’addln Tabriz!, commonly called ‘All ash-Shatranjl, has composed a treatise
on the game of chess and its situations.
Finally Ahlwardt, in his Catalogue of the Arabic MSS. of the Royal Library
at Berlin , gives without stating the source of his information the following
list of chess works at the conclusion of his description of the chess treatises in
the library.
Kitdb shatranj by Ahmad b. Muhammad as-Sarakhsi (D. 287/899). ’IaLawa'n-
nahj fl taknm al-la'b bi' sh-shatrcvnj , by Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad al-Hadh&ml
b. an-Najar (D. 723/1323). Iqaz an-ndsib fima ft sh-shafranj min cd-manasib, by
‘All b. Muhammad al-Mausill b. ad-Duraihim (D. 762/1361).
I now come to the Arabic and Persian works of which I have been able
to make use for this book.
There is much similarity about the MSS. which deal with the practical
game, and it will be more conv enient to summarize their contents in a table
and so to avoid considerable repetition. There is usually an introductory
section dealing with the legendary accounts of the invention of chess, and the
evidence for the lawfulness of chess-playing for Muslims. Chapters dealing
with the classification of players, with the relative value of the pieces, with
the symbolism of the game, with the decisions as to the result in the simpler
Endings of the game, with notation, and the derived chess-games generally
follow. There are also chapters dealing with the normal positions for Opening
play (the ta'blyat), and the body of the work is devoted to a collection of
mansubSt or problems. Less frequently we find an anthology of chess poems
as a crown to the book. These MSS., it will be obvious, deal with nearly
every aspect of chess.
1. AH = MS. t Abd-al-Hamul 1 , Constantinople, no. 560.
2. C = MS. Kheclivial Lib ., Cairo, Mustafa Pasha, no. 8201.
These are two MSS. of the same Arabic work, the Kitdb ash- shatranj
minima* l-lofahu' l- Adll was-Suli tea ghair-huma , r Book of the chess ; extracts
from the works of al-'Adll, as-Sull and others.’
AH is one of the Arabic MSS. the knowledge of whose existence we owe
to Dr. Paul Schroeder. It is no. xviii of v. d. Linde’s list (Qst., 331 seq.).
It is a beautifully executed paper MS. of 142 leaves, 27.8 cm. by 21.2, written
in a careful nashkl hand by Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. al-Mubarak b. *All al-
Mudhahhab al Baghdadi, 535/1140, as we learn from a note on f. 54 b. Both
the main title-page and the subsidiary one on f. 55 a are richly coloured, the
titles being in the kufic character upon a blue ground.
C is no. viii of v. d. Linde's list (Qst., 21). It consists of 157 leaves,
26 cm. by 18. From the richly illuminated title-page, now unfortunately
Digitized by Google
172
CHESS IN ASIA
PART
much faded, it is evident that this MS. formerly belonged to a Sultan of
Egypt, whom a former libiarian, Dr. W. Spitta, identified from considerations
of handwriting and ornamentation with Qaitbai (a.d. 1468-96). He dated
the MS. itself c. 770/1370.
Neither MS. gives any information as to the name of the writer who put
together this compilation. A later note on a blank page at the commence-
ment of AH attributes the work to al-Lajlaj, but the fact that this MS.
includes a short treatise on chess principles, naming al-Lajlaj as its author,
makes it very improbable that this player was the author of the whole work.
In the official catalogue of MSS. in Constantinople libraries it is described
as ‘560. RUdla fi sAs/iatrauj, one volume in Arabic, by Abu’l-* Abbas Ahmad
al-VAtUl’ — an entry due to the occurrence of al-'Adlfs name in the title of
the MS.
Neither MS. is complete. There are gaps in AH between ff. 75 and 76
(the latter leaf beginning in the middle of a problem solution), and 139 and
140 (the poem on the former leaf is incomplete). Ff. 121-123 should be
placed between ff. 129 and 130, and f. 21 between ff. 22 and 23. The dis-
arrangement of the entries on ff. 25-29 goes back to a MS. lying behind AH. 4
C is a copy of AH, or of a MS. derived from AH. 6 It is not so extensive,
the text on ff. 133 b-142 b of AH being missing. There are also gaps between
ff. 5 and 6, 17 and 18, and 23 and 24. The leaves from f. 34 onwards are
now in great confusion ; none, however, is missing, and they can be arranged
in their original order with the help of AH.
The introduction to AH and C shows that as- Suit's book was largely
a critique on al-'Adll’s. It runs as follows :
In the name of God, the compassionate and merciful ! There is no prosperity
except through God ! Al-'Adli gives several accounts of the invention of chess,
which Abu-Bakr as-Suli criticizes. We narrate some of what al-*Adli relates, with
as-Suli’s criticisms thereon, and also the problems which al-'Adli placed in his book,
with a$-Suli*s criticisms and appreciations. We have also added some problems from
a$-Sulfs book, and some from other authors, together with the traditions which
as-Suli collected on the lawfulness of chess-playing.
The compiler accordingly claims to treat his authorities with some dis-
crimination, and generally makes it clear from whom he is quoting. Extracts
from previous writers are commenced by the words qalal-Adli or 'x-Sull, as
the case may be, and are generally in the first person.
The earlier chapters in AH are unusually, full and informing. There is
also near the end (AH, ft*. 133 b - 135 a ; not in C) an important tadhkira or
treatise on chess principles by al-Lajlaj, of which I give the substance in
Ch. XIV. The extensive contents of this MS. make it one of our best
authorities for Muslim chess.
4 For a fuller discussion of the question of the original order of the contents of AH, see
pp. 236 and 278.
6 As is shown by the fact that the hiatus between ff. 75 and 76 in AH occurs in the middle
of the first line of f. 148 a in C. The writer of C cannot have noticed that there was a gap in
the MS.
Digitized by t^ooole
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
173
3. BM = MS. British Museum , Arab. Add. 7515 (Rich).
This is a quarto MS. on vellum of 132 leaves, which was completed
16 Jumada II, 655/1257. It formed part of the library that Claudius J.
Rich (B. 1787, D. 1820) collected while Resident at Baghdad in the service
of the East India Company, and was bought by the Museum Trustees from
his widow.
Forbes (74) represented this MS. as a copy of a work written between
1150 and 1250. The arrangement of the MS. does not bear out this view.
It has all the appearance of a work planned upon a larger scale than was
carried out, the gaps in which the writer filled in later without regard to
their surroundings. There are leaves missing between ff. 7 and 8, 16 and 17,
27 and 28, 34 and 35.
There is nothing in the MS. to show the name of its author, but he has
made liberal use of al-'Adll’s w r ork, and quotes from al-Lajlaj with approval.
As-Sull is on the whole ignored ; the few extracts from his work, e. g. from his
preface on f. 8 b, are unacknowledged. The text to fourteen of the problems
is identical with that in AH, and it is possible that the as-SulT extracts may
have been taken at second hand from a compilation like AH. The MS. is
dedicated to a Prince whose name has been erased. Forbes identified him
from the special titles and epithets used with one of the Ayyubid dynasty who
ruled over Egypt, a.d. 1193-1250, but I cannot reconcile what is left of th$
name of the Prince in the MS. with the name of any member of this house,
and Cureton (Cat. Arab. MSS. in the Brit. Mus ., ii. 351, No. 784) does not
pretend to identify either the Prince or his dynasty. From the compiler’s
knowledge of al-Lajlaj’s work, I should be inclined to believe that the MS.
was compiled farther East than Egypt, and possibly in Persia.
The most noteworthy feature of the contents is the brief chapter on the
Openings of the writer’s time, f. 11a. I quote this original contribution to
the history of the ta'blyat in Chapter XIV.
The front page, f. 1 a, contains a number of entries in later hands. These
consist of («) a title, Kitdb ash-shafranj aUBasrx , ‘ al-Basrl’s chess book *,
which is a manifest error due to the fact that a quotation from al-Hasan
al-Basrl (D. 110/728) stands at the top of f. 2 b : (b) a title Kitdb fx sh-shafrary
ira mansubdt-hi ica mulah-hi , ‘ Book of chess, its problems and subtleties * :
(c) a note in an 18th-century hand giving the differences of move between the
chess of the MS. and the chess of the writer’s day, which I quote below,
p. 354 : (d) a note in a 15th-century hand giving the sum of the doubling
of the squares of the chessboard : and (e) a calculation of the same total in
Turkish.
4. L = MS. As ad Efendi , Constantinople , No. 1858.
A MS. of 81 worm-eaten leaves, which was discovered by Schroeder
No. XVII, pp. 382-9). The binding bears the title Risdla al-Lajlaj fl bayan
lab ash-sha\ranj (‘Al-Lajlaj’s treatise on the demonstration of the game of chess’),
and the title-page that of Kitdb ash-shatranj taalif Abt l-Mu%affar b. Solid
Digitized by Google
174
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
'urifa bil-Lajldj , ‘ Book of the chess, composed by Abu’l-Muzaffar b. Sa'Id who
is known as al-Lajlaj ’ (i.e. the stammerer). The MS. is undated, but may be
as much as three centuries older than an entry on the title-page chronicling*
the fact that the Sultan Bayazld Khan gave the book to his chief butler,
Yusuf b. * Abdallah, the first day of Shaww&l, 893/1487.
The MS. is a treatise on the practical game, and contains a full analysis
of certain of the more popular openings, with the view of establishing the
superiority of the Mujannah Opening. It is in consequence a work of prime
importance for the history of the practical game : it is the only work on the
subject prior to those of the first analysts of the modem European game, and,
being the work of a master of the first rank, who expresses his own indebted-
ness to his own master, as-SulI, the greatest of all the Muhammadan masters,
we may safely regard it as recording the highest point of development reached
in the whole history of the older chess. The MS. is incomplete at the end,
where it breaks off to give a problem which al-Lajl5j had mentioned — though
not in the present work — under the name ad-dulablya (the water-wheel). Leaf 9
is out of place, it should come between ff. 37 and 38.
5. AE = A IS. A£ad Efendi , Constantinople , No . 2866.
An undated, anonymous Persian MS. of 609 pages, with the title Kilab
ash-sha(ra?ij , which is No. XXI of v. d. Linde’s list (Qst., 333). V. d. Linde
gives no account of the MS., but merely quotes the opinion of Ahmad Hamdl
Efendi, a Turkish scholar who examined it for Schroeder, that it was a work
of ‘no value*. This hasty judgement cannot be accepted. The MS. proves
on examination to be a compilation treating of all branches of chess. The
writer, however, has carefully excluded all reference to his sources, and only
names 'Adll and Lajlaj ShatranjI as supporting certain verdicts in the End-
game. After a lengthy preface on the creation, of which the noblest work
was man, and on man’s glory, to wit his intellect, of which chess and nard
are the most striking fruits, the work continues with a close and complete
translation of al-Lajlaj’s Arabic work which we possess in L. The leaves are
in some confusion, but the text affords a valuable means of testing the
accuracy of L, especially as AE contains 60 diagrams showing the position
at various points of the analysis. It also supplies the conclusion which is
missing in L.
The second section of the MS. consists of a long list of decisions on the
Endings. The third section is an extremely valuable collection of 194
problems, with which I deal in Chapter XV.
6. V = MS. Vefa (' Atlq Efendi ), Eyyub , No. 2234.
' A paper MS. of 77 leaves, 24 cm. by 19, one of those discovered by
Dr. Schroeder, and No. XIX of v. d. Linde’s list (Qst. y 390-6). Schroeder,
gave as its title Alans ab at li Aid Zakanya Yahyd b. Ibrahim al-Iiaklm y but the
official catalogue gives no author’s name, and I think that Schroeder has
Digitized by Google
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
175
in transcribing his notes confused this MS. with MS. Abd-al-Hamld, No. 561
(see below). The opening leaves of the MS. are lost, and the MS. itself as
a result throws no light upon the question of authorship. It was copied
21 Ramad&n 618/1221 by Muhammad b. Hawa b. 'Othman, the mueddib, as
appears from the conclusion on f. 77 b.
In addition to the loss of leaves at the commencement of the MS., there
is a gap between ff. 14 and 15 (f. 14 ends with the chapter-heading, ‘ Chapter
of the ’ibdlyat which the different classes of chess-players have chosen/ and
15 begins in the middle of a problem solution). The text of this MS. is in
the main identical with that of AH, without retaining the order of that MS.,
and the seven pages of poems (ff. 60-62 a) all occur in AH. 6
7. H = MS. John Bylands Library, Manchester , Arab. 59.
8. Z = MS. Abd-al-Hamld I> Constantinople , No. 561.
These are two MSS. of the same Arabic work, the Nnzhat al-arbab al-aqul
ftsh-skatranj aLmanqul (‘The delight of the intelligent, a description of chess ’),
by Abu Zakarlya Yahya b. Ibrahim al-ljaklm. The author flourished in the
middle of the fourteenth century. He quotes from the great dictionary of his
contemporary al-Flruzabadl (D. 817/1414, aged 85), the al - Qdmm (H, f. 4 a),
and there is a quotation from al-Haklm’s book in b. Abl Hajala’s work, which
will be described next. Neither MS. is dated, but H is ascribed to the latter
half of the fifteenth century. Z is a modern MS., written perhaps towards
the end of the eighteenth century.
H consists of 57 paper leaves, 175 mm. by 130. This MS. and the
companion chess MS. in the Rylands Library (Man., see below) were brought
to England from Damascus in the eighteenth century, and formed part of the
collection of J. G. Richards, until in 1806 they passed into the possession of
John Fiott, of St. John’s College, Cambridge, who subsequently took the
name of Lee on inheriting property from his mother’s family. 7 Nathaniel
Bland borrowed them from Dr. Lee for use in the preparation of his paper on
Persian Chess (London, 1850), but failed to return them, and subsequently
efforts to recover them which were made at the instance of Prof. Duncan
Forbes between 1855 and 1860 proved fruitless. Bland’s Oriental library was
sold en bloc in 1866 to the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, and the ‘Lee
MSS.’ passed into the Haigh Hall Library, and were duly entered in the
printed Hand-list to the Oriental MSS. of that library. In 1906 Lord
Crawford’s Oriental MSS. were purchased by Mrs. Rylands, who subsequently
6 The analysis of this MS. in Qri. is not very accurate. The first three pages repeat some
of the traditions about early Muslim chess-players, concluding with a list of their names.
At the foot of 2 a begins an extract from al-'Adll’s work, giving his three stories of the
invention of chess. The astrological tables mentioned in Qst, aro merely diagrams to illu£
trate the symbolism of nard.
7 He held a Travelling Fellowship from Cambridge, and was in the East 1807-10, where
he made a valuable collection of Arabic and Persian MSS. On his return he practised at the
Bar, and proceeded to the degree of LL.D. in 1816. He was elected F.R.S. in 1881. In 1827
he inherited Hartwell House, Bucks., where he died, Feb. 25, 1866.
Digitized by Google
176
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
placed them in the noble library which she had founded in memory of her
husband.
Z is a paper MS. of 56 leaves, 143 mm. by 70. It has no title, and the
entry in the official catalogue ('561. Risdla fi'sh-shatranj , one volume in
Arabic, by YahyS b. Muhammad as-SulT ’) is unwarranted by anything in the
MS., which names al- Hakim as its author in the opening sentence.
AHIaklm’s work is based upon the works of al-'Adll and as -Suit, and
carefully discriminates between the problem material which was taken from
each of these lost works. The introduction contains a large number of stories
relating to chess which are not given in any of the older MSS., and the
conclusion contains a number of chess-poems, together with sections on the
game at odds, and on the technical terms used in chess, and some notes on
a group of famous players of the end of the 12th e.
The two MSS. are in the main identical in contents, with some variation
in the order of the problems which is sufficient to show that Z is not a tran-
script from H. Z also omits one of the Knight's tours included in H.
9. Man. = MS. John Ry lands Library , Manchester , Arab. 93.
A MS. of 89 quarto leaves, 174 mm. by 130, copied 850/1446, bearing
the title Kitdb 'anmudhaj al-qitdlf i lab ash -shat r an j (‘Book of the examples
of warfare in the game of chess'), by Shihabaddln Abu*!-* Abbas Ahmad b.
Yahya b. Abl Hajala at-Tilimsani alH-anball (B. 725/1325, D. of the plague,
776/1375).
This work is written in eight chapters with introduction and conclusion.
Each chapter concludes with five diagrams, (1) an Opening, (2) and (3) two
won problems, (4) and (5) two drawn problems. The introduction deals with
the stories of early Muslim players, the question whether chess was mahruh
or ha ram (see Ch. XI), under what conditions Muslims might play the game,
and the correct spelling of the word shatranj . Ch. i (f. 14 b) treats of the
invention of chess ; ch. ii (f. 26 a) of the classes of players, the values of the
pieces, and the symbolism of the game : ch. iii (f. 31 a) contains a long
extract from as-SulT giving maxims and advice for chess-players, to which
b. Abi Hajala added a critical commentary. As-Sfill’s advice is very similar
to that contained in the treatise by al-Lajlaj which is contained in AH.
Ch. v (f. 41 b) deals with the temperaments of chess-players : ch. vi (f. 46 b)
contains quotations in praise and dispraise of chess, among others one on
f. 47b is said to be taken from the K. al-tnanshbaf of Abu Zakariya Yahya
b. Ibrahim al- Hakim, the author of the MSS. H and Z. Ch. vii (f. 54 a)
treats of the varieties of chess and exercises or puzzles (see Ch. XV below) ;
ch. viii (f. 76b) is a poetical miscellany of extracts relating to chess; and
the conclusion (f. 81 a) is a maqdwa shatnmjiya . a prose essay in the elaborate
style set by al-Hariri (D. 515 or 516 '1 122). and dedicated to the Sultan
al-Malik as-Salih of Mardln.
Digitized by Google
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS 177
One of the most valuable features in this MS. is the information which
it supplies as to the nature of the traditional diagrams of normal positions in
the Openings.
10. Al. = The chess chapters in aLAmull's encyclopaedia .
The encyclopaedic Persian Nafais aUfunun fl 'arais al-uyun (‘ Treasury of
the Sciences’) of Muhammad b. Mahmud al-Amuli (D. 753/1352) concludes
with three chapters on chess. MSS. of this work are common in European
libraries, though the chess chapters, as the last in the work, are often copied
perfunctorily, and, if the MS. be defective or unfinished, they generally suffer.
I have used eight MSS., four in the Bodleian, two in the British Museum,
one in the India Office Library, and one in the Imperial Library, Vienna.
None gives the diagrams complete.
The first chapter is introductory, dealing with the Indian invention of the
game ; the second chapter deals with the derived games of chess ; the third
with problems ; and the work concludes with ‘ some amusing and sensible
remarks respecting the morals and social observances or amenities of the
Royal Game’.
11. RAS = MS. Royal Asiatic Society , Persian , No . 211.
A MS. of 64 quarto leaves, 9| in. by 7 in., written in nashkl hand. The
MS. is imperfect at the end, and the leaves are in some confusion. It was
presented to the Society by David Price, and was formerly catalogued as
No. 260.
This appears to be IJajjl Khalifa’s third chess work ; since it is mainly
devoted to the praise of * All ash-Shatranjl, the great player at Timur’s court,
it has been suggested that this player may be the author of the MS., in which
case it may be the work mentioned by b. 'Arabshah.
Ff. lb-32 a are occupied by diagrams, one a page, with actual players
depicted to the right and left of the board, which is placed with the files
vertical (in my extracts from this MS. I regard the ^-line as being at the
foot of the page). The whole is illuminated, but the pieces are merely in-
dicated by their names in red and black ink. At the head of the page is the
heading of the problem, with the name of the player to whom the author
has ascribed it. This MS. differs from all other older Muslim MSS. in giving
no solutions to the problems.
The remainder of the MS., according to Forbes, can be rearranged to give
(1) a single leaf forming a portion of the preface, in which the writer boast-
fully records his own achievements at chess, (2) 12£ leaves on the beneficial
effects of chess, (3) 7£ leaves with a diagram on the Complete chess (Timur’s
chess), for which see Chapter XVI below, (4) 7$ leaves on the invention of
the ordinary chess in India, (5) 3£ leaves containing sections on the relative
values of the chess-pieces, on the gradation of odds, and on End-game
decisions. See Bland (1-17) for a fuller account of the MS.
The MS. is probably of the 16th century.
It 70 M
Digitized by Google
178
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
12. F = MS. Nuri Osmanxye, Stambul , No. 4073.
13. Q = MS. Munich , 250. 25 Quatr.
These are two MSS. of the Skatranj nama-i kafar of the noted Turkish
poet FirdawsI at-Tahlhal, the author of the immense Sulaiman ndma , a poem
which, according to the present work (F, f. 7 b), filled 366 volumes, and con-
tained 1,838 chapters and 890,000 verses. The chess work w as compiled at
Balakasri in Liva Karasi for the Sultan B&yazld II (a.d. 1481-1512), after the
completion of the vast epic.
F is a MS. of 94 leaves, wdiich w r as discovered by Dr. Schroeder, and is
No. XXII of v. d. Linde’s list (Qst., 398 seq.). It was completed 907/1503
(f. 94 a). Q, a MS. of 87 leaves, 251 mm. by 180, also belongs to the sixteenth
century, and was in Egypt from 1553 until the Napoleonic invasion. This
MS. has several leaves missing. There are gaps between ff. 29 and 30, 41
and 42, 60 and 61, 62 and 63, 69 and 70, 73 and 74, 77 and 78, and the
concluding leaves are missing.
FirdawsI arranged his work in eight chapters, in agreement with the eight
squares on the edge of the chessboard. To these must be added a lengthy
introduction treating of the history of the composition of the book, and a
shorter conclusion. Chapter i treats of the invention of chess and legends
associating the prophet Idris, Jimjld, and Solomon with chess ; chapter ii
deals with the mastership of Lajlaj, later named in full as Abul-Faraj b.
al-Muz&fiar b. Sa c Id ; chapter iii treats of the match which Lajlaj played with
Buzurjmihr in the presence of Nushlrwan; chapter iv gives the rules and
maxims as laid down by the prophet Idris ; chapter v tells the story of the
tribute of the grains of com which Lajlaj demanded from Nushlrwan, and
adds chess legends of Iskander (Alexander the Great) and other rulers ;
chapter vi gives the ta'blyat, and chapter vii the mansubat ; chapter viii
discusses the legality of chess-playi ug. Almost every chapter concludes with
a poem, and every problem with a couplet.
Firdawsfs work is in the main a compilation from other works. He
specially notes (F, f. 11a) his indebtedness to the Shahnama of his great
namesake, to the * Ajaib makhluqdt (probably by as-Safadl, 896/1490), to the
Qdbus-nama (written a.d. 1082-3 by c Unsuru’l-Ma € alI Kayka’us, Prince of
TabaristSn), to the Gharaib mairjuddt ■, and to the Ikhwan as-safd.
14. R = MS. Rustem Pasha , Constantinople , No. 375.
A paper MS. of 90 leaves, 21 cm. by 15.2, which forms part of a MS. of
miscellaneous contents which was written by Ahmad b. Ahmad al-Muhtar
al-]JanafT al-Misrl at Balat, Stambul, in 983/1575. It contains nothing but
problems, one to the page, with solutions.
15. S = MS. Bodleian Lib., Oxford , Arab. Pocock 16.
A small parchment MS., completed 979/1579,containing three treatises by
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Jamaladdln b. Sukaikir ad-Dimashql,
Digitized by Google
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
179
preacher of the mosque al-‘AdilIya at Halab (Aleppo, in Syria) (D. 987/1579).
The first two treatises are theological ; the third, which extends from f. 22 a
to f. 39 b, treats of chess under the title Nafhab kima’lm al-ward fl tafdll
mh-shatravj K ald?n-nard (‘ The fragrance of the rose : on the superiority of
chess over nard’). The MS. was once in the possession of Dr. Hyde, who
made large use of it for his Mandragorias .
The MS. discusses the lawfulness of chess-playing, summarizing for the
purpose as-Sull’s collection of traditions, but while giving the usual legends
as to the invention of chess — in his day there were people who thought that
as-SulI had invented chess — b. Sukaikir adds some interesting particulars as
to notable feats at chess, some of which had taken place in his presence. He
only gives 10 problems, omitting the solutions, but indicating the number of
moves to be taken. He gives a number of impromptu verses on chess.
16. Y = MS. Brit. Mu%., Add. 16856.
A Persian MS. of ,62 leaves, 10 ins. by 6, written in a neat nestalik hand,
with ‘Unwan and gold-ruled borders, dated 1021/1612, from the library of
Col. Wm. Yule. It is a Persian translation by Muhammad b. Husam
ad-Daula of the Arabic work K. aUmwnjili fl t ilm ash-skatranj ( £ A book to lead
to success in the knowledge of chess *) by Muhammad b. ‘Omar Kajlna, a work
stated in the preface to be the most useful treatise on chess. As there was,
however, only one copy of it in the land, and that an incorrect one, it
appeared desirable to make an abridged version of it in Persian, and the
author performed that task at the order of a sovereign whose titles and
epithets are given at length, but whose proper name does not appear. 8
It is divided into fourteen chapters, but the copy, although showing
no sign of loss since it left the writer’s hand, is not complete ; only three
lines of chapter ix are given, and the termination of chapter xi and the
whole of chapters xii and xiii are missing.
The chapters deal, i, with stories of early Muslim players ; ii, with the
question of the lawfulness of chess-playing ; iii, with the advantages of chess ;
iv, with the invention of chess ; v, with technicalities of the game ; vi, with
the etiquette of play ; vii, with maxims for players ; viii, with the End-
game decisions; ix, with the tablyat; x, with conditional problems; xi,
with problems in general ; and xiv, with blindfold chess.
With this work I complete the list of the Oriental MSS. of the older
chess which I have made the basis of my chapters on the practical game and
the Muslim mansubat. In the case of BM, H, Man., RAS, S, and Y, I have
been able to refer to the original MSS. themselves. For the opportunity of
consulting the other MSS. I am indebted to the generosity of Mr. J. G.
White. He has placed at my service his photographic copies of AH, V, Z,
RAS, Q, and R, and modern transcripts of AH, C, BM, AE, V, and F.
I now give a tabular summary of the contents of these MSS.
• So Rieu (flers. MSS . in Brit. Mus., ii. 490 a), correcting Bland (18-25) and Forbes (76).
m2
Digitized by Google
CONTENTS OF THE MSS. DESCRIBED ABOVE.
180
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Digitized by boogie
[The ruforenoo to AE is to the pagination of Mr. White's copy,]
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS 181
In addition to these MSS. I have, for the purposes of the problem, made
use of a number of other MSS. which are based upon Muslim chess works.
These are-
17. Alf. = the Spanish MS. hioion as the Alfonso MS.
(This MS., written in 1283, is described below in connexion with the
European game, in the early history of which it is an important authority.
Since, however, 89 of its 103 problems are of unmistakable Muslim origin,
I have included them in my collection in Chapter XV. The derived games of
this MS. will also be found in Chapter XVI.)
18. Oxf. = MS. Bodleian Lib., Oxford, Pers. e. 10.
A modem Persian MS. of 112 leaves, 7£ by 5£ ins., with the title
Sardamdma, by Shir Muhammad-kh&n (takhallus, Imam), who wrote it,
1211-2/1796-8 fora great lover of chess-playing, Husainaddln-khan Bahadur,
who was in the service, of the Nizam of Dakhan (Deccan), Nizam * All-khan
Bahadur Nizam-al-mulk Asafjah II (1175/1762- 1217/1802). In 1810 the
MS. was in the possession of Henry George Keene. The Bodleian bought it
at Sotheby’s sale, Aug. 25, 1884.
The work is modem and central-Indian, and must accordingly be used
with caution. It is largely based Qn earlier books, and much of the problem
material is old : it is mainly in this connexion that I have used the MS.
It consists of an introduction and six chapters called ma'rakat or ‘ arenas
for combat *. M. i, f. 7 b, contains 99 problems of RumI, i. e. Turkish (or
old) chess. M. ii, f. 58 b, contains 60 problems of FeringhI, L e. European
chess. M. iii, f. 88 b, 8 problems ending in burd, therefore probably Indian
chess. M. iv, f. 92 b, 4 drawn games. M. v, f. 94 b, 12 problems of
decimal chess. M. vi, f. 102 a, contains the Complete chess (12 x 12), with
explanatory text, a Knight’s tour, and the key to the notation. This last is
interesting, as it is a form of the algebraical notation that I have adopted in
this work.
19. Ber. = MS. Royal Lib., Berlin , Landberg, No. 806.
A Turkish MS. of about 150 leaves, 205 by 133 mm., of which only
2b-34a and 51b-97b are filled. It was written about 1210/1795 and is
in two hands, the one filling the earlier part with 128 chess problems, the
other the later part with 182 d5ma (Turkish draughts) problems. There are
no solutions, but the number of moves is usually stated, and occasionally
there are hints to the solution. The chess problems are nearly all of modem
chess, and many are repeated. Their interest is, as a result, in connexion with
the Turkish chess of the present day.
20. RW = MS. in possession of Mr. Rimington Wilson.
A small collection of 29 problems with a Knights tour, translated by
Mr. George Swinton for George Walker from a modem Persian (? Indian)
Digitized by Google
182
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
original. It is of little value, but was the source of a couple of papers by
George Walker in the CPC., 1844, 180; and 1845, 240.
In addition to the above MSS. I have been able to consult a number
of smaller treatises dealing with particular aspects of chess, generally the
question of the lawfulness of chess-playing for strict Muslims, or the legend
of the discovery of the game by Sissa b. Dahir, and the calculation of his
reward — the sum of the doubling of the squares.
Of the former 9 are :
MS. Berlin, Wetzstein, II, 1739, if. 57b-68a, the An-ndrt/ta lil-hurr
wal-abd bijtindb ash -shat ranj tcan-nard of 'Abdarrahman b. Khalil al-QabOnl
al-Adhra*! Zainaddln (D. 869/1464).
MS. Berlin, Sprenger, 850, f. 93 b, an extract from the Al-hdwH of the
QadI Abu’l- Hasan 'All b. Muhammad b. Habib al-Mawardl (D. 450/1058).
Of the latter are :
MS. Bodl. Oxford, Arab. 182.
MS. Berlin, Wetzstein, II, 1149, f. 69 b (copied c. 1150/1737).
MS. Berlin, Wetzstein, II, 1127, f. 78 a (copied 996/1588).
MS. Berlin, Orient Qu., 583, f. 24 b (copied 1077/1667).
MS. Gotha, Arab. 919, Pertsch ; three short treatises.
I have also seen :
MS. Khusru Pasha, 758, Eyyub; a Turkish tract with title Risala
fi'sh-shatrauj .
MS. Bayazld, Wall-addin, 1796, Constantinople ; the Persian Risala fl
dar asrar satranj of Sheikh 'Ala’addaula ; which treats of the parallel between
chess and war.
MS. Gotha, Turc. 18, Pertsch (1033 Moeller), f. 95 a, which gives two
diagrams of ta'bly&t.
MS. Berlin, Orient, 4°, 124, ff. 92 b, 93 a; which contains two problem
diagrams (Ar. 83 and 214), one of which is attributed to the Sultan Timur.
There are only two existing Muslim chess MSS., the existence of which
has been recorded, which I have failed to see. These are :
K . ash-shatranj iahf al-imam al-dlim lisan al-adab woj al-arab Sadr addin
Abul-Rasan ' Alt . . ., a copy of which ( Qst ., 333, No. XX) was formerly in
the possession of Munif Pasha. Its present location is unknown to me.
MS. 12, 23476, Phillips Library, Cheltenham, Arabic, of the 18th century.
There is a number of Arabic poems on the game of chess, some being
the composition of well-known poets. Two longer ones, the Urjuza shirty a
of Abu Ya'la Muhammad b. al-Habbarlya (D. 504/1 100), 10 and the TJrjuza
*1' sh-shatranj of Ahmad Bek al-Kaiwanl (D. 1173/1760), 11 have been often
copied. According to Bland, the Brit. Mus. MS. of the Ditcan of at-Tilimsanl
9 Ct MS. ‘Ashir Efendi 1154, Constantinople ; the Arabic K.fi tahqiq lal ash-shafranj.
10 See Brockelmann, Gesch. d. arab . Litt Berlin, 1902, i. 253. V. d. Linde (ii. 256) is
wrong in identifying him with Muhammad b. Sharif al-Qirw&ni, from whom Hyde quoted an
allusion to chess, which is repeated in H, f. 50a, and in Man., f. 77 b.
u See Brockelmann, op. cit., ii. 282. I know the poem from the two Berlin MSS. —
Wetzstein, II, 1218, f. 82 b, and II, 140, f. 130b.
Digitized by Google
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
183
aeh-Shabb az-Zarlf (D. 688/1289) contains a poem of 80 lines on chess.
Among the poems contained in the MSS. which I have used, I have noted
poems by three poets whose poems were edited by the chess master as-SulI,
viz. Abu Nuwfis (D. 190/806), the greatest poet of his period — H, ff. <0b,
41 a, 42 b (= V, 60 a) ; b. ar-Rumi (D. 283/896) — H, f. 40 a ; and b. al Mu'tazz
D. 296/908) — V, f. 60 a, which is translated below; and by AbiL Fiias (D.
357/968) — V, f. 61 a ; ar-Ramadl (D. 403/1012), an Arabic poet of Spain — H,
ff. 41 a, 41 b ; and b. Wakf (D. 393/1003), an Egyptian poet— H, f. 42 b. 12
Chess also proved a very fiuitfuL source of similes, metaphors, and word-
plays for both Arabic 18 and Persian poets. The twofold meaning of the
Persian word ruh 4, the ‘rook in chess’, and the ‘cheek *, suggested a host of
conceits and brought chess into the love poem. 14 Occasionally the reference
takes on a darker colour, as in the well-known quatrain from Fitzgerald’s
translation of the Rubaiyat of 'Oinar KhayyStn (D. 517/1123):
’Tis all a Chequer-board of Nights and Days
Where Destiny with Men for Pieces plays;
Hither and thither moves, and mates, and slays
And one by one back in the Closet lays.
11 I omit from this list the poems which supply the keys to the Knight's Tours in AH
and V, because their subject-matter is not chess. The construction of these poems, of course,
exhibits an acquaintance with the game of no slight extent.
11 References in Arabic poetry are very common, the favourite points being the strength
of the Rook in attack and the promotion of the Pawn. Man., ff. 76b-78b, gives many instances,
some of which are given by Hyde from other sources: e. g. from b. Qalaqis (B. 682/1138,
D. 567/1171)—
There is a poor man whose walk results in the great noble submitting himself to him :
viz. the motion queens the Pawn so that the /if yields to it in value in the game ;
and from Abu’l-Fadl at-Tamlml —
. . . just as the Rook's Pawn when it moves forth in the game becomes most easily
a firzan.
See also the similar allusion in the verse quoted from al-Farazdaq in the following chapter,
which has a special importance as the earliest known mention of chess in Arabic literature.
14 Al-Mutanabbi (D. 854/965) says in one of his poems (ed. with al-'Okbarl's commentary,
Cairo, 1287, 137)—
Other hearts than mine are a mark for the fair,
Other fingers than mine are bearers of Rooks.
Bland (40 seq.) supplies a number of instances from Persian poets ; viz. from Kam&l :
Kam&l upon thy lip staked all his soul and lost ;
Play not against an adversary with two Rukhs (cheeks) ;
from Bis&tl :
For one moment draw the rein of friendship with the hand of mercy,
That Bis&tl may lay his Rukh (cheek) before the horse of his king ;
from Kam&l of Khojend :
When my beloved learnt the chess-play of cruelty,
In the very beginning of the game her sweet cheek (rukh) took my heart captive ;
and again :
That cheek (rukh) of hers would win from all the fair ones of the world at the chess-play
of beauty
Though each one of them should have a rukh (cheek) of ivory.
Some of these plays on chess are so elaborate as to be almost unintelligible. Thus we read
in a memoir of the poet Abu’ 1-Fa raj -i-Runl (D. post 492/1099) by AwhadI —
The LU&j (Mod. Pers. form of the name al-Lajl&j) of his genius, when it played the nard
of knowledge, gave the three-stroke move to the coursers of the hippodrome in the board
of power, and when he manoeuvred the two-knight game in the exercise of imagination
on the chessboard of composition would give two rooks and a ferz to the Sh&h&ftl of in-
telligence.
For other instances see Bland’s paper.
Digitized by Google
PART I
184 CHESS IN ASIA
though the thought here is of course far older, and the setting more modern,
than 'Omar. 15
The importance of these allusions for chess is to be found in the evidence
they furnish for the extraordinary popularity of the game among the Muslims
all through history, despite the suspicion with which Muhammadan jurists
have always regarded it.
Of rather a different character are the impromptus which are made daring*
the progress of the game, a characteristic feature of the play, and indeed of
all social life in the time of the 'Abbasid caliphs. Of these al-Mas'udl
writes : 18
Chess-players employ different kinds of pleasantry and jests designed to astound.
Many maintain that these incite people to play, and add to the flow of resource and
accurate deliberation. 17 They have been compared to the short improvised verses
which warriors employ when encountering the enemy, or which camel-drivers compose
during the slow movements of the camels, or the drawers of water during the raising
of the bucket. They are just as much part of the apparatus of the player, as the
song and improvised verse is of the warrior. Many verses describing this have been
composed; e.g. the following by a player:
Hotter than the glow of charcoal glows the player’s timely jest,
Think how many a weaker player it has helped against the best!
In the following passage the game is described with a rare felicity of expression : 18
The square plain with its red surface is placed between two friends of known
friendship.
They recall the memories of war in an image of war, but without bloodshed.
This attacks, that defends, and the struggle between them never languishes.
Observe with what strategy the horsemen run upon the two armies, without
trumpets or flags.
Out of many poems in the same style, which are remarkable for their elegance
and the neatness of the descriptions which they give, we quote this, by Abu’l-Hasan
b. Abu’l-Baghal al-K&tib, who not only distinguished himself as a scribe and agent of
government, but was al30 renowned for his clever and polished play 19 : —
15 Cf. also the lines written by the Persian poet 'Unsuri (D. 1040-50) on his patron,
MahmQd of Ghazni :
The monarch played chess with a thousand kings for the kingdom,
And to each king he gave checkmate in a different way ;
and from the Mufanrih al-Qulub : —
The addition of royalty to other monarchs than him
Is like the name of king bestowed on a few wooden chessmen.
The poet Anwar! of Kh&war&n in Khur&s&n (D. c. 582/1186) boasts in his poems of his skill
in calligraphy, chess, and nard. His poems have been edited by Valentin Zhukorski,
St. Petersburg, 1888.
16 Ed. Barbier de Meynard, viii. 815 seq.
17 B. Sukaikir, ff. 81 a- 34 b, quotes a number of these impromptus, with the circumstances
which gave rise to them.
18 The authorship of these lines is disputed. In the Bulaq edition of al-Mas'udl they are*' * **
ascribed to the caliph al-Ma’mun, and the historians b. Badrun (558/1168-580/1184) and
as-Suyutl (B. 849/1445, D. 911/1505) give the same authorship. The Paris edition of
al-Mas'udl and ar-R&ghib (D. 502/1 108) give no author’s name. The Al-mustatraf of al-Abshlhl
(D. c. *850/1446) says that some writers have ascribed it to al-Ma’mun, others to 'All b. al-
Jahm, a poet who accompanied al-Ma’mun on his expedition from Khur&s&n to Baghdad,
204/819. In the chess MSS. the poem is ascribed to b. al-Jahm in V, f. 596, and to the
caliph in H, f. 40b.
18 This poem is quoted in the chess MSS. ; in BM, f. 8 a, and H, f. 40 a (the latter quoting
from al-Mas'udl) as by Abu’l-Baghal, the vizier of the caliplial-Muqtadir ( Fihrist, i. 187), but
in V, f. 68 a, as by ar-Ruml. •
Digitized by Google
chap, x ARABIC AND PERSIAN LITERATURE OF CHESS
185
The skilled player places his pieces in such a way as to discover consequences
that the ignorant man never sees.
He foresees the surprises of the future with the assurance of the wise man in
face of foolish banalities ;
And thus he serves the Sultan’s interests, by showing how to foresee disaster,
Since the strategy of the chessboard for an experienced man is equal to that of
the battle-field.
Ath-Tha'alibi (D. 429/1038) included in his K. al-lafaif waz-zara iffi madh
al-ashya i* waaddadha a short section containing a selection of passages in praise
and dispraise of chess. 20 This section is repeated in his K. yawaqlt al-mawaqit
fi madh ash-skai' wadhammihi , from which Bland made some quotations, one
of which — the verses of b. Mu'tazz, that unfortunate son of a chess-playing
caliph — has been repeated frequently in books on chess :
O thou whose cynic sneers express
The censure of our favourite chess,
Know that its skill is science’ self,
Its play distraction from distress.
It soothes the anxious lover’s care,
It weans the drunkard from excess;
It counsels warriors in their art,
When dangers threat, and perils press;
And yields us, when we need them most,
Companions in our loneliness.
It concludes with a number of witticisms borrowed from the language of
chess: thus the sight of a beautiful girl duly chaperoned provoked the
comment, ‘ There goes a jirzan-band * ; a man of little stature might be termed
a Pawn (see p. 196); the activity of a prominent person in his town was
referred to by the remark, ‘ There is a Rook on the board ;’ and the assertiveness
of an upstart was silenced by the inquiry, 4 Hullo, Pawn, when did you queen ? ’
20 The section is quoted in Man., f. 49a.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
Its Persian ancestry. — The date of introduction. — The legal status of chess. — Early
Muhammadan chess-players. — The game during the Umayyad and 'Abbasid
caliphates. — As-Sull. — Later references. — As-Safadl. — Chess at the court of
Timur. — Chess in Damascus in the sixteenth century.
That Islam derived its knowledge of chess from Persia cannot be dis-
puted for a moment. The Arabic historians who make any reference to the
matter, however much they may differ as to the ultimate origin of the game,
agree in stating categorically and as an undisputed fact, ‘ We learnt chess from
the Persians/ Of greater weigfht is the philological evidence derived from
the Arabic nomenclature of chess. The Persian consonant ch has never existed
in Arabic, and had to be represented in Arabic by sh or s. Examples of both
will be found below, p. 217, n. 20. The Arabic letter j ( = Hebrew gimel ),
which perhaps still retained the original sound of the ‘ hard * g under the early
caliphate, was used to represent the c hard * Persian g. The Arabic j is still
pronounced as ‘ hard * g in Egypt ; elsewhere it is pronounced as the English
(or even French) j. Shafranj, 1 the Arabic name of chess, is accordingly the
regular Arabicized form of the Persian chat rang. With one exception, the
Persian names of the chess- pieces are retained in Arabic, and shah , firzan,
fil, rukhkh y and baidaq or baidhaq (pron. laizaq) are the regular Arabicized
forms of the Persian shah , farzln , pit, rukh, and payadali . The * horse 1 alone
received a native name, tke Persian asp being translated by the Arabic faros .
1 Under the influence of the Arabic grammarians, who objected to the form sho^ranj as
unsupported by the analogy of any other Arabic word, the form shiiranj has become the more
usual in modern times. Man., ff. 12a-14b, quotes several passages from the earlier gram-
marians upon this question of the correct form. Thus b. as-Sikkit (D. 243/857) gives shatranj
in his Isldh al-mantiq. B. Jinni (D. 392/1002) and al-BatalyusI (D. 621/1127) give ahitranj
as the correct form, while al-Hariri (D. 615-6/1122) adds that the popular pronunciation was
shairanj. Al-Jaw&llqi (D. 589/1145), in giving sha[ranj as a Persian word Arabicized, adds
that some people say shiiranj.
At a later time, when the origin of the word was completely forgotten, other alterations
in spelling appear, which were probably suggested by some of the strange etymologies that
were being invented. This led to the discussion whether the initial consonant ought to be
sh or s. Jn mil ad din b. Malik is quoted as having used 8 or shy a or t, indiscriminately.
As-§afadi (D. 764/1363), who discusses the point in his Shark Ldmiyat al-'Jjam, professed to
prefer the spelling with the s (sin) as harmonizing with the derivation from the Ar. safr,
a line, but he also gives other derivations, the Ar. sha\r, half, or the Per. shash rang , six
colours or species. This last is on the lines of the older view that shatranj was from the
Per. ha8hat rang , eight species, which is given by al-'Adli (c. 850 ▲. d. ; cf. AH, f. 2a), and
by al-Ya*qubi (a little later, c. 875 ▲. d. ; cf. p. 209). Later writers have written the word
with the ordinary t in place of the emphatic £, and with the emphatic $ {sad) for the
s ( sin ) or sh (shin) ( satranj , satranj, sa satranj ), to suit the fanciful derivations from Per. sad rang
or sad ranj , 100 artifices, or 100 sorrows (others have shah rang or ran/, kingly artifices or
sorrows ; the Turkish writer, Eeter Kara His&ri, has shud rang, dispelling sorrow). Sir J. W.
Redhouse, Turk, and Eng . Lexicon, Constantinople, 1890, gives sanfranj as a vulgar name for
chess, and shafranj as the literary name. Hyde, who devotes some pages to the question,
records from a Persian dictionary a form saharJj , explained as satranj . Hyde himself accepted
the derivation from Per. satrang , the mandrake plant, the root of which resembles the human
figure, and he thence derived his fanciful title of Mandragorias for his work on chess. Cf.
Hyde, ii. 47-51 ; v. d. Linde, i. 181 ; and Bland, 20.
1 4
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
187
Nor can there be much doubt that the introduction of chess was a result
of the conquest of Persia which took place between the years a. d. 638 and
651, in the caliphate of 'Omar b. al-Khattab, the second of the four orthodox
caliphs, and thus some years after the death of Muhammad himself (a.d. 632).
Most probably the prophet had never heard of the existence of chess, since
the Muhammadan jurists have been unable to settle the question of the
legality of chess-playing by any direct decision of Muhammad as recorded in
the Qur'an, or in authentic tradition. Such at any rate was the opinion of
the earlier lawyers.
This question of the legal position of chess-playing exercised the early
Muslim lawyers not a little. The whole possibility of a Muslim chess depended
upon the decision that was reached. Muslim law is far wider in scope than
anything that the Western world has ever known. As D. B. Macdonald puts
it in his Development of Muslim Theology , Jurisprudence , and Constitutional
Theory (London, 1903, p. 66), * Muslim law in the most absolute sense fits
the old definition, and is the science of all things, human and divine. It tells
us what we must render to Caesar and w r hat to God, what to ourselves, and
what to our fellows. The bounds of the Platonic definition of rendering to
each man his due it utterly shatters. While Muslim theology defines every-
thing that a man shall believe of things in heaven and in earth and beneath
the earth — and this is no flat rhetoric — Muslim law prescribes everything
that a man shall do to God, to his neighbour, and to himself. It takes all
duty for its portion and defines all actions in terms of duty.’ Nor was this
any empty claim. A Muslim’s citizenship depends upon his character, as
judged by his conformity to the letter of the law, and it is only the evidence
of a man of * blameless life 9 that possesses any validity in a court of law. If
the practice of chess was established to be illegal, no true Muslim could be
a chess-player. It became, therefore, a matter of importance to ascertain the
legal position of chess and chess-playing.
It was not, however, until the second century of Islam that any serious
attempt was made to systematize and codify Muslim law. Prior to this
lawyers had been mainly opportunists, though the seeds of the broad separation
of Muhammadans into Sunnites — those who accepted the caliphate de facto —
and Shi'ites — those who upheld the right of the descendants of ‘All and his
wife Fatima, the Prophet’s daughter, were already there. But in the second
and third centuries Sunnite law was systematized by a number of schools or
sects, of which four stand out above the others. These are the Hanifite, the
Malikite, the Shafi'ite, and the Ifanbalite schools, so called from their
respective founders, Abu Hanlfa (D. 150/767), Malik b. Anas (D. 179/795),
ash-Shafi‘1 (D. 204/820), and Ahmad b. Hanbal (D. 241/855). To one or other
of these sects practically every Sunnite Muslim belongs to-day, and in broad
outline Shi'ite law is not very dissimilar.
Muslim law divides all actions into five classes — (1) necessary actions
( fard , icajib), the omission of which is punished, and the perfoimance of which
is rewarded ; (2) recommended actions (mandub, mustahabb) } the omission of
Digitized by Google
188
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
which entails no penalty, but the performance of which is rewarded ; (3) per-
mitted actions ( jaiz , mulali) which are indifferent legally ; (4) disliked actions
(i makruh ) which are disapproved but not under penalty ; and (5) forbidden
actions ( haram ), the performance of which is punished by law. 2 The criteria
for the proper classification of actions have varied somewhat from time to
time, and with different schools, but all agree that the final criterion is the
Qur'an, and that next in importance comes the evidence of a clear and
authentic tradition of Muhammad or of the earliest age. 3
Chess is mentioned nowhere by name in the Qur'an , but, adopting the
principle of analogy (qiyas) by which the doubt could be resolved by a decision
on some similar case, appeal was made to Sura V. 92, a chapter that belongs
to the Medina or last period of Muhammad's life. In this verse we read —
O true believers, surely wine and lots (mamr) and images (*on«o6) and divining-
arrows (’ azldm ) 4 are an abomination of the works of Satan, therefore avoid ye them
that ye may prosper.
It is by extending the condemnation of lots — mainr — and images 'an jab — that
the attempt has been made to condemn chess and chess-playing. There is
fair agreement among the commentators that mauHr was intended to include
every game which is subject to hazard or chance, or which is played for
money or a stake. It is on this verse that the prohibition of nard (tables,
backgammon), 6 and the later-discovered games of cards is based. There is,
however, a tradition which is preserved by al-Baihaqi (D. 458/1066) that the
caliph 'All once described chess as the Persian mamr, though the genuineness
of the tradition is disputed by other writers — b. Sukaikir, for instance. The
noted Hanbalite b. Taimlya (D. 728/1328) makes the sensible distinction
that in chess it is only the playing for money that is mamr, and quotes
the opinion of Malik b. Anas that the stake made chess a far worse game
than nard. The Sunnite Muslim sees a prohibition of carved chess-pieces
which actually reproduce the King, Elephants, Horses, &c., in the prohibition
of images. 6 Persian commentators, however, have explained the term as
referring to idols, 7 and the Shi'ite and Moghul chess-players have no objection
to using real carved chessmen. The Sunnite player, on the contrary, will only
use pieces of a conventional type in which it is impossible to see any resem-
blance to any living creature.
In the second place, the lawj r ers turned to the traditions ( hadith ) of
2 Cf. Macdonald, op. cit, 78.
8 The other criteria are: (1) the agreement (ijmd') of the companions of the prophet,
extended later to the agreement of the jurists of any particular time ; (2) analogy (qiy&s), by
which a decision on one question was invoked to settle another which was more or less
analogous; (8) equity or common sense, variously disguised as opinion (rd*l), preference
(istitoan), used by Abu Hanifa, public advantage (isfoJaA), used by M&lik; and (4) local
usage ('tu/).
4 TTiis covers an early form of divination in which Culin (C. <kP., 679, 686, &c.) sees the
progenitor of dice.
6 Some Sh&fi'ites claimed that it was only the stake that made nard illegal, and that
nard without a stake was permissible (j&'iz ). This was not the view of ash-Sh&fi'i himself,
who agreed with the other |mams in declaring it forbidden (Jyxram ) whether played for a stake
or not.
6 Cf. the *Ali tradition, quoted below.
7 Cf. Hyde, ii. 24.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
189
Muhammad and his immediate companions, in order to deduce what their
practice in the matter of games was. And here at the outset lay the difficulty
of settling the genuineness or otherwise of the tradition. Islam was flooded
with traditions by the end of the second century, 8 and the vast majority of
these were forgeries. Only the crudest tests could be applied in an age that
had no appreciation of the science of historical criticism. But crude as the
tests were, they disposed of ninety-nine per cent of the traditions. 9 And in
the winnowed material three traditions survived which dealt with Muhammad’s
attitude towards recreations. One of these emphasizes his hatred of games of
chance, another shows his approval of martial exercises with lance or bow, and
the third preserves a statement that a believer should restrict his amusements
to his horse, his bow, and his wife or wives.
These traditions form the basis of the discussion as to the status of chess
in the works of the founders of the four great schools. Abu Hanlfa reduces
the question to a dilemma: either the game is played for a stake, or for
amusement. In the first case it is forbidden by the Qur'an , in the second it
is not one of the three forms of recreation allowed by Muhammad. Chess,
nard, and fourteen 10 are all clearly illegal. There is, however, a difference of
degree. Chess is only disapproved (; makruh ), not forbidden ( hardm ), as is nard.
It is a sin that leads into error, and Abu Hanlfa did not himself refuse to greet
a chess-player when at his game. The Hanlfite code was the official 'Abbasid
canon, but later lawyers had to exercise considerable casuistry to reconcile
their law with the wishes of the caliphs. 11
Malik b. Anas and b. Hanbal took a more hostile view. In the K. al-
muwa((a\ of Malik's Spanish pupil Yahya b. YahyS (D. 284/848) there is
added to the citation of the tradition in which Muhammad interdicts games
of chance the following reminiscence of his master’s hatred of chess :
I heard Malik say that there was nothing good about chess. He pronounced it
haram. I heard him denounce chess-playing and other vanities as hardm t quoting
Sura X. 33, 4 When the truth has been scorned, what is left except error.*
Indeed Malik held that chess was far worse than nard, since the game
exercised a far greater fascination over its players. The Hanbalite school
were equally opposed to chess, but they took the more natural view that nard
was still worse.
8 B. Abl Awja (ex. 155/771) confessed that he had put into circulation 400 false traditions.
Another noted forger of traditions was Ka*b (see p. 219).
8 The K, cd'jdmi * of-faAlA contains 7,000 sound traditions as a result of the examination of
600,000.
10 To theee games later writers, e. g. ar-Rafi , i (quoted by al-Q&buni (D. 869/1464) in his
An-na*iha lil-hurr wal-dbd bijtindb ash-shatranj wan-nard ), add qirq, i.e. merels. Fourteen was
a game played with small stones on a wooden board which had three rows of holes
(al-Qftbuni).
II We possess the K. al-jami* as-saghtr of Abu Hanifa's pupils ash-Shaib&nl (D. 189/804) and
Abu Yusuf (D. 182/795). The latter is the q&dl who in the Arabian Nights is represented as
the companion of Harun ar-Kashid on many of his nocturnal adventures. A later Haniflte
work, the K . hiddyat al-mubtadi by al-Marghinani (D. 593/1197), which has been translated into
English by G. Hamilton (1791, 2nd ed. 1870), discusses the point whether it is right to disturb
a chess-player in his game to bid him the usual greeting saldmu ' alaika . Abu Hanlfa said the
interruption was permissible, but his two pupils ash-Shaib&ni and Abu Yiisuf dissented
from him.
Digitized by Google
190
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Ash-Sh5fi c i enunciated a more liberal view. He found Abu Hanlfa’s
dilemma defective, since he claimed that chess is an image of war, and it is
possible to play chess not for a stake, not for pure recreation, but as a mental
exercise for the solution of military tactics. When played for this last purpose,
he denied that the player was doing anything illegal. According to al-
MawardT (D. 450/1058) he regarded chess as makruh , not because it leads into
error — that ash-Shafi'l denied — but as a sin of recreation. And provided the
player took care that his fondness for chess did not cause him to break any
other rule of life, he saw no harm in playing. Ash-Shafi'l, indeed, played
chess himself, defending his practice by the example of many of the com-
panions and tabi's. The chess-players naturally attached great importance
to the example of these early players, to whom all the legal schools looked
back with reverence, and all the MSS. contain in more or less detail the
traditions that enshrine the record of this or that tabi°s approval or practice
of chess. The great master and historian as-SulI gave these traditions in
text {main) and chain of authority (* Unad ), and the MSS. AH and C have
preserved his work for us. I shall make use of his traditions in this chapter.
They contain the germs of the conditions which ash-Shafi'l finally laid down
as defining the lawfulness of play. These were four in number, the game
must not be played for a stake, and no money must be paid in connexion with
the game, the game must in no way be allowed to interfere with the regular
performance of prayer or other religious duty, the player must refrain from
angry and improper language, and the game must not be played in the street
or other public place. It is obvious that these conditions are not compelled
by any inherent quality in chess, but are due to the weakness and depravity
of human nature. This is b. Sukaikirs contention, that there is nothing
wrong in the game itself, but only in the circumstances of play. He claims,
therefore, that common-sense ought to justify the game, while he reluctantly
admits that the general consensus of legal opinion is hostile. 12
If we omit a very doubtful tradition that ascribes the story given below
in connexion with the caliph 'All to the first caliph Abu-Bakr (D. 13/634),
the first traditions that connect a caliph with the game relate to 'Omar b.
al-Khattab, the father-in-law of Muhammad (D. 23/643). A widely recorded
tradition tells how lie was once asked as to the legal status of chess. ‘ What
is chess ? * asked the caliph. He was told that there was once a queen whose
son was slain in battle. His comrades hesitated to tell her the news, and
when she asked how the battle had gone, they invented chess and showed it
to her. By means of the explanation they conveyed the news of the prince’s
death. 13 'Omar listened to the tale, and then replied : ‘ There is nothing wrong
in it ; it has to do with war.’ The fact that 'Omar once greeted Hilal b.
12 This appeal to common-sense naturally did not commend itself to the lawyers. Thus
az-Zarq&nl (D. 1122/1710) insists that the only way in which chess-players could silence
their opponents was by establishing tradition on their side. He thought this still possible,
as he was not satisfied with the opposing traditions.
This is probably the earliest trace of one of the favourite legends of the invention of
chess. See p. 212.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
191
Khasib, a rnaula (dependent, client) of Sulaiman b. Yashar (D. 107/725), the
great tabi' of Medina, 14 while he was engaged in chess is handed down in
a tradition with particularly good Hmad , 15
The caliph 'All b. Abu Tfilib (D. 40/660), the son-in-law of Muhammad,
is connected with the following story, the genuine nature of which was
allowed by the traditionists :
*AlI once chanced to pass by some people who were playing at chess, and asked
them, ‘ What images are these upon which you are gazing so intently ? *, for they
were quite new to him, having only lately been introduced from Persia, and the
Pawns were soldiers, and the Elephants and Horses were so depicted according to the
custom of the Persians.
It is inferred from this that 'All only objected to the carved chessmen and
not to the game itself, and it is in deference to this that the Sunnite Muslims
use men of a conventional pattern.
Al-MawardI (D. 450/1058) quotes traditions that connect several of the
‘ Companions * {ashab) with chess. Abu Huraira (D. 57/676-7), 16 'Abdallah
b. 'Abbas, and 'Abdallah b. Zubair are stated to have been seen to play chess,
while al-Husain (si. 68/610), the ill-fated son of the caliph 'All, is recorded
to have played with his children, and also to have watched a game and to
have prompted the players.
The traditions regarding the tabi's are equally trivial in detail, and their
main interest consists in the evidence they afford for the practice of chess
in the first centuries of Islam. Since some of these early players are said to
have played the game blindfold, it is reasonable to conclude that the standard
of play must have been fairly high. The cosmopolitan nature of Islam is well
illustrated by the nationalities of these chess-players.
The list includes the names of Sa'Id b. al-Musayyib 17 (D. 91/709-10), of
Medina, an Arab, who played in public and declared the game permissible
provided there was no stake ; 'All b. al-Husain Zain al-'&bidln (D. 94/712-3),
one of the Imams of the Shi'ites, whose father was, as already mentioned,
a chess-player, and whose mother according to legend was Shahr-b5nu, the
daughter of Yazdigird III, the last of the Sasanian kings of Persia ; Sa'Id
b. Jubair (ex. 95/714), a negro, who excelled in blindfold play; Ibrahim b.
Talha b. 'Obaidallah (D. 98/717), the son of one of Muhammad’s earliest
converts, who had been seen to play chess in public in Medina ; al-Qasim
14 According to al-Q&buni, Sulaiman himself disapproved of chess.
16 It is, however, handed down in another form which says that it was either the caliph
or Amr b. al-Asi (D. 45/665), the great Muslim general and conqueror of Egypt, who greeted
the chess-players. 'Amr is associated by the late historian as-Suyuti (D. 911/1505) with the
introduction of chess from Persia in a passage in his K . aUwasa'U ilk ma'rifat al-aio&’il (ed.
Gosche, Halle, 1867, p. 24), which apparently goes back ultimately to Mfilik b. Anas :
4 The first to introduce writing, chess, and nard was Amr b. al-Asi, he learnt them
in al-Hira.'
I cannot accept this statement ; it is certainly inaccurate as regards writing, and 'Amr*s
earlier biographer, an-Naw&wi (D. 676/1278), says nothing about it.
14 Al-Q&buni, however, claims that Abu Huraira was an opponent of chess, and quotes
a tradition that he once refused to greet some people who were playing 4 with ’azl&m, chess,
and nard \
17 Al-Q&bfinl, however, quotes a tradition that contains his opinion that chess was a
vanity.
Digitized by Google
192
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
b. Muhammad 18 (D. 101/719-20), by his father a grandson of the caliph
Abu-Bakr, and by his mother of Yazdigird, who once rebuked some chess-
players for using figures (. turun ) for pieces (dawdbb) ; ash-Sha'bl (D. 108/722—3),
of Persian descent, who played chess and nard for a stak6 and forgot the
hour of prayer, and played in the street, covering his head so that he should
not be known ; 'Ikrima (D. 107/725-6), a Berber ; Muhammad b. Sirin
(D. 110/728-29), a Persian, who was famous for his interpretation of dreams,
and could also play chess blindfold ; al-Hasan al-Basri (B. 110/728), who saw
no harm in chess provided there was no stake and no neglect of the times of
prayer; *Ata*a (D. 115/733-4), a deformed mulatto; az-Zuhrl (D. 124/742),
the great lawyer of the Umayyad period ; Muhammad al-Munkadir (D.
131/748-9) ; Rabfa ar-Rai (D. 136/753-4), of Persian descent ; HishSun b.
‘Urwa (D. 146/763-4), another blindfold player, whose three granddaughters
Safl’a, A'lsha, and c Ubaida also all appear as chess-players; al-A'amash
(D. 148/765), a Persian; and Abu *Aun (D. 151/768), another Persian.
Although Malik b. Anas was so opposed to chess, he numbered among his
friends a chess-player, al-Mughlra b. 'Abdarrahmdn, and his own son
Yahya b. Malik b. Anas, who was a lawyer in Medina, played chess in his
home. Finally, the great lawyer, ash-Shafi'I, is credited with skill in blind-
fold play.
Probably the most interesting in these names is that of Sa*Id b. Jubair.
According to b. Taimlya (Man., f. 10 b), he gave the following curious reason
for his playing chess. He had reason to believe that al-flajj&j desired to
appoint him qadl , and, fearing that the patronage of this noted man would
be detrimental to his piety, he took up chess in order to disqualify himself for
the post. Chess-playing he regarded as the less of the two evils, and since
acts are to be judged by the intention, even a more heinous sin would have
been permissible in his necessity. He was only forty-nine when the same
al-^ajjaj put him to death for taking part in a revolt against 'Abdalmalik b.
Marwan. His murderer is said to have dreamt that God would kill him once
for every man he had killed in his ruthless career, but seventy times for the
death of Sa'ld b. Jubair. Other traditions in AH tell us that Sa'id had
played chess all his life, that he played with equal ease whether he saw the
board or not, and that his method of playing blindfold was to turn his back
on the board ; then he would ask the slave who attended him what his
opponent had moved, next he bade the slave ‘ move such and such a man \
His name is the earliest one that is associated with play without the use of
a material board, but he may have had many followers among the Muslim
players. Other references to players who could play blindfold are given later
in this chapter, and a Muslim whose name is given as Buzecca or Borzaga
is mentioned as the first exponent of the art of blindfold play in Europe.
This player visited Florence in 1265. 19
18 Al-Q&buni quotes a tradition to the effect that he said that chess and nard were mai&r,
because they take possession of the mind just as wine does the body.
19 In Giovanni Villani, Tratto ddl* Origine di Firenze, Venice, 1637, VII. xii, whence in
Selenus, Dae Schach- oder Konig-Spiel, Leipzig, 1616.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
193
The earliest of the Umayyad caliphs who is associated with chess is
'Abdalmalik b. Marwan (D. 86/705). An earlier caliph, Yazld I b. Mu&wiya
(D. 64/683), the hated murderer of the Imam Qusain b. 4 All, is stated by
b. Khallikan to have been a nard-player, and accordingly a man whom it was
legally permissible to curse. There are three stories of 'Abdalmalik in H
(61 8 a, 11a, and 14 b). They merely exhibit the caliph as a chess-player,
but one brings in the noted poet al-Akhtal (D. 92/710), and another tells
how ash-Sha'bl, whom we have already heard of as an inveterate chess-player,
once asked the caliph if he was not ashamed of playing. The caliph answered
by some questions. Was the game hardm ? or maislr or * ansdb ? Since ash-
Sha'bl could only answer all these in the negative, the caliph continued to
play. AH, f. 12 b, has a curious story, which the later K. al'uyun, a generally
trustworthy history of the 5th or 6th c. of Islam (say a.d. 1150-1250, ed.
de Goeje in Fragments Hist . Arab., Lugd. Bat., 1871, p. 102), repeats in
connexion with 'Abdalmalik’s younger son, the caliph HishSm (D. 125/742),
while MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 7320, f. 42 b, which has been identified by H. F.
Amedroz as the work of b. al-JauzI (‘ An unidentified MS. by ibn al-Jauzi \
JR AS., Jan. 1907, see p. 865), attributes it to the elder son, the caliph
Walld I b. 'Abdalmalik (D. 96/714). The caliph was once engaged in playing
chess when a visitor, 20 a Syrian, was announced. The caliph ordered a slave
to cover over the chessboard, and the visitor was allowed to enter. The
caliph then proceeded to examine his guest in order to find out how far he
was instructed in the Muslim religion, and, discovering that he was quite
unlearned, he bade the slave uncover the board, and resumed his game, for
‘there is nothing forbidden to the uneducated*. This story is gravely told
by as-SulI as evidence for the legality of chess-playing. Its unsatisfactory
nature and the fact that it is cited and not suppressed in the chess MSS. is
in favour of its genuineness.
The chess MS. Y and some later (for the more part Indian) chess works
give a story of 4 Abdalmalik *s son and successor Walld I (D. 96/714). He was
once playing chess with a courtier who purposely played negligently to avoid
beating the caliph. On discovering this the latter took umbrage, and broke
his flatterer’s head with a blow with his firzdn, saying, ‘ Woe be to you ! are
you playing chess, and 5n your senses ? * The silence of earlier works tells
against this story.
A thoroughly satisfactory reference of about this time is to be found in
a passage in one of the poems of the noted poet al-Farazdaq (D. c. 110/728).
This is the more important since there is an allusion to a technicality of chess
which would not have been appropriate unless the game were fairly generally
*° According to b. al-Jauzi (D. 697/1200), Walid was playing with 'Abdallfih b. Mu'&wiya b.
'Abdall&h b. Ja'far b. Abl T&lib, and the visitor was a member of the Thaqif tribe on the way
to fight the unbeliever. According to the K. aWuyUn Hi sham’s visitor was his maternal
uncle, a badawin of the Makhzum tribe.
AH gives a second 'isnad for this story, in which it is attributed to a still later caliph,
Walld II b. Yazld (D. 126/748).
Oildemeister, to whom we owe many of the earlier references in Arabic historical works,
was the first to call attention to the passage in the K . al-'uyiin. See Qst ., 6-12.
1170 N
Digitized by Google
194
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
known. It must take time for a peculiarity of a game to become sufficiently
known to take its place in literary idiom. The couplet in question runs :
And, as for us, if Tamln reckons his ancestors in the rank of the forelocks of the
noblest victors of the race-course, I keep you from your inheritance and from the
royal crown so that, hindered by my arm, you remain a Pawn ( batdaq ) among
the Pawns (bayadiq).
— an allusion to the promotion of the Pawn when it reaches the end of the
board. 21 So it is interpreted by al-JawSliq! (D. 539/1145) in K. al-mu arrab,
a work on Arabic loan-words which has been edited by Sachau, Leipzig, 1867,
where the verse is quoted. Al-Jaw5liql states, rather loosely, that the Pawn
which advances to the limit of the board ‘obtains the weapons of the King*.
Another contemporary poet, al-Ahwas (D. 110/728), is connected with
chess in a passage in the K. al-aghanl of Abu'l-Faraj (compiled a.d. 918-67)
(ed. Bulaq, 1285, iv. 51). A certain 'Abdalhakam b. *Amr b. ‘Abdallah b.
Safw&n al-Hujaml possessed a house in Mecca where he kept sets of chess,
nard, and merels, 22 and books on all the sciences. The walls were provided
with pegs, so that every one who entered could hang up his cloak. He was
then expected to take a book, or to choose a game and to play with some
other guest. Once 'Abdalhakam came across a stranger in the Ka'ba to
whom he took a fancy. He brought him home with him, and after hanging
up their cloaks he took down the chess and challenged him to a game. Just
then the singer al-Abjar entered, and greeted the unknown with, ‘ Hullo,
heretic ! ’ and to ‘Abdalhakam’s astonishment presented him as the Medinese
poet al-Ahwas. This incident must have taken place after al-Ahwas’s return
from banishment in 101/719.
Ar-Rfcghib (D. 502/1108) in his K. mnh&darat al-udaba 23 relates that the
Persian Abu Muslim (D. 137/754-5) once quoted a verse of one of the older
poets in a new sense when he was checkmated in a game of chess.
We may safely assert that chess had already become a popular game
throughout Islam, from Spain to the banks of the Indus, before the com-
mencement of the ‘Abbasid caliphate.
The only chess story that brings in the name of the second caliph of the
new dynasty, al-Mansur (D. 158/775), that I have come across, occurs in the
chess MS. H (f. 10 b). The vizier of this caliph, Abu Ayyub al-MuriySnl
(D. 154/771), had a friend who was a skilled chess-player. The MS. quotes
a witty couplet which the latter wrote to the vizier, inviting him to a game
of chess.
Al-Mahdl (D. 169/785), the third of the ‘Abbasid caliphs, the son of
al-Mansur and father of Harun a r- Rashid, looked — at least officially — with
disfavour upon chess. A letter of his, written in 169/780 to the people of
n The verse occurs almost at the end of the Oxford MS. of tho Naqd'id Jarir teal Farazdaq
(Bodl. I. 1224). The chess allusion is perfectly certain, for baidaq has no other meaning than
that of the chess-piece.
22 A r. a&h-shatranjtit, an-nard&t, and qirqat ; all plurals.
28 Ar-Raghib says elsewhere in the same work that the Medinese refused to give their
daughters in marriage to chess-players, since chess already usurped the position of a wife
Cf. Qst., 7.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
195
Mecca, is given in Arabic text in WiistenfekTs Die Chroniken der Siadt Mekka
(Leipzig, 1861 ff., iv. 168). In this the following passage occurs :
Facts about you have been reported to the Commander of the Faithful which he
has heard with regret and which he condemns and abominates. He desires you to
abandon these things, and directs you to do away with them, and to cleanse the
Sanctuary of Qod from them. To these things belong .... the assembly of fools for
nard, dicing, archery, chess, and all vanities that lead astray and from the remem-
brance of God, which interfere with the fulfilment of your duty to Him, and the
performance of prayers in His mosques.
Notwithstanding this, chess must have been played at al-Mahdi’s court, for
we know from the K. al-aghdnl (ed. eit., xix. 69) that the poet Abu Hafs c Omar
b. c Abdal c azIz, of Persian ancestry, was educated there, and that he obtained
his surname of a*h-Shatranjl , the chess-player, from his fondness for and skill
in chess. After al-Mahdl’s death he remained in the service of the caliph’s
daughter * Ulayya, who is remembered for her love of music. Abu Hafs also
played chess blindfold. 24
Although the MS. V (f. 24a) attributes a problem (No. 181 below) to
al-Mahdl, with the unusual information that the position was not derived
from an actual game, it does not follow that the ascription has any historical
weight. The MSS. show an ever-growing tendency to assign the authorship
of approved problems to noted characters, and their statements need to be
treated with much caution. 26 In the present instance the ascription is in
conflict with the evidence of the historian Muhammad b. 'All al-Misrl, as
recorded in al-Masudl’s MuiUj adh-dhahab (ed. cit., viii. 295) :
Ar-Hashld was the first caliph to establish the game of assauljcm (a Per. ball-
game like polo) in the field, the use of the bow, and practice with the lance, with
the ball, and rackets; he recompensed those who distinguished themselves in the
different exercises, and people followed his example. He was also the first of the
‘Abbasid caliphs to play chess and nard. He favoured good players and granted
them pensions.
I have already quoted the letters that passed between Harun ar-Rashid
(170/786- 193/809) and Nicephorus in 802. This is the only allusion to chess
in Arabic historical works in which Harun is concerned. The occasional
chess passages in that well-known compilation from early and late sources,
the Alf laila walaila , ‘ the Thousand and one Nights/ 26 are naturally of an
unhistorical character, and can only be accepted for the Mamluk period during
which the collection of tales took its present shape in Egypt. The chess
MS. H is the only one of those that I have used which contains much to
connect Harun with chess, and none of its seven stories 27 has any real
importance, apart from the impromptu verses to which they gave occasion.
24 Gildemeister ( ZDMQ. f xxviii. 682-98) adds a reference to a poem of Asma'i (D. 216/881)
quoted in the K. badd'i* al-bid&ya of 'Ali b. Z&fir (D. 608/1206-6) (ed. Cairo, 1278, p. 117).
AbO Hafs is also mentioned in b. Khallik&n (ed. Slane, Paris, 1848-71, iii. 92.)
85 The MS. V is early (copied 618/1221) and generally reliable ; but the same problem occurs
in other MSS. without the ascription.
** Cf. E. W. Lane's translation, ch. xx, note 22.
17 The passages occur on ff. 6b, 7a, 9a, 10b, 11a, and 18b in H. The opinion of b. M&sa-
waihi as to the appropriateness of chess-playing during illness also occurs in Man. at f. 42 a.
N 2
Digitized by Google
196
CHESS IN ASIA.
PART I
Four stories show the caliph in an inquiring* mood. He asked his physician,
b. Masawaihi (D. 243/857), whether chess could be played during illness, and
received the answer that it was generally suitable, but that at certain times —
all detailed — it was inadvisable to play. Another time, on a wet day, he
asked Yahya b. Aktham the qadl (D. 242/847) what could be done on such
a day, and received an enigmatical reply, which was interpreted as meaning
to drink wine and play chess. On a third occasion he asked b. Masawaihi
what he thought of chess, and was told it was legally permissible ; and on
a fourth he started a controversy between the great Hanlfite, Abu Yusuf the
qadi (D. 182/795), and a Malikite, Yahya b. Bakair, on the same point. At
first Abu Yusuf defended the legality of chess, but when Yafcyfl declared that
he had heard Malik b. Anas forbid chess and reject the evidence of chess-
players, he gave up his contention, and agreed that Malik’s opinion settled
the matter. Another story tells the history of a slave girl who was famed
for her skill at chess. Harun bought her for 10,000 dinars and proceeded to
try conclusions with her at chess. He lost three games in succession, and
when the slave was asked to choose her reward, she begged forgiveness for
a certain Ahmad b. al-Amln. In these stories the noted poet Abu Nuwas
appears as an intimate friend of the caliph. Another of Harun’s friends bore
the name of Muhammad al-Baid’aq, where the surname is derived from the
name of the chess-pawn, and was given because the man was little of
stature. 28
HSrun’s eldest son and successor, al-Amln (D. 198/813), 29 was also a chess-
player. Ar-Raghib tells an amusing story of this caliph and the musician
Ishaq al-Mausill (D. 235/849-50) 30 in the K. muhadarat al-udaba\ a work of
which I have already made use. Al-Amln and Ishaq were once playing chess,
and the latter had wagered his cloak on the game. The caliph won, but
hesitated to take his opponent’s cloak, until the happy idea occurred to him
to give up his own cloak as a gift. Al-AmXn’s fondness for chess led him to
indulge in the game at unseasonable times. At the critical point of the siege
88 Later writers have given chess a far more important place in the history of H&rUn
ar-Bashid. Von Hammer (cf. Bland, 86) quotes a curious wager between the caliph and his
wife, Zubaida, as even influencing the succession to the caliphate. Another MS. quoted by
Bland (86) associates the fall of the Barmakids with chess.
‘ Ar-Rashid was devoted to the game of chess, and he had a sister, called 'Abb&siya, who
played well. Now Ja'far (b. Yahya al-Barmakl, ex. 187/808) used to beat ar-Rashid at chess,
as also did his sister, and it was ar-Rashid’ s wish to see which of the two, Ja'far or ’Abbfisiya,
would prove the superior in his presence. So he said to Ja'far, “ I will give thee 'Abb&siya
in marriage, on condition that thou approach her not except by my command and appoint-
ment ”, and ar-Rashid sent for the qfidf and he wrote 'Abb&slya’s marriage contract with
Ja'far, and 'Abb&slya used to sit with Ja'far, whether ar-Rashid were present or not, and
used to play with him/
Unfortunately Ja'far and his wife forgot H&run’s condition, and the birth of a child led
to Ja'far’s disgrace and death. Neither of these stories is authenticated by any historian of
repute, and modern scholars generally have rejected them as apocryphal.
*• Al-Amln’ a tutor, al-Kisa*!, a Persian by descent (D. 189/804-6), is one of the Muslims
whom as-§ull quotes as supporting the lawfulness of chess-playing.
80 A remark in passing, in the K . cd-aghanx (v. 92), connects Ishftq again with chess :
1 Ishaq al-Mausili, the celebrated musician, had seen 'Abdall&h b. T&hir play chess.*
A similar note (xv. 11) tells how the poet Abu Shis (D. 196/812) had found the well-known
Abu Dulaf (D. 226/840-1) playing chess. The contemporary general, Tfthir b. al Husain
b. Mus'ab (D. 207/822) is associated in AH with the invention of the shahranj ar-rTmiw
(see p. 842).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
197
#
of Baghdad, when the city was on the verge of capture, the messenger who
was sent to the caliph to advise him of his peril found him deep in chess with
his favourite Kauthar. 4 O Commander of the Faithful,’ he exclaimed, 4 this
is not the time to play, pray arise and attend to matters of more serious
moment.* 4 Patience, my friend/ coolly replied the caliph, 4 1 see that in a few
moves I shall give Kauthar checkmate.” 81
Al-Ma’mun (D. 218/833), who succeeded his brother al-Amin in the
caliphate, was equally addicted to chess, though apparently with less success.
4 Strange that I who rule the world from the Indus in the East to Andalus
in the West cannot manage 82 chessmen in a space of two cubits by two/
is the remark that as-Safadl records of this caliph. Al-Yazldl (D. 310/922)
is quoted by b. Badrun and as-Suyutl as giving Ma’mun’s opinion that chess
was more than a game, and that to play it was an excellent training for the
mind. The caliph tried to improve the game by introducing some novelties,
which never took root. He also insisted on his opponent playing his best.
Thus in the MS. Y we read—
Al-Ma’mun was one day playing with a courtier who appeared to be moving
negligently in order to allow the caliph to win the game. Al-Ma’mun perceived it,
and in great wrath upset the board, exclaiming, * You want to treat me as a child,
and to practice on my understanding.’ He then addressed the onlookers: 4 Bear
witness to the vow which I now make that I will never play chess with this person
again.’
But if al-Ma’mun himself was only a weak player, he yet liked to have
strong players about him. On his expedition from Khur&s&n to Baghdad
in 204/819 he watched Rabrab, 32 Jablr al-Kufl, and 'Abdalghaffar al-Ansarl
play. The presence of the caliph manifestly embarrassed the players. 4 Chess
and reverence/ observed al-Ma’mun, ‘don’t seem to agree. They ought to
talk together just as they would do if they were by themselves.’ This
incident is most interesting, for Jabir and Rabrab are named in the chess
MSS. as belonging to the highest class of players, that of the t ahydt or
grandees. These MSS. give some End-game positions that are drawn from
actual games between Rabrab and Abun-Na'am, whose name follows that of
Rabrab in the list of * ahyat . The names are plainly in chronological order,
and this age of al-Ma’mun must have been a notable one in the history of
Muslim chess, since it saw three grandees of chess living at one time.
The next caliph — still another son of Harun — al-Mu'tasim (D. 227/842),
possesses a chess reputation that appears to have no real basis. 33 The only
a This rests upon the authority of Jirjis al-Makin (George Elmacini, D. 672/1278), whose
K. cU-majmu * al-mubdrak was edited with Latin translation by the Dutch scholar Erpenius
(Hist. Saracenica , Lugd. Bat., 1626, see p. 129). Erpenius was evidently ignorant of the
Arabic chess terms, and, confusing shdh (king) with shah (sheep), which ends in the dotted
ha y he translated the caliph's reply, ‘Taurus sylvestris moriturus apparuit xnihi contra
Outerum 1 ! See Hyde, ii. 4, and Forbes, 177. Gf. p. 224, n. 7.
33 The name of this player is doubtful. Ar-R&ghib, who records the incident, writes
Zairab ; the chess MSS. vary between Zairab, Zabzab, and Babrab. In using the last form
I follow Forbes and v. d. Linde. BAS. calls him Rabrab Khat&T, i. e. of Chinese Turkestan.
33 This is due to the ascription of the authorship of two problems (Nos. 91 and 162 below)
to this caliph in the late MS. BAS. Forbes (p. 83} accepted this as fact, and printed one of
them as ‘the most ancient problem on record*. Earlier MSS., e. g. AH and V, give the
Digitized by Google
198
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
♦
certain chess fact of al-Mu'tasim’s caliphate is the appreciation of the function
of the fll in chess which I quote in Ch. XIII, which was pronounced by his
famous vizier Muhammad b. az-Zayyat (ex. 233/847).
During the rule of al-W5thiq (D. 227/842) and al-Mutawakkil (D. 232/
847) 34 the great master al-'Adli ranked alone in the highest class of players.
It was only towards the end of his life that a rival appeared to dispute his
position in the person of ar-R&zI. The match took place in the presence of
al-Mutawakkil, and, by defeating his older opponent, ar-RfizI was successful
in establishing his claim to be ranked among the 'ally at. Both players were
chess authors, but while we possess large portions of al-'Adll's work in the
various MSS., all that has survived of ar-RazI's work is a few opinions on
the End-game, a few aphorisms, and a couple of problems. Notwithstanding
this neglect, as-Sull considered that ar-RazI was the greatest of his pre-
decessors. Of al-*AdlT he had a poorer opinion, and much of his own chess
work took the form of a criticism of al-'Adll’s book.
At-Tabarl (D. 310/923) in his K. akhbar ar-rusul wal-muluk (ed. Goege,
1881, iii. 1671) 35 describes how the caliph al-Mu'tazz (D. 255/869) received
the news of his predecessor and rival al-Musta'ln’s defeat and death in
252/ 866. The caliph was seated at chess when a messenger arrived bringing
the head of al-Musta'ln. Al-Mutazz paid no attention to the news until he
had finished his game. 36
An incident that al-Mas'udl (op. cit., viii. 13) tells of Ahmad b. Mudabbir,
collector of taxes in Palestine under al-Muhtadl (255-6/869-70) shows that
wealthy people kept good chess-players in their households. A certain
b. Darraj intruded into b. Mudabbir’ s house on one occasion and was dis-
covered among the company. His host addressed him thus —
A parasite may be pardoned his intrusion upon other people’s society whereby
he disturbs the charm of their intimacy and discovers their secrets, but only on the
condition that he is endowed with certain talents, as a knowledge of chess or uard,
or the ability to play the lute or guitar ( toribur ).
The stranger replied that he excelled in all these accomplishments, so
b. Mudabbir ordered one of his pages to play the intruder at chess. The
latter asked what reward he would get if he proved successful. He was
promised 1,000 dirhems if he proved himself superior to all the company in
his accomplishments. The money was brought and placed on the table, since
problems without naming any composer, and it is quite clear from an examination of the
names in RAS. that the addition of the names of authore is an embellishment that must not
be taken seriously (see below, p. 272). Some later writers, relying on Forbes, have claimed
that al-Mu'tasim was the originator of the chess-problem.
Al-Mu'tasim was surnamed the Octonary caliph, and Arabic works give several reasons
for the name. In quoting these, Forbe9 (179) adds some others drawn from chess, which do
not appear to be based upon any Arabic source.
M A metaphorical expression drawn from chess that the philosopher Ibrahim b. Nazzim
(D. 230/845) employed is recorded by ath-Tha'&libi (D. 429/1088) in his Ahdsin kalim an-naln
( Talibii Syntagma dictorum . . . , ed. Valeton, Lugd. Bat. 1844, 78) : — 1 1 moved a Hook from my
mind against him/ i. e. 4 1 attacked him with a powerful argument.’
55 From whence it was copied by b. al-Athlr (D. 680/1284). Since Gildemeister only
knew the latter authority in 1874, he did not attach much importance to the story.
At-Tabari, of course, was alive at the time the incident occurred.
*• I have already quoted the chess-poem of this caliph’s son, b. Mu'tazz, p. 185.
t
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
199
the parasite said its presence would stimulate him to his best efforts. He
won the game of chess and was about to take the money, when the doorkeeper,
who saw a danger of punishment for his carelessness in allowing the stranger
to enter, intervened, and said that he was sure another of the pages could
beat the stranger at chess. This page was summoned and the stranger was
beaten. He claimed a game at nard, first winning and then being beaten by
a better player, and so the contest went on, the porter endeavouring to escape
the consequences of his carelessness and the stranger to escape the thrashing
he deserved for his impertinence.
Al-Mu'tadid, caliph 279/892-289/902, was also a chess-player. Al-Mas c udl
mentions (op. cit., viii. 271) that his vizier Qasim b. 'Obaidallah once heard
him quote a verse from b. Bassam during a game.
It was under the following caliph, al-Muktafl (289/902-295/908), that
the historian Abu-Bakr Muhammad b. Yahya as-Sull 87 first came into note
as a chess-player of consummate skill. Ar-RazI was already dead, and no
one had taken his place, when a certain al-Mawardl made his appearance
at court and announced that his skill exceeded all that ar-Razl had ever
possessed (H, f. 13 a). The caliph took al-M3wardi into favour, and when
as-S all's extraordinary talent at chess was reported to the caliph, he was not
disposed to believe it. A match was arranged between the two players and
took place in the caliph’s presence. Al-Muktafl was so led away by his
partiality for his favourite that he openly encouraged him during the game.
At first this embarrassed and confused as-Sull, but he soon recovered his
nerve, and finally defeated his adversary so completely that no one could
doubt but that as-Sull was by far the better player. When the caliph was
thus convinced, he lost all his partiality for al-Mawardl, and said to him,
* Your rose-water ( maward ) has turned to urine ! ’
The new grandee of chess was descended from Sul-takln, a Turkish prince
of JurjSn, whose ancestral home was situated at the south-east comer of the
Caspian Sea, on the banks of the River Atrek. Yazld b. Al-Muhallab con-
verted the warrior during the conquest of Khurasan. His grandson married
a sister of the poet al-Ahnaf, and a son of this marriage, Ibrahim b. al-'AbbSs
as-Sull (D. 243/857), was known as a poet of some ability. Ibr&hlm's nephew
was the chess-player, who also proved himself a ready versifier and was more-
over a convivial and entertaining companion. It was to the latter qualities
that he owed his position at court under al-Muktafl and his successors, al-
Muqtadir 38 (D. 820/932) and ar-Radl (D. 329/940). To this last caliph we owe
a happy reference to as-SulI’s play. In his youth the chess-player had acted
as his tutor, and a warm friendship seems to have arisen as a result. Al-
Mas'udl, who himself was intimate with as-Sull and owed to him much of
87 Also called an-N&dim (the courtier) and ash-Shafranji. The name as-^dli is derived
from 9&1, the domain in Juij&n whence the family descended. As-Suli’s life is given in
b. Khallik&n (ed. cit., iii. 71), and the incidents in the text are all included.
*• I have already quoted (p. 184) some lines from al-Mas'udl, which were written by
this caliph’s vizier, b. AbG’l-Baghal (D. 821/982-8). May not as-§ull be referred to in
them ?
Digitized by Google
200
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
his information about the later caliphs, says (ed. cit., viii. 311 : also b. Khal-
likan ; and H, f. 13 b, where it is attributed in error to al-Muktafl) :
It is related that ar-Rfidi-billah was once walking in his country seat at
Thurayya, and called attention to a lovely garden, replete with lawns and flowers.
He asked his courtiers if they had ever seen anything more beautiful. The courtiers
immediately began to dilate on the wonders of the garden, to extol its beauty, and
to place it above all the wonders of the world. 4 Stop,* cried the caliph, 4 As-Suli’s
skill at chess charms me more than these flowers, and more than all that you have
mentioned/
After ar- Radi’s death, as-SulI found himself out of favour, and an in-
cautious statement that revealed his leanings towards the party of the c Alids
(later the Shi'ites) was so resented that he had to flee from Baghdad and
go into hiding at Basra. Here he died in very reduced circumstances in
335/946. 89
As-^ulfs reputation in chess remained unchallenged in Arabic circles for
more than 600 years. To his successors he represented all that was possible
in chess, much as Philidor stood for the unattainable ideal to the early nine-
teenth century. His biographer, b. Kballikan says :
He stood alone in chess in his own time, for there was no one in that age who
was his equal in skill. His play has passed into a proverb, and when men speak
of any one who is remarkable for the excellence of his play, they say, 4 He plays chess
like as-§ull/
Many Muslim players supposed from this proverb that as-SulI was the actual
discoverer or inventor of chess, and as-Safadi, b. Kballikan, and b. Sukaikir
all point out the erroneousness of this belief.
We possess in the MSS. which have come down to us sufficient of as-Sulfs
work to form an opinion of the chess-activity of this master. We see him
criticizing his predecessors not unkindly but with the touch of superior
knowledge. We have his favourite openings, founded no longer on mere
caprice but on definite principles. We have End-games which happened to
him in play over the board and in blindfold play, with an occasional anecdote
that shows how much the master’s play excelled that of his opponent. We
see him as the first player to try to discover the science of the game or to
enunciate the underlying principles of play. We may even possess some
snatches of actual games in the analysis in the chess treatise contained in MSS.
L and AE, the work of his grateful and able pupil al-Lajlaj.
This player, whose name is given by an-Nadlm in the Fihrist as Abul-
Faraj Muhammad b. 'ObaidallSh, and in the MSS. as Abu’l-Faraj al-Muzaffar
b. Sa c Id, probably owed his surname of al-Lajlaj (the stammerer) to a physical
defect. The only fact that we know of his life is that recorded by an-Nadlm,
who had seen him in Baghdad. In 360/970 he settled in Shiraz at the court
89 His literary works include a history of the Arabic poets, monographs on several of the
more noted poets, a history of the viziers, an uncompleted history of the 'Abb&sid house, and
an anthology of the poems written by the descendants of the caliph ‘All b. Abi T&lib.
Several of these works are extant in European or Constantinople libraries. See Brockehn&nn,
Gesch. d. ardb, Litt., Weimar, 1898, i. 143.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
201
of the Buyid 'Adudaddaula, where he died not long after. Both master and
pupil are commemorated in a punning line in an elaborate essay in praise and
dispraise of chess by Muhammad b. Sharaf al-Qlrwanl, which is quoted by
Hyde (ii. 57) from as-Safadf s Shark Lamiyat al-Ajam .
Like as- Sull, al-LajlSj has been remembered as a great chess master, but
while as-Sulfs reputation has been in the main preserved in Syria and Egypt,
al-Lajlflj’s memory has only survived among the Persians, the Turks, and the
Moghul Hindus. To these peoples he has become the great historic figure in
chess, and all the myths of the game have been attached to his name. As
Lajflj, or more commonly Lllaj, he is the inventor of chess : he appears in the
story of the Indian embassy to Nushlrwan as the Indian ambassador; the
fabulous Sassa b. Dahir is represented as his father ; and the Persian and Turk
have forgotten as-Sull entirely. 40
After the time of these great players there is a gap in the succession of
references to chess at the court of Baghdad 41 The light of the Eastern
caliphate was flickering out, and the centre of Muslim life was moving else-
where. A few references may be quoted from other parts of Islam that show
the wide spread of chess. 4
‘Omara b. 'All Najmaddln al-Yamanl (D. 569/1175) in his Ta’rikk al -
Yaman ( Yaman . . . by Najrn ad-din ‘ 0 war ah al Hakavti , ed. H. C. Kay, London,
1892, pp. 88-92) gives a long account 42 of the events leading up to Jayyash’s
successful revolt at Zabld in Southern Arabia in 482/1089. Jayyash had
returned to Zabld from India, and was living there in the disguise of an
Indian faqir. He made use of his skill at chess to ingratiate himself with the
vizier f AlI b. al-Kumm. To do this he took up his position each day at the
bench at the outer gate of the vizier’s house.
Husayn, son of *Aly the Kummite, the poet, came forth on a certain day. He
was at that time the most skilful chess-player of all the inhabitants of Zabld.
‘ Indian/ he asked me, ‘ art thou a good chess-player ? ' I answered that I was.
We played, and 1 beat him at the game, whereupon he barely restrained himself
from violence against me. He went to his father and told him that he had been
beaten at chess. His father replied that there had never been a person at Zabld
who could overcome him, excepting only Jayyash, the son of Najah, and he, he
continued, has died in India. ‘Aly, the father of Husayn, then came forth to me.
He was an exceedingly skilful player and we played together. I was unwilling
to defeat him, and the match ended in a drawn game.
40 Cf. Hyde, ii. 57, who quotes from Turkish dictionaries. Cf. also the MS. F (see p. 178).
The Urdu work of Durg&prasfida makes Lajlfij Rumi the son of Sisa, and credits him with the
invention of the Rumi manner of playing chess.
I have already quoted a Persian reference to Lilaj (p. 183'. Bland also quotes (p. 44)
from T&hir °f Nasrftbad, the author of some memoirs on the poets who lived in the reign of
Sh&h ‘Abbfis, that one of these poets, *Azim or N&zim of Yazd, used to boast of his skill at
chess, saying that he could have given even Lajlfij a Knight and have beaten him. T&hir,
however, goes on to say that he himself, notwithstanding his own want of skill, had beaten
the braggart several times.
41 Gildemeister calls attention to chess verses by poets of this period, viz. by b. Kushajim
(D. c. 360/961), quoted in ad-Damiri’s Hay at al~hayawdn ; and by Sari ar-Raffah (D. 860-70/
961-72) in ar-R&ghib’s K. muh&dar&t aX-udaba.
4 * More briefly in b. Khaldun (D. 808/1406), where the incidents are ascribed to Jayyash *s
vizier, Khalf b. Abu T&hir.
Digitized by Google
202
CHESS IX ASIA
PART I
From this time Javyaah played frequently with the vizier, until he in-
cautiously betrayed his identity by an involuntary exclamation after a game
in which he had allowed Husain to beat him for reasons of policy.
In Egypt the mad Fatimid ruler al-Hakim biamrillah prohibited chess in
the year 1005, and ordered all the sets of chess to be burnt. The order did
not extend to the magnificent sets of chess in the palace treasury, for in
a description of the treasures of a later ruler, al-Mustansir billah (1036-94),
jil-MaqrlzI (D. 1441) mentions 4 chess and draught (read nard) boards of silk,
embroidered in gold, with pawns (read men) of gold, silver, ivory, and ebony*.
Much of this treasure had belonged to the 'Abbasid caliphs before the Fatimids
acquired it. 43
I have already quoted from the Persian writer al- Benin!. His patron, the
Ziv&rid Qabus b. Washmglr (976-1012) of Tabaristan 44 refers to chess in
a poem in which he recounts his favourite occupations :
The things of this world from end to end are the goal of desire and greed,
And I set before this heart of mine the things which I most do need,
But a score of things I have chosen out of the world's unnumbered throng,
That in quest of these I my soul may please and speed my life along.
Verse and song, and minstrelsy, and wine full flavoured, and sweet,
Backgammon, and chess, and the hunting-ground, and the falcon and cheetah
fleet ;
Field, and ball, and audience-hall, and battle, and banquet rare,
Horse, and arms, and a generous hand, and praise of my lord and prayer.
B. al-Athlr (Cairo ed., ix. 128) tells a story of the famous Mahmud of
Ghazni, which shows him as a chess-player. 45 In the spring of 420/1029 he
seized Rai and dethroned Majdaddaula. He summoned the latter before him,
and the following colloquy took place :
‘Hast Hum not read the Shdhnama and at-Tabarl’s history (i.e. Persian and
Arabic history) ? *
4 Yes/
4 Your conduct is not as of one who has read them. Do you play chess ? '
‘ Yes.*
4 Did you ever see a Shah approach a Shah ? *
4 No.’
* Then what induced you to surrender yourself to one who is stronger than
yourself?’
Thereupon MahmQd exiled him to Khurasan. 4 *
48 Quoted from Quatrem&re’s Hist, des Sultan* Mamelouks, Paris, 1887-45, by S. Lane Poole in
his Hist, Kggpt in the Middle Ages , London, 1901, p. 147. For al-H&kim see the same work,
p. 120, and v. d. Linde, i. 29.
44 The translation is taken from Browne ? s Lit. Hist. Persia , London, 1902, 471.
48 Browne, Lit. Hist. Persia, London, 1906, ii. 160.
44 A verse from Sa'di's (iuhstdn (1258> must be quoted, since the blundering mistrans-
lation of Oleariua {Persianisehes Rosenthal, Hamburg, 1660, 247) has led to error in the past (cf.
v. d. Linde, i. 114 a. ; <jst. f 262 ; and Handbuch, 1874, 24 \ The verse really says, * Marvellous !
the ivory Foot -soldier who has traversed the squares of the chessboard becomes a Firzkn, but
the pilgrim who has crossed deserts iu his pilgrimage on foot is worse off at the en<L*
Olearius made of this, *1 am surprised that the ivory Elephant at chess so traverse the
hoard that he betters himself, and can gain the rank of the Queen* ; to which he adds the
explanation that when the Queen has been lost, an Elephant that takes five of the principal
pieces is promoted to the rank of Queen. It is difficult to imagine whence Olearius got this
idea. Amelung's suggestion that it is drawn from draughts, which v. d. Linde 262
found satisfactory, seems to me to be no explanation at all, since it does not account for the
mention of the number five.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
203
References to chess in Muhammadan Spain have, perhaps, a greater interest
for us. I have already mentioned a chess poem by the Spanish poet ar-Ramadl
as being quoted in the MS. H. There are one or two references belonging to
the eleventh century. B. Hayyan (D. 469/1075), one of the best historians
of Spain, records that the vizier Abu Ja c far Ahmad b. al- c Abbas of Almeria
(D. 1038) was a keen chess-player. B. Ammar is said by al-MarrSkoshl
(writing 621/1224) to have played chess with the Christian King Alfonso VI
of Castile, c. 1078. The poet b. al-LabbSn ad-Danl (c. 485/1092) wrote :
In the hand of fate we resemble the chess, and the shah is often defeated by the
baidaq.
There is a reference to chess in al-Maqqarl’s (D. 1041/1632) Nqfh af-tib (ed.
Dozy, &c., Leyden, 1855-61, i. 480) in connexion with the biography of the
qadl Abu-Bakr b. al-'Arabi (D. 543/1148) ; and b. Abl Usaibi'a (D. 668/1270)
in his A'. t uyun at anbd\ in his biography of b. Zuhr al-Hafld of Seville (D.
596/1200), of Jewish descent, describes him as a good chess-player, who used
to spend many an hour at chess with a friend of the tribe of al-Yanaql. 47
Towards the end of MS. H (f. 51 a) we have a note from Abu’l-* Abbas
b. Juraij (B. 533/1139, D. 630/1232) that gives some information as to the
chief players of his day in Spain. It will be seen that the blindfold game
had many exponents.
Abu'!-' Abbas b. Juraij said: I was contemporary with a§-Saqali (the Sicilian ),
al-Yahudi ( the Jew), and b. an-Nu*man, all of whom played blindfold : he goes on to
say that Abu-Bakr b. Zuhair was equal to b. an-Nu man. He says that Abu-Bakr b.
Zuhair told him as follows : ‘ There were assembled at one time in my house in
Seville the following experts, as-Saqall, his father, as-Sijilm&si, at-TarabulusI, b.
an-Nu'man, and az-Za'faran.* Abu’l-* Abbas said: now in our time Muhammad
al-Ghamari (?), Abu'l-Husain b. ash-Sh&tibi, b. 'Ulahim al-Mukanisf, and Abu
Muhammad 'Abdalkarlm, an eminent man of Fez, formed one class, and b. Abl
Ja'far al-Murst (the Murcian), b. al-Qaitun, and b. Ayyub and b. Abfz-Zafar b.
MardaDlsh (?) formed another.
We have an interesting collection of players here from Sicily, Fez, Sijilmasa,
Tripoli, Murcia, and Seville. It evidences the spread of the game of chess in
Muhammadan lands.
Both Fouchd of Chartres 48 and William of Malmesbury, 49 in their accounts
of the siege of Antioch (1097-8) during the First Crusade, tell how Peter the
Hermit found the Turkish general Karbuga at chess when he was sent to
treat with him at a critical point of the siege.
47 Quoted in Pascal de Gayangos’ Hist. Moh. Dynasties in Spain by al-Makkari, London, 1840-3,
i. App.
Some modern writers (e. g. J. Mason, Social Chess , London, 1900, p. 7) have asserted that
the immense library of Hakim II of Cordova (961-76) contained Arabic MSS. on chess.
This is quite possible, but there is no evidence that it actually was so. The statement has
apparently arisen from a misrendering of a sentence in v. d. Linde (i. 186) : ‘ If therefore
original Arabic chess MSS. did actually exist in H&kim’s time, his library would have
certainly been the eause of their introduction into Spain. 1 In 1874, v. d. Linde did not
believe in the existence of Arabic MSS. of the tenth century.
48 In Oesta Peregr. Prancorum , c. xiv : — ‘Quod statim Corbagath intimauit (Amirdalis) : Quid
scaccis ludis ? En Franci ueniunt.’
49 Rolls Ed., ii. 419. ‘ Non erat Corbaguath eius facilitatis ut legatum dignaretur responso ;
*ed scacchis ludens et dentibus infrendens inanem dimisit: hoc tantum dicto iam concla-
matam esse Francorum superbiam.’
Digitized by Google
204
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
As-SafadI (D. 764/1363), in his Shark Ldmiyat aPAjam, to which I have
already referred, gives some interesting particulars as to chess in his day.
I once saw a soldier named ‘Ala’addln in Egypt who was blind, and yet he used
to play chess with the nobles and to beat them utterly. I say moreover that nothing
pleased me more than the way in which he sat with us and talked and recited
poetry, and narrated strange histories, showing that he was taking part in what we
were doing. He would withdraw, and when he returned he had forgotten nothing
that he had been doing. This is certainly surprising. The man was very famous
in Cairo, and there were very few chess-players who did not know him.
At another time, in 731/1331, I saw in Damascus a man named an-Nizam
al-'Ajaml, who played chess blindfold before Shamsaddin. The first time that
I saw him playing chess, he was playing with the shaikh Amlnaddln Sulaiman,
chief of the physicians, and he defeated him blindfold. We indeed knew nothing
until he gave him checkmate with a Fil, and we did not see that it was mate until
he turned to us and said, 4 It is checkmate.’ I have also been told that he sometimes
played two games at once blindfold. The sahib al-Maula Badraddln Hasan b.
'All al-Ghazzi told me that he had seen him play two games blindfold and one over
the board at the same time, winning all three. He also vouches for this :
Shamsaddin once called to him in the middle of a game, 4 Enumerate your pieces
(qit'a), and your opponent’s/ and he rehearsed them in order at once, juBt as if he
saw them before him. 80
Chess again appears under royal patronage at the court of the great
Moghul emperor Timur (B. 1336, D. 1405). His historian b. 'Arabshah
(D. 854/1450) makes several references to chess in his 'Ajd'ib al-maqdur fi
nawaUb Timur , 61
Timur ordered a city to be built on the farther bank of the Jaxartes, with
a bridge of boats across the river, and he called it Shdhnckhlya , 82 It was built in
a spacious position. The reason why he gave this name of Shdh Jiukh M to his son,
and also to this city was as follows. He had already given orders for the building
of this city on the river’s bank, and he was engaged in playing chess with one of his
courtiers as was his wont : one of his concubines was also with child. He had just
given shdh-rukh (check-rook) by which his adversary was crippled and weakened,
and while his adversary was in this helpless position, two messengers arrived. One
announced the birth of a son, and the other the completion of the city, and therefore
he called both by this name 64 (i. 218).
Timur was devoted to the game of chess because he whetted his intellect by it,
but his mind was too exalted to play at the small chess (« ashshalranj as-saghir), and
therefore he only played at the great chess (ashshatravj al-kabir ), of which the
00 These anecdotes are quoted by b. Suk&ikir, and thence by Hyde, ii. 10.
01 I have used S. H. Manger's ed., Ahmedis Arabsiadis Vitae et rerum gestarum Timuri historia.
Leovardiae, 1767-72. There is a metaphorical use of baidaq ash- sh&h (King’s Pawn) on i. 48.
M The only city of this name that Lestrange ( Lands qf the Eastern Caliphate , Cambridge, 1905,
p. 482) mentions, stood on the site of the older Ban&kath, just below the junction of the
Sir Daria (Jaxartes) and the Angran. Ban&kath (Ban&kit, Per. Fan&kant) had been the second
largest town of the Sh&sh district. i The town stood on the right bank of the Jaxartes where
the Khur&s&n road coming up from Samarkand crossed the river going to Sh&sh, and it
continued to be a place of great importance till the 7th (18th) century, when it was laid in
ruins by Changiz Khan. More than a century later, in 818 (1415), Fan&kant was rebuilt by
order of Sh&h Eukh, the grandson of Timur, and then received the name of Sh&hrukhiyah,
under which it is frequently mentioned by ‘All of Yazd.’ I think that this must be the town
meant by b. ‘Arabsh&h, despite the discrepancy in the explanation of its name.
68 Several of the Moghul Princes bore this name in consequence of this example.
64 Forbes gives Sh&h Bukh’s birthday as Aug. 20, 1877. The Greek historian, Ducas, gives
quite a different account of the origin of Sh&h Rukh’s name. He says :
‘Timiir and his son were playing chess at the moment when B&yazld was brought captive
into their tent. The son gave the check sh&h rukh to his father at that instant, and Timur
ever after gave the former that name.’ (Cf. p. 167.)
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
CHESS UNDER ISLAM
205
board i8 10 squares by 11, and there are 2 jamais , 2 zurafas, 2 (alias, 2 dabbabas,
a wazir, &c. A diagram of it is attached. The small chess is a mere nothing in
comparison with the great chess 55 ^ii. 798).
Among chess-players (in Timur s reign) were Muhammad b. 'Aqll al-Khaimi and
Zain al-Yazdl, &c., but the most skilled at that game was 'Ala’addln at-TabrlzI, the
lawyer and traditionist, who nsed to give Zain al-Yazdi the odds of a Baidaq and
beat him, and b. *AqIl the odds of a Faras and beat him. Timur himself, who
subdued all the regions of the East and the West and had given mate to every
sultan and king, both on the battle-field and in the game, used to say to him,
‘ You have no rival in the kingdom of chess, just as I have none in government ;
there is no one to be found who can perform such wonders as I and you, my lord
'All, each in his own sphere/ He has composed a treatise on the game of chess
and its situations. There was no one who could divine his intention in the game
before he moved. He was a Shafi'ite. • . . He told me that he had once seen in
a dream v Ali, the Commander of the Faithful, and had received from him a set
of chess in a bag, and no mortal had beaten him since then. 56 It was noteworthy
about his play that he never spent time in thought but the instant his opponent
made his move after long and tedious thought, *AlI played without delay or reflection.
He often played blindfold against two opponents, and showed by his play what his
strength would have been over the board. With the Amir (Timur) he used to play
at the great chess. I have seen at his house the round chess {shatranj muddawara)
and the oblong chess ( shatranj tawUa). The great chess has in it the additional
pieces that I have already mentioned. Its rules are best learnt by practice ;
a description would not have much value (ii. 872).
Wc have sundry references to this great master under the name of Khwaja
'All Shatranjl in Persian literature, 67 while the MS. RAS gives no less than
21 positions from his games. When this circumstance is considered in con-
nexion with the preface to this work, it certainly lends colour to the view that
the MS. is the work which b. 'AiabshSh tells us *All himself wrote. The
passage runs —
I have passed my life since the age of 1 5 years among all the masters of chess
living in my time ; and since that period till now, when I have arrived at middle
age, I have travelled through Traq-'ArabI, and Traq-ajamI, and Khurasan, and the
regions of Mawara’n-nahr (Transoxiana), and I have there met with many a master
in this art, and I have played with all of them, and through the favour of him
who is Adorable and Most High I have come off victorious.
Likewise, in playing blindfold, I have overcome most opponents, nor had they
the power to cope with me. I have frequently played with one opponent over the
board, and at the same time I have carried on four different games with as many
adversaries without seeing the board, whilst I conversed freely with my friends
all along, and through the Divine favour I conquered them all. Also in the great
chess I have invented sundry positions, as well as several openings, which no one
else ever imagined or contrived.
65 Descriptions of this and the other modifications of chess mentioned will be found
below, Ch. XVI.
* M 'All Shatranj! was not the only dreamer. AH and Y tell of a man (in AH, Abu*l-Mulaih ;
in Y, Sharr b. Sit'd) who had a son who was passionately fond of chess. The father forbade
him, but in vain. Then the father dreamt that he met the Prophet of Qod himself and
complained to him, 1 O Prophet of God ! I have a son who is passionately addicted to chess,
and I have forbidden it, and he will not cease playing.* Muhammad replied : 1 There is no
harm in it.*
For references to chess in Oriental works on the interpretation of dreams, see Bland, 38.
87 Awhadi wrote his life. Bland, 42, quotes a highly figurative passage from this biography.
‘ When he moved his Hook (face) in the arena (board) of imagination, he gave the odds of
two faras and/tt to the Shdhs of rhetoric ; the problem-players ( manpibah-bte ) of fancy fell mated
in the/M-tomi of confusion from his piyada. ■
Digitized by
Google
206
CHESS IN ASIA
PART
There are a great number of ingenious positions that have occurred to me in the
coarse of my experience, in the common game, as practised at the present day ;
and many positions given as won by the older masters I have either proved to be
drawn, or I have corrected them so that they now stand for what they were intended
to be. I have also improved and rendered more complete all the rare and cunning
stratagems hitherto recorded or invented by the first masters of chess. In short,
I have here laid before the reader all that I have myself discovered from experience
as well as whatever I found to be rare and excellent in the labours of my
predecessors.
Chess remained one of the favourite recreations at the courts of Timurs
descendants, and the Baler Autobiography (tr. Leyden and Erskine, London
and Edinburgh, 1826, pp. 187-195), names several courtiers at the court of
Husain Mirza, King of Khurasan (D. 1506), as inveterate chess-players.
Among these were Zulnun Arghun, Hassan 'All Jelair, Mir Murtaz, and the
poet Binai of Heri.
My last authority for the unreformed Muhammadan chess is b. Sukaikir,
the author of one of the MSS. which I have described in Chapter X, By birth
a Damascene, he travelled through Syria, and visited Constantinople before
filling the post of Preacher of the Mosque al-'Adillya at Halab (Aleppo), where
he died 987/1579. In his chess work he mentions some experiences of his
own. In 964 or 5 /c. 1557 he saw a blind player at Damascus, who had played
in the presence of the Sultan Sulaiman in Stambul. During the game the
Sultan removed one of his men. The blind man quickly detected the fact,
remarking that if the Sultan had done it there was nothing to be done but
to play his best, but if any one else bad done it he would appeal to the Sultan.
In 967-8/1559 one of the best players in Damascus was a certain az-Zain
al-Mathaka'a. Once when he was on the point of mating an Egyptian, to
whom he had given the odds of the firzdn, a ragged Persian who was watching
the game interposed and showed the Egyptian the move to thwart the attack.
Az-Zain was naturally angry, and his anger was not appeased by the Persian
telling him not to lose his temper because he did not know how to play.
However, he agreed to play the beggar, who began by deliberately sacrificing
faros, fit, and three baidaqs without any equivalent. Then he asked az-Zain to
name the piece with which he would choose to be mated. Az-Zain chose a baidaq ,
and the Persian gave him mate with a baidaq . Az-Zain, recognizing the Persian’s
skill, took him into his service. The Persian would never play except at the
odds of the ‘marked piece*. In 970/1562 he saw a Greek, Yusuf Chelebl,
at Trablis (Tripoli in Syria). This man used men of a larger pattern, and
played blindfolded by touch. Finally he saw a blindfold player in Con-
stantinople in 975/1567, who played often in his presence with uniform
success. Like an-Nizam al-'Ajaml, he could at any time describe the position
of every man on the board. The MS. Y narrates that there have been players
who could play four or five games simultaneously blindfold, and goes on
to say :
I have seen it written in a book, that a certain person played in this manner
at ten boards at once, and gained all the games, and even corrected his adversaries
when a mistake was made (Bland, 24).
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER XII
THE INVENTION OP CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND.
A variety of stories. — The oldest versions associated with India. — The connexion
with nard. — The earlier legends from the chess MSS., al-Ya'qubl, al-Mas'udl
and Firdawsi. — The dramatis personae. — The story of the reward for the inven-
tion. — The Geometrical progression in literature. — Later stories introducing
Adam, the sons of Noah, &c., and Aristotle.
The main facts of the earlier history of chess were well recognized by
the older Muslim historians and chess- writers. They admit without reserva-
tion that the ordinary chess on the board of 64 squares was originally an
Indian game which had reached them through the medium of Persia. But
they were not content to leave the history in so bare a dress, and they
endeavoured to take it farther back, to find a motive for the invention of the
game, and to explain the manner of its discovery. Only in all this they
had no historical foundations upon which to build other than the obvious
relationship in arrangement, plan, and nomenclature that existed between the
game of chess and the army and the tactics of war. This left an excellent
opportunity for the literary artist, and he did not hesitate to adorn the story
with details derived from his own imagination. Thus there appeared in quite
early Muslim times a number of stories, more or less plausible, to account
for the invention of chess, and the compilers of works on chess, from al-'Adll
down, were diligent in collecting these from the sources at their service.
Even writers of repute like al-Ya c qubl (c. 297/907 ) and al-Mas'udl found
a place for them in the pages of their historical works, while Firdawsi gave
literary shape to one of the most widely known in the Shahndma. We find
single legends repeatedly also in MSS. of miscellaneous contents in Arabic,
Persian, and Turkish.
When we survey the material 1 at our disposal we find that the legends
fall into three groups: those which are connected with India, those which
associate the game with characters drawn from Scripture history, and those
which bring in noted names from Greek philosophy. These two last groups
are of later date, and have none of the detail that accompanies the stories
of the first group, and it is not difficult to see a motive for the departure from
the earlier association with India.
The legends of the earlier group are all, openly or tacitly, concerned with
an Indian king or with the wise men of India. The connexion, however, is
1 Viz. in AH, C, and V, 8 legends which go back ultimately to al-VAdli’s work ; in BM, 1 ;
in H, 8 ; in Man., 6 ; in HAS, 8 ; in Al, 1 ; in S, 4 ; in Y, 8 ; in al-Ya'qubi, 2 ; in al-Mas'udl,
1 ; in b. Khallik&n, 2 ; in the Sh&hndma , 1 ; and some 7 or 8 in isolated MSS. mentioned
in Ch. X.
Digitized by v^,o He
208
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
quite general, in that a special kingdom or district of India is seldom specified.
The earlier Muslim writers appear to have formed their conception of a
country on the model of the Eastern Roman Empire, or of the SSsanian
Empire which their forefathers had overturned. 2 India was to them a single
kingdom, and it was long before they discovered that India was a geographical,
not a political entity. Only a few of the legends give names to the king
or sage of whom they treat, and still fewer attempt to fix the date at which
the events they are recording took place. The ordinary story is quite in-
determinate as to locality, dramatis personae , and date.
Several legends, however, connect the invention of chess in some way
or other with the game of nard ( tables , backgammon ). We have already met
with one instance of this association of games in the story of the introduction
of chess into Persia in the time of Nushlrwan. This linking of two games
that to us seem so dissimilar — chess, a game in which chance plays the
smallest of parts, and nard, a game in which chance plays the dominant
part — appears somewhat singular, yet no association of games has been so
persistent or has endured so long. It was not only prominent in Muslim
lands, where it runs all through the legal discussion, the literature, and the
traditions, but even in Christian Europe chess and tables appear in constant
juxtaposition. The player of chess appears almost every where in the literature
of the Middle Ages as a player of tables also, and the larger European
problem MSS. treat of chess, tables, and merels. In these collections, however,
the essential distinction between chess and tables is minimized, since in most
of the problems on tables the constraint of the dice has been replaced by the
liberty to select the throw desired, but this is, so far as the evidence goes,
a purely European innovation. In Muslim literature it is upon the essential
difference between chess as the game of skill and nard as the game of chance
that stress is everywhere laid. The players complete liberty to select the
move he wished to make in chess is contrasted with the players subjugation
to the dominion of blind chance in nard. Throughout the legends with
which I am about to deal, nard appears as the older and chess as the younger
game ; this is the reverse of what we find in the Nushlrwan story as told
in the Chatrang-namak and in the Shdhndma . There, it will be remembered,
the invention of nard is Buzurjmihr’s reply to the Indian challenge to discover
the nature of chess.
One of the older legends which occurs in AH (f. 1 b), C (f. 1 b), and V (f. 2 a),
with the omission of all proper names, as an extract from the work of al- c Adll,
and in almost identical words, with the addition of the proper names, in the
Tafikh of al-Ya'qubT (ed. Houtsma, Lugd. Bat., 1883, i. 99-102), brings the
two games together. In this legend, an Indian monarch named Hashran
2 Cf. AH, f. 24 b : — ‘The noblest of the kings is the king of horsemen who is the King of
Babylon, called Sh&hdnshaft (King of kings) next comes the king of elephants who is the King
of India ; next the King of China who is the king of infantry. But this is not the view
taken by the author of the J’in, who says “there are only four Kings ” and omits the King of
India, because the Indians are governed by provincial rulers whom he does not number
among the kings. When he says u there are four kings” he means the Kings of Babylon, the
Turks, Byzantium, and China.*
Digitized by Google
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
209
is represented as appealing to an Indian sage, QaflSn by name, to devise a
game that should symbolize man’s dependence upon destiny and fate, and
depict the way in which these forces work by means of man’s environment.
The philosopher accordingly invented the game of nard, and explained to
the king that the board stood for the year. It had 24 points (‘ houses ’) in
all, because there are 24 hours to the day. It was arranged in two halves,
each with 12 points to symbolize the 12 months of the year, or the 12 signs
of the Zodiac. The number of men (‘dogs’) was 30, because there are
30 days to the month. The two dice 3 stood for day and night. The faces
were arranged with the 6 opposite to the 1, the 5 opposite to the 2, and the
4 opposite to the 3, so that the total of the dots on each pair of opposite
feces should be 7, to bring in the number of days of the week and the
7 luminaries of the heavens. 4 The players threw one of the dice in order
to determine the order of play, and the one who secured the higher throw
commenced, and moved his men in obedience to the throws given by the two
dice. In this way man’s dependence upon fate for good or evil fortune was
made evident. Hashran was delighted with the game and introduced it in
India, where it became extremely popular.
At a later date there arose a king, Balhait by name, who was advised
by a Brahman that this game was contrary to the precepts of his religion.
The king accordingly planned to replace nard by a new game, that should
demonstrate the value of such qualities as prudence, diligence, thrift, and
knowledge, and in this way oppose the fatalist teaching of nard. His
Brahman friend undertook the task, and invented chess, explaining its name
of shafranj by the Persian hashat-ranj , in which hashat means eight and
ranj means side. 6 The board was 8 by 8 squares, and there were 16 men
( kalba , = dogs) on either side, viz. shah , firz , 2 fils, 2 fata s } 2 rukhs , and
8 pawns. It was made on the model of war, because war is the most effective
school for teaching the value of administration, decision, prudence, caution,
arrangement, strategy, circumspection, vigour, courage, force, endurance, and
bravery. Balhait was charmed with the game, and did his best to induce his
subjects to adopt it in the place of nard.
Al-Mas'udfs version of the story is very similar, but there is some
variation in the characters of the story. He does not, however, give it as
one story, but places the two incidents in what he considered to be their
proper chronology. Thus in ch. vii of his Muruj adk-dhahab (ed. cit., i. 157),
under the reign of al-Bahbud, the eldest son of al-Barahman, we read :
It was at this time that nard and its rules were invented. It is symbolical
•of property, which is not the reward of intelligence or strength in this world, just
* Most of the mediaeval European games on the backgammon board required three dice.
Apparently from an impromptu quatrain of the Persian poet Azraqi (end of 12th c. ; see
Browne, Lit, Hist. Persia , ii. 89), two dice only were used in the Muhammadan game.
4 By which are meant the components of the Solar System, as then understood : the Sun
and Moon, and the planets Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, ana Venus.
• This shows that neither al-'Adll nor al-Ya‘qubi knew of the earlier Per. form chatrang ,
nor the Skr. chaturanga. It is amusing to see the Brahman represented as going to Persian
for a name for his game.
mo O
Digitized by Google
210
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
as possessions are not gained by scheming. Others say that Ardashlr b. Babak
discovered and invented this game, which was suggested to him by the contemplation
of the changes and caprices of fortune. He made its points 12 after the number
of the months, and the men (‘ dogs ') 30, after the number of days in the month.
The two dice represent fate and its capricious dealings with men. The player,
when the chances are favourable, secures what he wants ; but the ready and prudent
man cannot succeed in gaining what a happy chance has given to the other. Thus
it is that property is due in this world to a fortunate chance.
A little later in the same chapter (ed. cit., i. 159) we read :
The next king (to Dabshalim) was Balhait. At this time chess was invented,
which the king preferred to nard, because in this game skill always succeeds
against ignorance. He made mathematical calculations on chess, and wrote a book
on it called Taraq janka * which has continued popular among the Indians. He
often played chess with the wise men of his court, and it was he who represented
the pieces by the figures of men and animals, and assigned them grades and ranks.
He likened the Shah to the chief ruler, and similarly with the rest of the pieoes.
He also made of this game a kind of allegory of the heavenly bodies (the 7 planets
and the 12 zodiacal signs), and dedicated each piece to a star. The game of chess
became a school of government and defence ; it was consulted in time of war, when
military tactics were about to be employed, to study the more or less rapid move-
ments of troops. The Indians ascribe a mysterious interpretation to the doubling
of the squares of the chessboard; they establish a connexion between the First
Cause which soars above the spheres and on which everything depends, and the sum
of the square of its squares. This number equals 18,446,744,073,709,551,615 . . .
The Indians explain by these calculations the march of time and of the ages, the
higher influences which govern the world, and the bonds which link them to
the human soul. The Greeks (al- Yunomxyan ), the Byzantines (ar-Rum), &c. have
special theories and methods about this game, as we may see in the works of the
chess-players from the most ancient down to as-Suli and al-'Adll, the two most
famous players of our time. Balhait reigned until his death, for 84 or, as other
authorities say, 300 years. [His successor was Qurush.]
The same legend, but told more baldly and with omission of names, occurs
in Man., f. 16 b. The root idea of the story is seen in the witty remark
which al-Mas'udl quotes on a later stage of the same book (ed. cit., viii. 320),
at the close of some additional remarks on nard.
Lastly, a Muslim philosopher has maintained that the inventor of chess was
a mu'tazilite believer in the freedom of the will, while the inventor of nard was
a fatalist who wished to show by this game that man can do nothing against fate,
and that the true wisdom is to mould one's life in agreement with the decrees of
chance.
It is assumed in this legend that nard was a game of Indian invention,
and in so far the story is opposed to the other tradition, that nard was the
invention of Artakhshlr the son of Babakan, the first of the Sasanian kings
of Persia (a. d. 226-40), which is quoted at length in BM f. 5 b, in H f. 4 b,
and in Man. f. 16 a. The attempt was made by later writers to bring the two
legends into harmony by introducing modifications into the chess story. The
motive for the discovery of chess is no longer the moral improvement of the
6 The suggestion that this name is really a corruption of the Skr. chaturanga was made so
long ago as 1888 by Gildemeister in his Scriptorum Arabum de Rebus Indicis, Bonn, 1838, p. 142.
The reading Torok hankd taida which occurs in Sprenger’s El Mas'udi's 1 Meadows of Gold \ London,.
1841, p. 171, is due to a misreading of the Arabic.
Digitized by boogie
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
211
Indian nard-players, but becomes the humiliation of the Persians. King
Balhait is represented as being so aggrieved at the boastings of the Persians
because of their discovery of nard, that he called upon a philosopher of his
court, Sassa b. Dahir, to invent a game that should transcend nard. The
game of chess was Sassa’s reply. We find this in the chess MSS. H (f. 5 a),
and Man. (f. 16 a) — in the latter from b. Taimlya (D. 72 8/1328).
It is this story which is included in the life of as-Suli the chess-player in
the K m wafaydt ul-ctyan of b. Khallikan (D. 681/1282), 7 whence it was taken
by as-Safadl (D. 764/1363) in his Shark Ldmlyat al-Ajam, and by b. Sukaikir
(S f. 25 a).
I have met many people who thought that a?-Suli was the inventor of chess.
This is a mistake, for chess was invented by Sis$a b. Dahir for King Shihram.
Ardashlr b. B&bak, the founder of the last Persian dynasty, discovered nard, which
was hence named nardashir. Balhait was King of India at that time, and §issa
invented chess for him. The wise men of that time held it to be more excellent
than nard. It is said that when Si$sa had invented chess and produced it to
King Shihram, the latter was filled with amazement and joy. He ordered that
it should be preserved in the temples, and held it the best thing that he knew
as a training in the art of war, a glory to religion and the world, and the foundation
of all justice. He expressed his joyful thanks for the favour which heaven had
granted to his reign through such a discovery, and said to Si$sa, ‘ Ask whatever you
desire/ &c.
There is an obvious contradiction in this allusion, and both of the later
writers endeavoured to remove it. As-Safadl omits all mention of Shihram,
and names the Indian monarch Balhait throughout. B. Sukaikir, on the
contrary, calls the monarch ShihrSm and expressly describes him as an Indian
king. He adds the note : 4 Some say that it was invented for Balhith, e. g.
al-Y&fi'i/ 8
The analogy existing between chess and war is the motive for four legends
which are peculiar to the chess books. In one of these (BM f. 4 a, H f. 6 a,
and HAS) the game is invented to find a distraction for a king who was
passionately fond of war, but who had overcome all his enemies and was
falling ill from ennui at not being able to pursue his favourite occupation.
A philosopher produced for him chess, and showed him how he could still
conduct forces and devise tactics in this game. The king tried the game,
ascertained that the philosopher had spoken truly, and found distraction and
health in playing chess. All the MSS. place the scene in India, H has no
names for the characters of the story, BM calls the philosopher Susa b. Dahir,
while BAS names the king Kaid, and the philosopher Sassa, placing the event
shortly after the invasion of Alexander the Great. In this particular version,
however, Sassa merely abridges the 4 Complete Chess ’ 9 by reducing the size
of the board from 11 by 11 to8 by 8 squares, and the number of pieces
from 56 to 32, because the Indians were incapable of appreciating so com-
7 Cf. M. G. de Slane’s English edition of the Lives , London, 1843-71, iii. 71. The Arabio
text is partially given by Hyde, ii. 58.
* See the Arabic texts in Hyde, ii. 60 and 61.
9 For a description of this game, see Ch. XVI. The story in RAS is given in exlenso by
Forbes, 60seq.
O 2
Digitized by Google
212
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
plicated a game. The complete chess itself was the invention of a Greek
sage, Hermes, and had been introduced into India by Alexander and his
soldiers.
In the second of these (AH f. 3 a, C f. 4 a, V f. 5 a, from al-'Adll’s work, and
in BAS) the game is invented to assist in the military education of a young
prince who pleaded that he was incompetent to lead his armies in war owing
to his want of experience. The game of chess is alleged to have given the
necessary training in tactics to convert him into an efficient commander. In
both manuscript accounts the scene is laid in India, but BAS alone attempts
to determine the characters of the story. These are stated to have been the
young son and successor of Fur (Pauras, the opponent of Alexander) and his
vizier Sassa b. Dahir. BAS again substitutes the abridgement of a Greek
game for the invention of a new one.
The third story again represents chess as invented for the purpose of
affording an opportunity for the practice of military tactics, and only differs
from the previous legend in the matter of the particular circumstance of the
invention. This story occurs in AH f. 3 b (C f. 4 b, V f. 5 b, H f. 6 a, Man.
f. 15 b, Y and S) as one of the three versions occurring in al-'AdH's book.
Its special interest consists in the fact that the game is represented as
invented for a certain king 10 named Shahram 11 by the Indian sage §assa b.
Dahir, who gave the game to the king ‘ with the 14 ta'blyat which are
depicted in this book \ 12 The story of the reward is attached in AH to this
story. B. Khallikan, at the end of his biography of as-SulI the chess-player,
interpolates a reference to this story when he mentions Shihram as the
monarch for whom Sissa b. Dahar invented chess.
The fourth story is told in Man. f. 15 a, on the authority of b. Makhsharl.
It is to the effect that a certain King of India, who was peaceably inclined,
procured the invention of chess in order that his fellow-monarchs might
settle their disputes over the board without effusion of blood.
I have left to the last what is probably the oldest of all the legends on the
subject, dating back to pre-Muhammadan days. I have already called atten-
tion to the allusion to it in the tradition connecting the caliph *Omar b. al-
Khattab with chess, which I believe to be a genuine tradition. The legend
is neither in al- c Adll (AH) nor in al-Mas'udl, but al-Ya'qubl has a version
of it which is interesting because of some of the details (ed. cit., i. 102-5).
It is related by some of the wise men of India that when Huslya, the daughter
of Balhait, was Queen, a rebel rose against her. Now she was a prophetess with
four children, and she invested her son. And the rebel slew her son. Now the
men of her kingdom honoured him, and they guarded against her learning it.
10 His kingdom is not definitely stated in these MSS., but b. Sukaikir speaks of him as an
Indian king. I think it clear that the MSS. intended to lay the scene in India, because the
sage is Indian, while Al-'Adli elsewhere (quoted in AH f. 24 a, and H f. 19a) states that the
ordinary chess is ascribed or attributed to India.
II So V. The text in AH and C is corrupt at this point, but there is no doubt that this
name occurs in the corrupt sentence.
m This sentence occurs in AH and the allied MSS. C and V, and also in Man. f. 15 b. It
is appropriate to none of these works, and can only mean that al-'Adli gave 14 ta'biy&t in his
work, and pretended that they were as old as chess.
Digitized by
Google
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
213
So they went to the philosopher Qaflan who was possessed of knowledge, wisdom,
and prudence, and told him of it. He asked for three days and they granted it.
He spent the time in thought. Then he called his disciple, * Summon a carpenter
with wood of two colours, white and black/ Then he devised the chessmen and
ordered the carpenter to carve them. Next he called to him, * Bring me tanned
leather/ He ordered him to mark 64 squares on it, and he did so. Then he
arranged a side, and studied it until he understood and had learnt it. Then he said
to his disciple, 4 This is war without bloodshed/ So he came to the men of the
kingdom and produced it, and when they saw it they knew that no one exceeded
him in wisdom. He made his disciple fight, and there befell shah mat , and the
Shah was conquered. Now the Queen was interested in the news about Qaflan, and
she visited him and bade him show her his invention. He called his disciple with
the chess, and arranged it square by square. They played, and the winner said
shah mat . And she remembered and knew what he wished her to know, and she
said to Qafl&n, ‘ My son is dead/ He said, 1 You have said- it/ Then she said to
the doorkeeper, ‘Let the people enter to comfort me/ And when she had made
an end, she summoned Qaflan and said to him, ‘ Ask what you will/ He said , 1 Give
me a gift in grains of corn upon the squares of the chessboard. On the first square
one grain (on the second two), on the third square double of that on the second, and
continue in the same way until the last square/ She said, ‘ How much is this ? ’
and she ordered the corn to be brought. So they went on until she had exhausted
the corn in the country. Then he estimated its value in money, and received that.
And when this went on for a long time, he said, * I have no need of it : a small
portion of worldly goods suffices me/ Then she asked him about the number of
grains that he had demanded.
Whereupon follows the total of the Geometrical Progression, which I give
below.
There is a brief allusion to this story in H f. 6 a, but it is best known
through its inclusion in the Shalinama (ii. 2889-3431 ; in Mohl’s edition,
Paris, 1868, vi. 400-444), 13 where FirdawsI names as his immediate
authority a certain Shahul. As Ntildeke has pointed out, 14 this is probably
a misreading of the name Mflhul, Mahul Chorsedh, the son of Bahram of
Sh&pur, being one of the four Zoroastrian priests to whom Abu Manfur al-
Ma'mari entrusted the work of arranging the national annals of Persia in
a. D. 957-8. The section now bears the title of ‘ The history of Gau and
Talkhand, with the invention of chess*. The titles of the various sections
do not, however, go back to FirdawsI.
The story treats of some incidents in the history of a kingdom in North-
West India, which comprised Kashmir and all the land to the confines of
China, with Sandal! for capital. A king of this realm, Jamhur, who excelled
Fur (Pauras) in fame, had died, leaving a widow and an infant son, Gau.
He was succeeded by his brother, Mai, who married the widow and, after
a short reign, died, leaving an infant son, Talkhand, who was five years
younger than his half-brother. During the minority the widow held the
regency, the question of the ultimate succession being left in abeyance. Each
of the princes considered that his claim was the stronger, and their mother
w Whence the brief version in ath-Tha'&libl's Ohurar akhbdr mulQk aUFurs (ed. Zotenberg,
Paris, 1900, p. 624).
14 Grundriss d. iran. Phtl ., ii. 144.
Digitized by Google
214
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
foolishly encouraged each in turn. As the boys grew up, the disputes became
more bitter, and Talkhand adopted a most aggressive attitude. Gau, on the
other hand, was as conciliatory as possible. Finally, however, Talkhand forced
an appeal to the arbitrament of war. Gau gave the strictest instructions to
his supporters that Talkhand’s life was to be spared. In the first battle Gau
was successful, but Talkhand managed to collect his scattered forces, and
a second battle took place close to the sea-shore. At the close of the battle,
Talkhand was separated from his army and surrounded by the forces of his
opponent, but when these came up to him, he was found to be already dead.
The tidings plunged his mother into the deepest sorrow, and in her grief she
accused Gau of slaying his brother. Gau defended himself, but to no purpose,
and finally he offered to destroy himself if he could not demonstrate clearly
to her how Talk hand’s death really happened. In order to compass this, Gau
took counsel with his tutor, and by his advice convened all the wise men of
the kingdom and laid the case before them. After a whole night’s con-
sideration,
These experienced men ordered ebony to be brought, and two strong men made
from it a square board to represent the ditch, the field of battle, and the armies
drawn up opposite one another. They marked on this board 100 squares on which
the armies and the two kings were to move, and finally they made two armies of
teak and ivory, and two kings with heads erect, majestic and crowned. The infantry
and cavalry formed the ranks in the battle array. They carved the figures of
horses, elephants, viziers, and brave men charging on horseback against the enemy,
all just as they went to the battle, Eome leaping in their haste, others moving
calmly. 15 Eeady for battle, the Shah (king) stood in the centre ; on one side was
the Firzcma (counsellor), his faithful companion. Next to the Shah on both sides
were two PUs (elephants) who raised a dust, dark as indigo, about the throne.
Two Shuturs (camels) were placed next to the Plls, and two men of pure intention
were mounted on them. Next to the Shuturs were two Asps (horses) with their
riders, ready to fight on the day of battle. As warriors the two Rukhs at the two
ends of the lines of battle raised their empty hands to the lips, as if to drink the
foe’s heart’s blood. In front and rear moved the Piyada (foot- soldiers), who were
to come to the assistance of the others in the battle ; if any pressed through to the
other end of the field of battle, he was placed beside the Shah like the Firzdna.
The brave Firzcma never moved in the battle more than one square from bis Shah.
The mighty PU ran through three squares, and observed the whole battle-field,
two miles wide. The Shutur also ran through three squares, snorting and stamping
on the field. The Asps move also extended over three sqnares, in crossing which
one of the squares remained untouched. To all sides ran the vindictive Rukh,
and he crossed the whole field of battle. Each piece moved in its own area, and
made neither less nor more than its appointed move. 16 If any one saw the Shah
in the battle, he cried aloud, ‘ Remove, O Shah ! ’ and the Shah left his square until
he was able to move no longer. The other Shah , the Asp , Rukh, Farzin , Pil, and
Piyadas had closed the road to him. When the Shah had looked about him on
all four sides, and with knit brows had seen his army overthrown, and his road
barred by the water and the ditch, while the enemy were to left and right, before
and behind, he died (was mate) of weariness and thirst.
18 The text of the following lines, giving the position and moves, varies in different MSS.
I have followed Pertsch’s translation (v. d. Linde, i. 68-9); Hyde’s text and translation
(ii. 76-8) vary considerably.
18 Hyde's text adds two lines here : 1 When one man attacked another, each one watches
to bring help to his comrade.’
Digitized by Google
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
215
Gau took this game of chess which thus explained the death of Talkhand
to his mother. She continued to study it day and night without desiring
food, until death released her from her sorrow. And from that time the
chessboard has remained in the knowledge of mankind.
It is somewhat remarkable that in this legend FirdawsI has replaced the
ordinary chess by a variety requiring an enlarged board, when no motive for
the change can be discovered. As will be seen from the account of the
derived forms of chess in Chapter XVI, he has not even adopted the standard
variety on the 10 by 10 board of the chess books, but describes a form that
is not mentioned elsewhere. The legend is repeated in HAS, as from the
Shahndma, but the author of that MS. set out with the deliberate intention of
enhancing the age and importance of another modification of chess, the Com-
plete chess that was preferred by his sovereign the Mongol Timur, and he has
substituted for Firdawsl’s account of the invention a new version which makes
Sassa b. Dfihir abridge the Complete chess into a game on the 8 by 8 board.
We have already seen that he has dealt similarly with two other older
legends.
Gildemeister (cf. Qst., 16) has expressed dissatisfaction with the ordinary
texts of the Shahndma for this story. He points out that there is much variety
of text in accessible MSS., and suggests that a scribal error first led to the
appearance of the camel in one line which gives the names of the pieces, and
that then later scribes restored the self-consistency of Firdawsl’s description
by altering the dimensions of the board from 8 by 8 to 10 by 10, and intro-
ducing the lines relating to the camel’s position and move. It is much to be
desired that a critical examination of the known MSS. could be made, but the
immensity of the task of doing this for the Shahndma has probably deterred
scholars from attempting it. The gain would not be worth the toil, except
for points like the present, which do not touch the literary or historical value
of the epic.
There is, however, at least one other work which makes the same substitu-
tion of the 10 by 10 board for the 8 by 8. This is the short history of
ar-Rist&ml (840/1436-7), contained in MS. Gotha Arab. 1738 (old 1419). It
mentions the introduction of chess into Persia thus (f. 3 a) —
After the sage Barzuya had brought the K . Kaltla tea Dimna from India with the
Complete chess (ash-shatranj at-tamma), which has 10 by 10 squares, he translated
it from Indian into Persian.
To this, however, I attach no importance. I do not know what authorities
this late writer followed.
Various attempts have been made to identify the characters whose names
recur most frequently in these legends, on the assumption that the names are
really Indian in origin. The task is, however, one of great, if not insuperable,
difficulty. The history of India, as it appears in the pages of early Muslim
writers, is as unreal as their knowledge of the condition of India in their own
days. Foreign names were peculiarly liable to misrepresentation when they
were put into an Arabic dress. Moreover we are not certain of the forms
Digitized by Google
216
CHESS IN ASIA
PAJIT I
of the proper names in the legends. 17 The reader will have already noticed
how I have used different vowels with different MSS. In the older Arabic
MSS. the short vowels are unmarked, and when MSS. began to contain in-
structions as to the vocalization of the names, it was too late for them to
have any historical authority behind, and the directions are based upon the
analogy of native Arabic words. How unsafe a guide this analogy could be,
we have already seen in the substitution of shitranj for shatranj. But there
are other elements of uncertainty and error that are more serious still. The
accuracy of the consonants in Arabic depends upon the close and accurate
copying of the diacritical marks which distinguish many of the letters.
Errors were always possible, but they are most dangerous in the case of
foreign words, where detection is most difficult. If, again, the word has been
derived from Pahlawl MSS., as is not impossible in the case of some of these
legends, there is the additional possibility of error due to the deficiencies of
the Pahlawl script. Noldeke 18 sees nothing impossible in tracing Shihram
or Shahram, al-Ya'qubl’s Hashran, the Dabshallm of the Kallla wa Dimna,
and the Dewasarm of the Chatrang-namak all back to one Pahlawl original.
If this be so, how can we feel certain of anything ?
Among other suggestions as to the identity of Shahram are Hyde’s
(ii. 60), that the name is a scribal error for Baharam or Bahram, a name
which occurs frequently among the Sasanian kings, and also was used in
India ; and Pertsch’s, that Shahram = Shah Rama (v. d. Linde, ii. 441).
Sir H. M. Elliott in his History of India by Us own historians (i. 409-10)
suggests that Shahram was Shahr Irfin or Shahriyar (i.e. Kobad Shlruyah),
one of the last of the Sasanian kings of Persia, who ruled for a few months
(a.d. 628-9) during the disturbed period that followed the death of Khusraw
II Parwlz. He, however, assumed that b. Khallikfin described ShihrfUn as
a Persian king, which is not the case. In any case it is difficult to see why
the least important of all the SasSnians should have been selected to adorn
the legend. I return to Elliott’s argument below.
Balhait, Balhft or Balhlth is the other Indian king who is frequently
mentioned in the stories. Hyde (ii. 62) says that the form Balhib also occurs.
He suggested that these forms, which in the Arabic only differ in the dia-
critical dots to the last consonant, are intended to represent the Indian
dynasty of the Balabhi or Balhara, who ruled in Guzerat from a.d. 319 to 613.
This would make the name a title and not a personal name, and in this way
he explains the apparent contradiction in the legend as given by b. Khallik&n.
This is ingenious, but not convincing, since other Arabic writers frequently
use the correct form Balhara. It is, however, the only close resemblance that
I can discover. Al-Mas'udl’s succession of Indian kings — Barahman, 366
years ; al-Bahbud, 100 years ; Ram ah, 150 years ; Fur, 140 years (the Pauras
or Porus of Alexander’s time, b.c. 326); Dabshalim, 120 years; Balhlth, 80
17 The ordinary forms now used are in the main due to b. Sukaikir (S f. 25b, see Hyde,
ii. 69), who prescribes Shihr&m and Sissa b. D&har.
18 Ndldeke, Sitzungsb. d. K. Akad. d. Wissenschajlen , Wien, 1892, czxvi. 24.
Digitized by Google
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
217
or 300 years ; Kurush, 120 years (who was followed by many Princes down
to al-Ballahra, who was al-Mas'udl’s contemporary in a.d. 943) — is of no
assistance whatever to the solution of the difficulty.
Although no light has been thrown on the name QaflSn, the more ordinary
name given to the inventor himself, viz. Sassa b. Dahir, 19 appears to be
satisfactorily explained. These two names occur in connexion with a Brahman
dynasty which ruled in the lower Scinde towards the close of the Umayyad
caliphate, when the Muhammadans conquered this part of India. The kings
of this family were Khakha, 632-72; Khandar, 672-79 ; Dahir, 679-712.
Khakha, the founder of the dynasty, appeal's in Persian histories as Chach the
son of SilSTj, and in Arabic histories (at-Tabarl, and al-Baladhurl) as Sassa,
while his son Dahir retains his Indian name. Al-Baladhurl gives the latter
a son Sas&a b. Dahir, but only mentions him incidentally as having fled from
the Muslims to a certain fortress. Elliott., 20 who develops the identification,
is inclined to see more in it than a coincidence or a conscious appropriation of
names. He thinks that the king Khakha or Sassa was the cause of the
introduction of chess to the Western world, and associates in the story the
nearly contemporary Sasanian Shahriyar (Shlruyah). I do not think that
this view can be made to harmonize with the history of the game as now
known. It puts the introduction into Persia too late for the facts, it ignores
the difficulties that ShahrSm in the stories is an Indian, not a Persian king,
that Sassa is the son, not the father, of Dahir, that Sassa is a philosopher, not
a usurping monarch. I think the truth is to be found in the view that the
earliest teller of the legend chose the Indian names that were most familiar
to his generation, in order to give verisimilitude to his story. This leaves to
Khakha the more modest share in the history of chess of lending his name
to the hero of chess-romance.
Bland (62) suggested that Sassa is a corruption of the name Xerxes, and
identified him with the philosopher who in European fable is associated
with the discovery of chess. 21 I am inclined to agree with his identification,
only I think the perversion of name has been in the other direction, and that
the European Xerxes is an attempt to explain the Arabic Sassa.
All the MSS., al-Ya^qubl, and b. Khallikan add to one or other of their
legends a conclusion which tells how the philosopher was rewarded for his
invention of chess. When the king invited him to choose his own reward,
he is said to have asked for a quantity of corn which was to be placed upon
the chessboard in a particular way. The first square was to hold one grain, 22
19 The name varies considerably in the MSS. I have used. I have collected the following
forms : $assa b. Dahar or Dahir (AH, C, H without parentage, Man., Gotha 1738, BodL Ar.
182) ; $issa b. Dahir (B. Khallikan, as-$afadi, S) ; §usa b. Dahir (BM) ; Sahsaha b. Dahir
(Al, RAS) ; Sa'sa’a b. Dahir (Gotha 1343, NVetz. ii. 1*149) ; Dada b. Tahir (Khusru 7B8) ;
Dada b. Dahir (V) ; Nasir b. Dahir (quoted in Hyde, ii. 67) ; §i^a (Y) ; $isa (F;.
* Op. cit., i. 409-10. Elliott shows that the transliteration of Per. Chach as Ar. §assa
is quite reasonable. To his instances I may add the geographical ones Per. Chahik « Ar.
§fihik ; Per. Chagh&niyan = Ar. §agh&niy&n. The Per. Chach (the older name of Tashkand),
however, became in Ar. Shash. At-Tabari died 310/928 ; al-Bal&dhuri, 279/892.
* l In Cessolis’ De moribus kotninum et officii $ nobUium .
” The calculation is occasionally made in dirhems, in which case Forbes (65, n. 1) says
the sum is a cube of gold with an edge six miles long.
Digitized by A.OO£le
218
CHESS IN ASIA
PAET I
the second two, the third four, the fourth eight, and so on, each square
containing double the number of grains that were placed upon the preceding
square. The quantity of corn asked is, of course, enormous, the number of
grains being the sum of a geometrical progression of sixty-four terms, with
1 for the first term and 2 for the common ratio. The total is 2® 4 -1, or
18,446,744,073,709,551,615 grains,
a quantity which would cover England to a uniform depth of 38*4 feet. 28 It
is added that the king did not know which to admire the most, the invention
of chess or the ingenuity of the request.
This calculation is undoubtedly of Indian origin, the early Indian mathe-
maticians being notoriously given to long-winded problems of this character.
In its earliest form it may be older than chess, and be based upon the athtapada
board. 24 I have already quoted a passage from al-Mas f udI in which he speaks
of the importance which the Indians attached to the sum of the Progression.
It would appear to have also been a favourite calculation among the Muslims,
though they generally shirked the complete solution by reducing to larger
units whenever the figures grew inconveniently large. This also made the
immensity of the sum more easy of comprehension. Thus al-Birunl reduces
the total to 2,305 mountains ‘ which is more than the world contains ’. He
also makes use of the real sum in his AUathar al-baqiy a (ed. Sachau, Leipzig,
1878, and Eng. tr., London, 1879) to illustrate the different systems of
numeration current in his day. At least two Arabic treatises were written
on the problem, viz. the Tatfifbuyut a*h-*hatranj of al-MissisI (9-10th c. A.D.)* 5
and the Tatf if'adail ruqa ashshatranj of al-Akfanl (D. 749/1348), and several
shorter discussions occur in MSS. which I have seen. The MS. Man. gives
no less than five methods of treating the problem, one from b. Kballikan (who
naively states that he did not believe the total could be so great until he met
an accountant of Alexandria who showed him the actual calculation), two from
ar-Rfighib, 26 the fourth from the Durrat aUmudfa of Qutbaddln Muhammad
b. VAbdalqSdir, and the fifth from al-Akfanl. MS. Gotha Ar. 1343 has also
three calculations, the last of which is interesting since the story is different
from the usual one. In this a Sultan who used to challenge all comers at chess,
beheading all whom he defeated, after beating ninety-nine opponents met his
superior in a dervish. The latter claimed the usual reward — in dirhems.
The calculation reached Europe with the Arabic mathematics, and was
discussed by Leonardo Pisano in his Liber Abbacu Other European references
to the Progression will be found below in Part II, Chapter IX.
The later Arabic legends which bring chess into association with Bible
history need not detain us. They are clearly an attempt to rehabilitate the
28 Lodge. Easy Mathematics , London, 1905, 215 ; where a modernized version of th© story
is attempted.
24 Cf. Macdonell, JRAS., 126-8. He thinks that the Skr. name koshpi&g&ra (granary) for
the squares of the chessboard may have suggested the problem. Gildemeister differs ( ZDMQ. r
zxviii. 682 ffl ).
* B Fihrist, p. 281. Cf. Hammer, Liter at urgeschichte, iv. 866.
s * In the Muhddar&t al-udabd' .
Digitized by Google
chap, xii INVENTION OF CHESS IN MUSLIM LEGEND
219
game of chess at a time when the legal schools were looking with disfavour
upon it. The earliest record of this type of tradition that I know occurs in
the preface to as-Sulfs K. ashshatranj . After referring to al-'Adll’s state-
ment that chess was invented by Sassa b. Dshir, as-Suli goes on to say that
this is a fabrication which he had found in many works. For himself he
preferred to accept the ‘ statement based on sound tradition ’ which he traces
back to Ka'b al-Akhbar, one of the most notorious forgers of traditions that
Islam ever knew, that chess was invented by Bushaqus, Yush € a b. Nun
(Joshua) and Kalab b. Yufannfi (Caleb), and that the first who played the
game was Q&run (Korah). Bushaqus taught the game to the Persians.
Later writers are still more daring in their assertions. The MS. H suggests
that chess was invented by Adam to console himself for the death of Abel,
and numbers Shem, Japhet, and King Solomon among the chess-players.
From the time of al-Ma’mun onwards, the writings of the more famous
Greek philosophers became known to the Muslim world in translation. It
was, perhaps, inevitable that the scattered allusions to the Greek board-games
which occur in Plato and other writers should be misapplied to chess, but to
this we owe the statements in H and later chess books that Aristotle, Galen,
and Hippocrates were also chess-players.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ: ITS THEORY AND PRACTICE. I
The chessboard. — The names of the chessmen in Muslim lands. — Symbolism of the
game. — Forms of the chessmen. — The arrangement of the men for play.— The
moves of the chessmen, and technical terms. — Relative values of the pieces. —
Aim and method of play. — Notation. — Concordant and discordant men. — Classi-
fication of players. — Gradations of odds. — Etiquette of play.
The shatranj board resembles all native Asiatic boards in being un-
chequered, but differs from the Indian and other boards in showing no trace
of any regular marking of certain squares. The term ‘board*, however, is
somewhat deceptive. The Arabic names, 1 ruqa (a patch or piece of paper),
sufra (a table-cloth or napkin), nat'a (a cloth) and bisdt (a carpet), all imply
a soft material, and from the earliest days of the Muslim game down, the
board has generally been a square piece of cloth or other substance upon which
the dividing lines of the squares (Ar. bait, house, pi. buyut ; Per. khdna,
pi. khanahd ; Turk, an, pi. aular) are worked in another colour. In more
elaborate chess-cloths the individual squares may bear a pattern of some
simple type, or be merely indicated by the regular recurrence of a conventional
design which occupies the centre of the otherwise undivided squares, while
these patterns or designs may even, as in the case of the so-called Turkish
cloth of which Falkener gives a photograph (196), show a further differentia-
tion on lines analogous to the Indian marked squares. In the desert rougher
materials still are employed : Stamma ( Noble Game of Chess , London, 1745,
xii) notes :
The wild Arabs draw the Squares on the Ground, and pick up Stones of different
Shapes and Sizes, which serve them for Pieces.
Boards of more solid materials — it will be remembered that al-Ya'qubi
describes Qaflan as making his board of leather — and even chequered boards
are not entirely unknown, but the chequering is incidental to the ornamenta-
tion of the chessboard, and is not essential for its use. With the fondness
of the Egyptian, the Turk, and the Persian for inlaid work in wood, it would
be strange indeed if so obvious a method of beautifying the board had not
suggested itself. The artist, painting a chess scene for some MS., found the
same device at hand. 2 But all these are by way of exception only; with
1 The Per. terms are pistar , takht ; the Turk, takhtasi ; the Syrian Arabs use the word tost
(At. dasht).
* Forbes (90) mentions a drawing of a chequered board in MS. 18,804, f. 260, written
c. 1700. Bland (46) quotes a couplet from Ghaz&ll of Meshed which he thought referred to
a chequered board. He translates, ‘ Fortune, to win the ready stake of thy life, Ghecquered
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
221
the limited powers of move of the older Muslim game, the chequered board
was less of a convenience than it is in modern days, when more pieces move
with larger sweeps.
Other Arabic terms in connexion with the chessboard which I have noted
from the older MSS. are hashya , margin (generally of the Rooks’ files) ; wijli,
wujh , jiha (pi. jahai ), janib i side or wing of the board ; nahia al-firzdn, the
Queen’s wing ; zdwaya , ruin (R and H only), corner square ; wa*f ar-ruqa ,
the four central squares ; sdf (pi. safat ), file, as sdf ar-rikhdkh , the Rooks’ file ;
mff (pi. *ufuf) y saffa t file or row, as in faff al-awsaf, a central file ; mashya
(rarely), file.
* The names of the chessmen (Ar. dabba t pi. daw abb i beast — used apparently
at times in a more restricted sense, e. g. L, 14 b, firzan 10 a dawabb , Queen and
Pieces, and f. 65 b, dawdbl hull wa bayddiq , all the Pieces and Pawns ; qifa,
piece ; ialb, pi. kildb^ dog ; mithdl , pi. * amthila , iamdthil, figure. Per. kata, pi.
kdldhd , in RAS only ; muhrah . Collectively : Ar. dldt ash- shatranj) that are
used by the Muhammadans of India and Malaya have been already given, but
it will be convenient to collect in a table those that are used by other Muslim
peoples. To these I add the Abyssinian (Amharic) terms, since the Abyssinian
chess is a variety of the Muslim game.
Language.
K.
Q.
B.
Kt.
R.
P.
Arabic. (MSS.)
sh&h
firz&n
1 fll
faras
rukhkh
baidaq
nafs
firz
baidhaq
firza
( Colloquial)
(wazir)
(begir)
baizaq
(houss&n)
(peda)
Persian . . .
sh&h
farzin
pll
asp
rukh
piy&da
(fil)
(faras)
(baizaq)
Turkish . .
sh&h
firzan
fil
&t
(faras)
faras
rukh
baizaq
Moorish . .
sh&h
lella
fil
rukhkh
h&ri
Abyssinian
negus
firz
! Til
faras
derr
medak
(Not*. The ordinary Arabic names are those of the MSS.; the other terms, which
I designate as colloquial, are taken from descriptions by Europeans : Hamilton, who gives
houss&n from Egypt, and Grimm, who obtained his terms from Syria.)
The military character of chess was well understood by the earlier Arabic
writers on the game. Apart from many allusions in general literature, there
are three descriptions in the chess MSS. which I quote because of the light
which they throw upon other features of the Muslim game. The first of
these is the work of as-Suli, and is contained in AH (f. 19 b), V (f. 12 b), and
Man. (f. 27 b):
The chessmen are classified in this chapter. The shah , it is said, is the king.
The firzan is the vizier, because he protects and covers the king, and is placed next
to him, advancing before him in the battle. Muhammad b. 'Abdalmalik az-Zayyat 8
says, ‘ How beautiful is the function of the fll in chess ! He resembles the secretary
who reveals and plans. His use in war is slight except when he does a deed of
in white and black the chessboard of day and night.' The Per. term shatranj means chess in
general, and chessboard is too narrow a translation ; and I do not think that the poet had
anything more in mind than the colours of the opposing sides.
* The unfortunate vizier of al-Mu'tasim, executed 283/847.
Digitized by Google
222
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
renown. His is tbe secretary’s cunning, as when he gives shdh-rukh or shah- faros
or forks two pieces. Or, perhaps in another game when a number of pieces are
collected against him, and he draws the game since none of them can attack him.
The firzan has the same power. In a case like this the fU is better than the faros,
and when there are several firz&ns it is even better than a rukh when the latter
cannot attack it/ The faros , it is said, is different : he is a bold horseman, and
this is his function in chess. The rukh , it is said, is like a commander and a general
of an army : like the faras he is a horseman, and the command is his. His work
is to confine the game, and his strength is manifest when the ninth (read seventh)
of the game is his. 4 The baidaqs (Ar. bayadiq), it is said, are like the foot-soldiers
who move in advance and hinder the horses (*a/rds) and rukhs ( rikhdkh ) ; but when
the rukh gets behind them and attacks them from the rear, he destroys them just
as horsemen in war destroy the foot-soldiers. 5
The second passage occurs in Man. (f. 18 a), in the course of a version of
the Sasfa legend :
The hakim arranged it thus and it was chess, and he made it in the likeness
of a battle between two armies. He made the nafs to resemble the king, the firz&n
to resemble the vizier, and the two rukhs the commanders of the right and left
wings. Next to these he placed the two faros , and then the two fUs. These are
reckoned as the more important members of the army. The baidaqs resemble the
infantry. He then made each piece’s move ( haraka ) proportionate to its strength in
the army, and fixed that the victory is gained when the shah is slain, his army still
being in existence — this is mate— or when his army is captured.
In the third passage from BM (f. 6 b) a different interpretation is
attempted :
The inventor of chess made the board to represent a field of battle upon which
two armies are drawn up for the contest, and the six figures, shah, firzan, fil, faras,
rukh and baidaq represent the six classes upon which war turns and which are
essential to it. Of these the first is the king who rules, the second the vizier who
leads, the third the commander of the army who arranges, the fourth the cavalry,
the fifth the fortresses ( Austin ), and the sixth the infantry. He represented the
king by the shah , the vizier by the firzan , the commander of the army by the rukh ,
the cavalry by the faras , the fortresses by the fUs, and the infantry by the baidaqs .
This is the classification of the chessmen (aldt ash-shatranj).
The following was his intention in the arrangement. He put the shah in the
centre because the king ought to be in the heart of his army. He put the firzan
next him because the vizier ought to be in the king’s vicinity. He put the fU next
the firzan because the strongest places in the battle array ought to be where king
and vizier are. He put the faras between fil and rukh because cavalry ought to be
the defence of the fortresses. He put the rukh next the faras because the commander
ought to be in command of the right and left wings. He put the baidaqs in a line
in front of these because the infantry is placed in the van in battle. This was his
intention in the arrangement of the chessmen.
His intention in the arrangement of the pieces in the game was to liken the
game to a struggle and attack. He gave the baidaq a move of one square in
4 All the MSS. read ninth , but the two Arabic words are very similar when written, and
the error is an easy one to make, Elsewhere in the MSS., players are advised to double their
Rooks on their seventh rank, and I imagine that the text originally referred to this.
B The text in Man. ends here, but AH continues the extract from as-$ul! with an anecdote
in which the master tells how he once mated an opponent by sacrificing rukh, findn, and
faras in order to hem in his opponent’s King. From this as-$uli draws the following lesson :
a game of chess 1 resembles two armies which defend and attack in a war that is waged
between them. Each must attack the king of the opposing army in particular, and aim for
him, for the victory is obtained thus.’ In conclusion as-$uli quotes a remark of ar-R&zi’s,
to the effect that the most correct procedure in chess was to make a direct attack on the
opponent's King, and points to the collection of manxubdt as illustrating this line of play.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
223
a straight line, because it is not right for the foot-soldier to quit his position
in battle, nor to advance except step by step. He made it take obliquely because
the injury he inflicts on his enemy in the battle happens unexpectedly. He
appointed that he should become a firzan when he reached the end of the board,
because a man who advances and penetrates to the enemy’s camp, and preserves
himself from capture or overthrow, deserves the viziership in war. He gave the
faros a far-reaching move, because the horseman, being mounted, can transport
himself to a distance, and can fall back to his camp when he is threatened. He
made his move an oblique one in moving forwards and backwards and in capturing,
because the horseman of necessity attacks his enemy, lance in hand, and takes him
by swift and sudden movements. He gave the rukh the move in the four cardinal
directions as far as the end of the lines confronting him, which is the most extended
move of the pieces, because in war it is the commanders of the right and left wings
who harass and burden to their utmost the enemy’s weak points which are opposite
to them. He made the shah 9 8 move a single square in every direction, because the
King is not one who should move swiftly. He is free to move at choice either
forwards or backwards. The rule for the firzan is the same, except that his liberty
of move is less than the shah's. When he takes, he takes according to his ward.*
The text omits the description of the move of the fll, but I have given
it entire as in the MS. because it shows very clearly the extent to which
the original parallelism that was intended between chess and war was still
recognized by Arabic writers as late as 1250 a. d., notwithstanding the fact
that the older Indian explanation had been forgotten. The explanation of
the Rook as a commander shows that the original meaning of the name of the
chess-piece was not generally known, while the new interpretation of the fils
in the BM extract suggests that the use of the elephant in war was also
passing from memory. The new interpretation is far-fetched, and yet after
all only a foreshadowing of the European substitution of the Castle (at first
borne on an elephant’s back) for another piece, the meaning of whose name
has been entirely forgotten, the Rook.
I have already cited passages to show that the use of pieces (sura) which
were actual images of the men and animals from which the chessmen took
their names was opposed on religious grounds. The legal objection to so
elaborate a type of piece was undoubtedly assisted by the economic difficulty
that few players would be able to afford such costly implements of play.
The invention of a simpler and cheaper type of chessmen was a direct result
of the great popularity of chess, and at an early date a definite conventional
type of man came into use. The oldest examples are the chessmen from
Bambra-ka-thul in the British Museum (see p. 88), but there are other
early Muslim chessmen, mostly from Egypt and probably none as old as
1000 a. d., in the Museum in the case of chessmen in the Mediaeval Room.
They may be easily identified, from their resemblance either to the modern
Muslim chessmen or to the earlier European conventional pieces. We may
• Two translations of this last extract are given in Qst., 80-38, one by Oildemeister, the
other by Rieu. Neither of these scholars had any practical knowledge of chess, and both
experienced some difficulty with the technical terms, and especially with the word ’uqda,
knot, which I translate ward in the last sentence. In the other MSS. I find the verb 'aqada
used repeatedly of two firz&na or fin&n and baidaq in the sense of 4 unite’, ‘tie together*,
‘place so that the two pieoes mutually defend one another*. AH f. 16b has firzan wa
baidaq ma'qud bihi f Queen and Pawn united with it.
Digitized by Google
224
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
safely conclude that the original Muslim type comprised (a) three pieces
of different sizes, but all more or less cylindrical in shape, of which the
tallest represented the shah, the intermediate one the firzan , and the
smallest (an exact replica of the firzan ) the baidaq ; {b) two pieces with
long and narrow necks, one with a slightly cleft head for the fill , the
other for the faras ; and (c) another piece, rather more massive than the
fill or faras , with a well-marked top which in early times
was flattened on two sides and contained a deep cleft in the
centre, which represented the rukh .
The opposing sides were distinguished by the different
colours of the two sets of chessmen. In the MSS. these
are called red and black (probably because inks of these
colours were most easily procurable), and only rarely white
and black. The modem sets which I have seen are white
and black, white and red, red and green, and red and
black.
The arrangement of the pieces at the opening of the game is generally
shown in the MSS. as here diagrammed. In only one MS., the late Pers. Y,
is the red King placed on el. At first sight this appeal's
to be out of harmony with the European arrangement.
The latter is, however, purely conventional, and depends
upon the convention governing the placing of the
chequered board and the very modem custom of giving
the first move exclusively to White. In earlier times
the Black pieces were preferred : — H (f. 51b) says, ‘ the
Black men are for the chief, and the White for the
inferior * ; and the chess-player generally visualized the
board from the Black point of view. The important fact in these MS.
diagrams is the unanimity with which they support the European opposition
of King to King and Queen to Queen, and oppose the antiquity of the
modern Asiatic crosswise arrangement.
The moves of the pieces were as follows : —
The Shah or Nafs, King (K), 7 moved one square at a time into any of
the eight or fewer squares surrounding that on which he happened to be
standing, the square selected being unoccupied b£ one of his own pieces or
a protected piece of his opponent’s, and being out of the range of attack
■HMaanNiii
m m
mm mm
RooH BM.
eqypt
7 I have only met with Nafs (soul, self, person) in two of the MSS., viz. R, where it is the
ordinary term used for the King, and in Man., where it is used twice— once in the passage
quoted on p. 222, and again in an extract from as-Suli (Man., f. 34a), where the King’s Fil
(fU ash-shah ) is called fil an-nafs. Stamma (op. cit., x) gives a more modern example of its
use. He says , i A certain King of Persia , a splenatic Man, is said to have forbidden the Game,
on Account of the Expression Shdh-mat ; his Successor took off the Prohibition, but ordered
that for the future they should on that Occasion say Ntfs-mai, that is, The Person is dead .’
Elsewhere, he says that an Oriental, playing with his Sovereign, substitutes Sh&h-em (0 my
King 1) for Shah mat.
B. al-Labb&n (D. 749/1849, quoted in Man. f. 14 a) says that the common people often
said shdt for shah , as if it were written with the dotted ha. This spelling is not uncommon
in the MSS.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
225
of any hostile piece at the moment of moving. He captured in the same way
that he moved. He could not move into check, and whenever he was checked
he was obliged to remedy it as in the modern game. If he was unable to do
so it was shah mat (Per. shah mat), mat, rarely shah wa mat , checkmate, and
the game was ended. When a player gave check it was usual for him to
warn his opponent of the fact by saying shah , coupling with the name of
the King the name of any other piece that was simultaneously attacked,
e. g. shah war-rukh , sliah wa ru/ch (Per. shah rukh ), a check forking King and
Rook ; shah wal-jil, a check forking King and Fll (L, f. 26 a) ; shah wa Jirz
(H, f. 37 a), or shah wa firzdn (AH, f. 55 b), a check forking King and
Firzan ; shah wa faros (AH, f. 56 a), a check forking King and Faras ;
and even shah wa baidaq ash- shah (L, f. 63 a), a check forking King and
King’s Pawn. Another technicality in AH (f. 92 b) is shah mubaftanan , an
intimate check, used of a check by a Rook on an adjacent square (e. g. Re7
checking Ke8). From this use of the name of the piece is derived the verb
shaha (imp. yashihu ; IV stem, * ashdha ; VII stem, inshaha ), to check. At
a later date it became usual to say kisht (also written qish, qishdh) and kisht
mat instead of shah and shah mat when giving check and checkmate, and
this is the ordinary expression at the present time in Arabic, Persian, Turkish,
and Urdu. The earliest examples I know occur in the Turkish MS. F. For
discovered check we have the technicalities in Arabic shah fil-kashf (kashf
discovery) and shah min ira {shah min al-ira), where ira (from the root 'ariya,
to be naked) is a term peculiar to chess, occurring in Persian as 'ira, in Urdu
as 'arop, and in Malay as aras . The Persian Madar al-afazil (Bland, 49)
defines 'ira as * that piece at chess which is interposed between a King and a
Rook to protect ’, but in the Arabic MSS. it is used rather of the whole position
of a file dominated by a Rook, in which the check is for the moment covered
by an intervening piece of either colour between the Rook and King. We
have accordingly such expressions as ‘ to move into fra ’ (to play the King on
to a file where there is the possibility of a check by discovery by the removal
or capture of an intervening piece), c to expose to i'rd *, ‘ the position in fra *.
To cover check is in Arabic satara ash-shah ; to mate, mdta (imp. yamutn).
The Firzdn (pi. farazln), firz t or firza, Counsellor (Q), 8 also moved one
square at a time, moving diagonally into any one of the four or fewer diagonally
adjacent squares to that on which he was posted, the square chosen being
unoccupied by a piece of his own side. He captured in the same way that
he moved. He could only play to 32 squares, and on a chequered board he
would be restricted to squares of one colour. Al-Lajlaj attached great im-
portance to the development of the Firzan in the game, and aimed at securing
a clear path (Ar. sabil or tafiq , pi. / uruq and tumqdt ) by which it could be
brought into the opponent’s half of the board.
The Fll (pi. fiyala, *afydl), or Elephant (B), possessed a diagonal move,
which consisted of a leap over a diagonally adjacent square, whether occupied or
* B. JinnI (D. 1002, quoted in Man., f. 14a) says that the common people generally said
Jirz o rjirza, comparing this mispronunciation to that of shdt for shah.
1270 P
Digitized by Google
226
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
empty, into the square beyond on the same diagonal. This is commonly,
though ambiguously, described as a diagonal leap into the third square ; it is
a move familiar to English draughts-players as the move of a man in making
a single capture without the removal of the man thus captured. The Fll
captured as he moved. Only eight squares of the board were accessible to
any Fll, and no Fll could ever encounter or attack any other Fll. The two
Fils were distinguished as Fll ash-shdh, KB, and Fll al-firzan , QB, or as the
right- and left-hand Fit. The King’s Fll was also called Fll al-qaima , Fil al-
mana { , the drawing Fll, or Fil an-nafe, the Naf s Fll.
The Faroe (pi. *afr<U r), or Horse (Kt), and the Rukhkh (pi. rikhdkh, mod.
rikhakha) i or Rook (lit. Chariot) (R), possessed precisely the same moves as
their European equivalents, Knight and Rook, possess to-day. The squares
commanded by one of these pieces were termed in Arabic its muqdfa'a , or
province. Other technicalities are jamtCa , to double, to place both Rooks on
the same file ; ar-rttkhkh al-ala , the front Rook of two on the same file.
The Baidaq, Baidhaq (pronounced baizaq\ pi. bayadiq or bayadhiq), or
Pawn (P), moved and captured as the European Pawn does, with the difference
that it possessed no power of moving over two squares for its first move.
There is consequently no question of one Pawn taking another in passing.
On reaching the eighth line it ceased to be a Pawn, and was at once promoted
to the rank and took the name of Firzan. No other promotion was possible,
and there was no limit to the number of Firzans that a player might possess
at any time of the game. The Arabic verb to promote, € queen ’, is farzana
(V stem tqfarzana). The Pawns were distinguished by associating with
them the name of the piece on whose file they were standing, e. g. baidaq
aeh-ehah, King’s Pawn, &c. In addition, the Rook’s Pawn was often called
baidaq al-hdshlyd ( hawaehl ), the marginal Pawn, and the King’s or Firzan’ s
Pawn, baidaq as-sadr, the central Pawn. Fanciful names were attached to
the advanced Firzan’s Pawn ( haulaq ae-saif, the sword Pawn), and the advanced
King’s Bishop’s Pawn ( baidaq ae-eayyal, the torrent Pawn) in the analysis of
the opening developments. Other terms that I have noted are baidaq al-firzdn
al-aeliya , the original QP of two on that file; and baidaq ai-fara* a*-*adr ,
the front KtP of two on that file ; and baidaq firzan al-aewad al-mutaqallab
*an baidaq shdh-hu , Black’s QP that has been changed from KP (by making
a capture). Al-Lajlaj attaches great importance in his analysis to the main-
taining of an advanced Pawn, and speaks of establishing (Ar. vb. makuna ,
V stem, tamakkand) a Pawn, of the establishment ( tamkin ) of a Pawn, and
of an established Pawn ( baidaq tamkin ), meaning the posting of a Pawn on
an advanced square, and its support there so that it was practically untakable
except at the cost of superior force.
The Arabic MSS. which I have used supply chess uses of many ordinary
words in connexion with the movements and other activities of the chessmen.
Some of these may be noted here. To move a piece for the first time is
kharaja (IV *akhraja)> to develop. Of ordinary moves the ordinary expression
is, ‘ White comes with his Rook to (jd’a, bi, y ila) such a square ’ : but this is
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
227
only rarely used of the Fil or Baidaq. A player pushed (dafaa) a Baidaq
(very rarely also a Rukh, Faras, FirzSn, or Shah), and threw ( rama , also of
Faras and Firzan ; (araha, also of Faras ; or alqaya) or shifted (hamoala)
a Fil. He placed (wada'a or j a ala), played ( la'iba ), went away with ( dhahaba
bi, also of Faras), or advanced (madda) a Rukh. The Shah and Firzan ascended
(sa'ada or tala' a), descended (nazala or hadara , VII *inhadara), or entered
( dakhala , IV 9 adkhala ) a square. Or the Shah removed (ba'uda), passed ( marra ),
walked ( maslia ), or limped (zamala ) — all suggested by his move of a single
square. In general use I have noted haruka (II harraka), zala (II zauwala , IV
\izdla), naha (II nahha , V tauahha), and naqala , all meaning move, remove. For
the substantive, move, there is similar diversity of expression. In addition to
the general terms haraka, darb (pi. darba , durub), mash y a (walk) is used of the
Shah, tahrik or hurk of the Firzan, (ark and nazwdn (leap) of the Fll, munzd
of Firzan, III and Faras, da/' or daf'a of the Baidaq. Adverbs of direction
are mustawiyan , in a straight line, farasiyan , as a Faras, firzdnlyan, as a Firzan,
tmdflliyan, as a Fll. More general terms are ’ akhadha , to take (’ akhadha bafilan
or majjdnan, to take without loss) ; dhahaba , 'ataa or hdta, bdfilan, to sacrifice ;
daraba or waqaa 'ala, to attack ; darb or wuqu , an attack ; hdmala , to offer to
exchange (of Rukh only) ; sdma or sarafa , to exchange ; waqa'a baina, to fork ;
habasa , hasara, to shut in or confine ; hafiza , hamd, to defend ; hifz, hamd,
hima 1 i, defence. 9
Both al-*Adll and as-Sull made an attempt in their chess-books to estimate
the relative values of the chessmen in the early part of the game. The
method adopted was based upon a monetary scale and the dirhem was taken
as a convenient unit. BM (f. 11a) gives a brief extract from al-'Adlfs work,
and AH (f. 14 b), V (f. 14 a), H (f. 18 a — shortened text), BM (f. 10 a), and
Man. (f. 27 a) give as-SulI’s chapter. An independent, but not materially
different, estimation is given in AE and RAS. I have adopted the text in
Man. as the basis of the following translation.
Values of the chessmen, calculated for their original positions.
As-Sull has said : The Shah is reckoned beyond value because of his superior
dignity. The highest in value after the Shah is the Rukh. Its value is one dirhem.
The Faras* value is £ dirhem. The Firzan’s value is ^ dirhem, but some say
| dirhem. The Flfs value is J dirhem. KP and QP, each J dirhem ; BP and KtP,
each £ dirhem rising to £ dirhem ; a marginal P ^ dirhem because it can only take
on one side. I consider the KKtP better than QBP ; as-Sull has said that this is
because this Baidaq is a spy against the return of the opponent’s stronger Fll and
Firzan. He gave these values for the commencement of the game ; the values
of the pieces may increase or diminish afterwards. The better of the Fils is the
Fll an-naf8, which is the Fil al-mana (the drawing Fil, called by al-Lajlaj,
AH f. 133 b, Ftl al-qa'ima). It is better than KP, and the other Fll is better than QP.
The two central Baidaqs are better than Firzan and Fil, and any two Baidaqs are
better than the Firzan. Rabrah and Ahu’n-Na'am used to advise the exchange
of the Firzan for the two marginal Baidaqs, the exchange of the Fil for two Baidaqs
under all circumstances, and the exchange of the weaker for the better Baidaqs.
Do not exchange Fil and Baidaq for Firzan unless your opponent has gained your
Firzan. If your Rukh is confined, try to exchange it for Faras and Firzan, but
otherwise not.
9 A number of Persian terms for move, take, Ac., are given by Bland, 58.
p 2
Digitized by Google
228
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
AH goes on to show that these values may be altered completely in the
End-game, where even the advantage (kr.fadl) of a Rukh may be insufficient
to convert a draw into a win, e. g. Kt v. R is a drawn game, and so is R and
Kt v . R. Even the Fll might become of higher value than a Faras (Kt v four
concordant Qs loses, but B v. four concordant Qs draws) or a Rukh (R r. four
concordant Qs loses, B v. the same draws).
The values in RAS are calculated with greater nicety, but the MS. shows
a tendency to over-estimate the value of the minor pieces. The MS. gives
Q^or^ dirhem ; B £ or £ dirhem ; KP J dirhem ; QP dirhem ; Kt and
BP £ dirhem ; and RP J dirhem.
As-Sull’s estimate enables us to form some kind of comparison with the
modem game. I adopt as the unit of my scale the value of the RP in the
Muslim game, and as the connecting link the value of the Knight, whose
move is the same in both games.
Muslim chess.
Modern European chess.
(Values taken from the Handbuch.)
Value.
Total of
side.
Perce
of all
pieces.
ntage
of each
piece.
Value.
Total of
side.
Perce
of all
pieces.
ntage
of each
piece.
Baidaq
1 to 2
8§
20-5
2.6
Pawn
15
12.0
18-2
2.3
Faras
6 S
io§
25-2
12.6
Knight
53
106
16.2
8.1
Fil
2
4
9.5
4.8
Bishop
53
10.6
16*2
8-1
Rukh
8
16
87.7
18.9
Rook
8-6
17.2
26.0
18.0
Firzan
3
3
7-1
7.1
Queen
155
15-5
23.4
28.4
Total force
42§
100
Total force
66
100
The great increase in the powers of the Bishop and Queen in modern
chess has naturally resulted in a relative diminution in the value of the other
pieces.
The method of play in the older Muslim game was identical with that
followed in the modern European game. The players played alternately, each
making a single move (clast, pi. dusut ; darb ) in his turn of play . 10
The aim of play was twofold, either to give checkmate to the opponent’s
King, or to annihilate his army. To this latter form of victory I have
given the Middle-English name of Bare King , which answers closely to the
terms Shah munfarid, isolated King, and mu/rad, pi. mufriddt, isolations, of
the Arabic MSS. It was obtained whenever a player captured the whole
of his opponent’s army, the King excepted, and still retained some of his own
men upon the board, or at least one man out of reach of the opponent’s King.
If the solitary King could take his opponent’s last remaining man in his move
%
10 As will be seen in the next chapter, the evidence that this was so is overwhelming.
Forbes (106) imagined that the modern Indian practice of commencing the game by allowing
each player in succession to make a number of moves in his turn of play went back to the
Muslim game. In this he was misled by the diagrams of the ta'biy&t in the MSS. he used,
which he assumed depicted game positions, whereas they show two unconnected normal
positions upon a single diagram. If Forbes’s account is compared with Tiruvengad&ch&rya's
description of the Parsi chess, it will be seen that this latter work is the source of his section
upon the Muslim Openings.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
229
following that in which he was bared, the game was considered drawn. We
have already seen (p. 57) that in HijSz there was a local variation in the
rule regarding Bare King. There a solitary King was defeated the instant
that he was bared, whether he could bare his opponent the following move or
not. This win was called the Medinese victory , n
It occasionally happened in the course of the game that a player, whose
turn it was to play, found himself unable to move any of his pieces in a legal
manner, and yet at the instant his King was not in check. This Ending, to
which we give the name of stalemate (Ar. za id, rarely mazld , from the verb zada ,
yazldu ; or zalda to stale, deprive of the power of moving, very rarely used
of any other piece than the Shah), was decisive in Muslim chess. The player
who found himself in this predicament was held to have lost the game. 12
A game to which for any reason a decisive result could not be obtained was
said to come to a stand (Ar. qaim , * iqdma , qaydm ; pi. qawd’im, qaima , 'iqd-
mdt — all derived from qama, to stand ; cf. mod. quwima , to be drawn), or to
be inaccessible (mana'ai a later term, not used in AH, frequent in H), i. e.
to be drawn. This might happen from equality of force (a g. It t\ R) ;
insufficiency of force (e. g. R r. Kt) ; inability to force exchanges (e. g. Qs and
Bs moving on squares which on a chequered board would all be of one colour v.
Qs and Bs moving on squares of the other colour) ; perpetual check ; or
repetition of move. The problems will contain examples of all these forms of
drawn game. 13
The chess MSS. employ two different methods of describing the squares
of the board, which we may conveniently distinguish as the descriptive and the
literal , or as it is often called, the algebraic notations . The former is by far
the commoner, and is indeed employed in all the MSS. except Oxf. in the
problem solutions.
In the descriptive notation the board is regarded as belonging half to one
player and half to the other, and the two halves are called Red’s and Black’s
accordingly. In each of these halves the squares are defined in terms (1) of
11 This local rule may be illustrated thus : Red Kd6, RhS ; Black KcS, Ra8. If Red play
1 Rh8 + , Kb7 ; 2 Rx R -would win in Hijfiz : elsewhere Black was allowed to play now Kx R
and draw. If the Kings had been on e6 and d8, 1 Rh8, Kc7 ; 2 RxR would have won
everywhere. •
13 The rule is established from the solutions to certain Muslim problems (Nos. 225, 226,
871 below). Forbes, while correctly stating the result, so hedges it round with conditions
that its occurrence would have become almost impossible. He has made the mistake of
transferring the highly artificial rules of the later modification of chess, the shedraty kdmil
(Timur’s chess), to the ordinary game. The rules of Bare King and Stalemate as given in the
text survived until Stamms’ s time, for (op. cit., xi) he gives them thus :
‘ He that gives a Stale-mat wins the Game, contrary to the Rule observed in England ; . . .
* If one King be stripp’d of all his Pieces, and the other have either Piece or Pawn left,
the later wins the Game, tho’ he should not have wherewithal to give Mat , as a Bishop, or
a Knight, &c.’
11 From the Arabic qiPim (also used in Persian, see the extracts from Persian dictionaries
in Bland, 55) is derived the Per. shdh qdm (formed on the analogy of shah mat ), the game is
drawn, lit. the King has arisen. This term evidently puzzled the lexicographers — who were
not always expert chess-players — and we find a number of absurd explanations in native
dictionaries. Bland (58) quotes the Bahdri *JJam, which makes it equivalent to ‘ the King
moves’, and explains that harmless action as * the extreme degree of defeat*, and the
Burhdni Qdll, which explains it as equivalent to perpetual check. A different explanation is
attempted in RAS in connexion with the sha(ranj kdmil . Bland and Forbes understood this
to mean stalemate, but the MS. says it is a check * when the King is separated from his men ’.
Digitized by Google
230
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
the side, e. g. left-hand or right-hand, less frequently King’s and Firzan’s ;
(2) of the master-piece of the file; (3) of its distance from the edge where
the player sits. Thus, assuming that Red sits at the foot, Black at the upper
edge of the diagram, g4 is Red's right-hand Farad fourth square , and g5 is
Black's left-hand Far as' fourth square . Very occasionally the notation was
extended right across the board, and we have g7 termed Red's right-hand
Faros' seventh square . A little ambiguity is introduced as a result of the want
of fixity in the initial positions of King and FirzSn. In the analysis in L,
where the original position of the Kings is known absolutely, the notation is
consistent throughout, but in the problem solutions where it is impossible to
say for certain where the King stood originally, now the e-file and now the
rf-file is called the King’s. In many problem positions, the FirzSn’s file can
be determined on the assumption that the Firzans in the diagram are the
original Firzans of the game, and in these cases the solutions almost invariably
name the central files accordingly. The important fact is that the notation in
the vast majority of the solutions assumes the normal arrangement of the
opposing Kings. In a few solutions (not more than five in all) the notation
is confused, and squares on both central files are described as on the King’s
file. I have only found one solution in which the notation is consistent with
a crosswise arrangement of the Kings.
This notation does not possess the merit of brevity, but its clearness has
given it a long and fruitful life, and with but slight modification it is still the
most popular notation in Europe outside of Germany and Switzerland, and in
America at the present time. Al-'Adll strongly advised players to commit it
to memory, and it forms the foundation upon which Y built its hints upon
playing chess blindfold.
In the algebraic notation each square is denoted by two letters, the first
of which is common to all squares of the same file, the second to all squares of
the same row. It is very similar to the notation which I employ in this
book. Thus the successive files which I call a , b , &c. are termed in AH,
where this notation is employed in connexion with the Knight’s Tours, t , sh,
r,f, m, /, k , y, with the numerical meanings of 400, 300, 200, 100, 40, 30, 20,
10. In Oxf., where this notation is used in all the problem solutions, the
letters f (80), * (70), s (60), n (50) are substituted for the older letters of the
files a— d. Both MSS. use for the rows 1, 2, to 8, the letters a, b,j, d , h , tc , r, h ,
with the numerical meanings 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. Thus c5 is r h in AH or
s h in Oxf., e3 is m j, f6 is l w, &c. This notation was also introduced into
Europe — -first at an early date, and again, in an improved form, by Philip
Stamma of Aleppo in 1737. "With small alterations it has become the normal
notation of German chess-players.
F (Q) and R alone, of all the MSS. which I have consulted, make no use
of a regular notation, but describe the moves by reference to other pieces on
the board, e. g. 4 moves next to the Firz,’ or by such adverbs as 4 up *, c down ’,
4 aslant *, 4 straight ’.
The unchequered state of the Muslim board made it a matter of some
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
231
difficulty to see whether two Firzans on the same side could defend, or whether
two Firzans of different sides could attack one another. This was a matter of
very considerable importance in the Ending, and might mean all the difference
between a won and a drawn game. The older masters (see BM, f. 10 b) gave
cumbrous rules by which a player could ascertain whether a Pawn promoted
on a certain square would move on the same 32 squares as another
FirzSn. Firzans and Fils which moved on different sets of squares (different
coloured squares on a chequered board) were said to be discordant (Ar. khdlif ’
mvkhtalif, takhaluf, mukhalif \ contrary, different), while those which moved on
the same set of squares (squares of the same colour on a chequered board) were
called concordant (Ar. taldql, mutlaql , mutalliq , that which meets, or less
frequently mutcdjiq, concordant). The existence of these terms is clear
evidence for the uncoloured nature of the Muslim chessboard.
Most of the MSS. attempt a classification of chess-players in regard to
their skill in play. The different classifications do not entirely agree, and
the discussion would seem from the first to have been more academic than
practical. Probably at no time did a position in any but the highest class
cam^ any great weight in popular estimation. Apparently al-'Adll was the
first to treat of the classes of chess-players, but we only know of his proposals
from a brief reference which as-Siill added at the end of his own chapter on
the question.
Al- Adll recognized five classes of players. The highest contained the
'ahydt or grandees. The second class, the mntaqdribdt or proximes, received
the odds of the FirzSn from the 'd%a. The third class received the Rook —
; which is silly/ comments as-SulI. We know nothing of the remaining classes.
As-Sull also recognized five classes, and gives the name of * allya to the
highest. There have never been more than three at any time or place in
this class. He names Jsbir, Rabrab, Abu’n-Na'am al-'Adll and ar-RazI as
having been of the first cluss. The later MS., BM, substitutes al-*An for
ar-Razi (a clerical error, I believe) and adds the names of two Baghdad
players, b. Dand&n, and al-'Qunaf, who must accordingly have flourished
between 950 and 1250. The later MSS. merely repeat as-SuIi’s information,
and strangely enough none adds as-Suli’s own name, or that of al-Lajlaj, both
of whom were certainly of the highest skill. As-Sull goes on to say that
Rabrab and ar-R5zI were the greatest of these masters, that al- Adll had for
a while stood alone in the class until ar-RSzI challenged him and proved his
mastership, that ar-Razi also stood alone in the class for a time and died
before another grandee appeared. The second class, the mntaqdribdt or
proximes, contains players who win from two to four games in ten when
playing with a grandee, and who receive odds from him, the best, QKtP or
RP, the weakest, KP or QP. The grandee is credited with the ability to
calculate ten (AH says twenty — an error, surely) moves ahead, the proxime
sees far less. The test of a player's class is his success with a player of known
class when playing without odds. If he wins regularly seven or more games
in ten, he belongs to a higher class ; if fewer, not. The third class receive the
Digitized by Google
232
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
odds of the Firzan from the 'dhya 9 the fourth class the Faras, the fifth class
the Rook. If a player requires greater odds his skill is accounted nothing ;
as a player he is beneath contempt. Al- Adll once said, ‘You do not give the
odds of the Faras to a player who can plan shah wa rukh or shah-mat' Else-
where in the preface of his book, as-SulI specially instances skill in solving
mansubat (problems), knowledge of the Endings and End-game decisions, and
knowledge of the ta'blyat, and when to abandon or modify them in play, as
distinguishing marks of the 'ally a.
The later MSS., H and Man., recognize six classes, introducing one
between the third and fourth of as-Suli’s list, who receive odds from the
'aliya greater than the Firzan but less than the Faras.
Closely connected with the classification of players is that of the proper
gradation of odds (Ar. haft)* The only discussion of this occurs in RAS, and
Forbes (99) abridges the passage thus :
Having now explained the moves of the pieces and their exchangeable value,
I shall proceed, O Reader ! to inform you of the different degrees of odds established
by the masters of old. A true Chess-player ought to play with all sorts of people,
and in order to do so, he must make himself acquainted with his adversary's
strength, in order to determine what odds he may give or accept. A man who
is unacquainted with the rules for giving or receiving odds is not worthy of the
name of Chess-player. It is only by equalizing the strength of the combatants that
both of them may reap amusement and edification ; for what interest could a first-
rate player, such as ‘Adali (i.e. al-Adll), or Sull, or *Ali ShatranjI, find iu playing
even with a man to whom they could each give the Knight or the Rook ?
The smallest degree of odds, then, is to allow the adversary the first move.
The second degree is to give him the Half-Pawn, which consists in taking either
Knight's Pawn off his own file and placing it on the Rook's third square. The
third species of odds is the giving the Rook’s Pawn ; the fourth, that of the Knight ;
the fifth, that of the Bishop ; the sixth, that of the Queen. The seventh degree
of odds is to give the adversary the King’s Pawn, which is the best on the board.
The eighth species of odds is the King's Bishop. The ninth is the Queen's Bishop.
The tenth degree of odds is the Queen. The eleventh, the Queen and a Pawn ;
or what is equivalent, a Knight ; for though the Queen and Pawn be slightly
inferior to the Knight at the beginning, yet you must take into account the
probability of the Pawn becoming a second Queen. The twelfth species of odds
is the Knight and Pawn. The thirteenth, the Rook. To give any odds beyond the
Rook can apply only to women, children, and tyros. For instance, a man to whom
even a first-class player can afford to give the odds of a Rook and a Knight has no
claim to be ranked among Chess-players. In fact, the two Rooks in Chess are like
the two hands in the human body, and the two Kuights are, as it were, the feet.
Now, that man has very little to boast of on the score of manhood and valour who
tells you that he has given a sound thrashing to another man who had only one hand
and one foot.
There is an interesting passage in H, ff. 50b-51a, in the middle of an
anthology of poems relating to chess, which shows that it was thought useful
to discuss the proper line of play to adopt when giving odds. The passage
is not very clear, but it deals with the opening play when the odds of the
Rook are given in return for a Pawn, the odds of Faras for Pawn, of Faras,
of Firzan, and of a Pawn. In the first case, when the Rook is given for
a Pawn, two lines of play are given, but it is not stated which Rook and
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
233
which Pawn are to be removed from the board. As is often the case in Arabic
analysis, the play on one side only is given ; it can be taken as suggesting the
lines upon which the player should attempt to model his development. The
two lines of play are as follows : I. (1) Pe3 ; (2) Kte2 ; (3) Pg3 ; (4) Pg4 ; (5)
Ktf4 ; (6) Ktg2; (7) Pf3 ; (8) Pf4; (9) Qe2 ; (10) Qf3 ; (11) Ph3 ; (12)
Pd3 ; (13) Pd4 ; if the opponent now moves P(c6)c5, do not take the Pawn,
but play (14) Pc3 ; if he takes the d-Pawn, play (15) ePx P; (16) Bd3 ;
(17) Pf5. If he takes this Pawn, then retake by g-Pawn. II. (1) Pc3 ;
(2) Pc4 ; (3) Pd3 ; (4) Ktc3 ; (5) Pb3 ; (6) Pd4 ; (7) Qc2 ; (8) Pe3 ; (9) Kd2;
(10) Pa3 ; (11) Pa4 ; (12) Ba3 ; (13) Bd3.
The same line of play is recommended when giving the Faras for a Pawn,
but is not advisable in the case of the odds of the Faras alone. The play
when giving the Firz&n is discussed in a single sentence, too corrupt to be
intelligible. When giving a Pawn, the following plan of development is given
as best : (1) Pd3 ; (2) Pd4 ; (3) Pc3 ; (4) Pf3 ; (5) Kth3 ; (6) Ktf2 ; (7) Qc2 ;
(8) Qd3 ; (9) Pg3; (10) Ph3; (11) Ph4. 14 If, however, the opponent play
first,
move the Pawns in a body, and do not let him outstrip them. Then bring your
Kt to e2. If he moves against your d-P, do not take him until he takes. If you
take first, it is to his advantage and spoils your game. If he takes, it is not
advisable to take with c-P.
The discussion is interesting, as showing that chess analysis was carried
on in Muslim circles to a greater extent than had generally been supposed
was the case.
The later MSS., and especially Y, 15 attach considerable importance to the
etiquette of play. Thus when two players sit down to their game, the lower
in rank is to spread out the board, and to shake the pieces from the bag in
which they are kept. He is next to wait until his superior has made his
choice of colour, and in arranging his men he is to take care not to place his
King and Firzan until his opponent has placed his ; he is then to place
his King opposite to the other King. If the players are of equal rank, the .
first to seize the men chooses the positions of the Kings. The stronger player
should offer fair odds. Ordinary rules of good manners should be observed ;
onlookers should keep silence and refrain from remarks on the state of the
game or from advice to the players. An inferior should not wilfully play
to lose.
It is quite evident from the stories of the early Muslim players that much
of this etiquette did not obtain in their time. Traditions respecting Sa'id
b. al-Musayyib, al-^asan al-Basii, ash-Sha'bl, and Muhammad b. Sirin relate
how these tubi's used to advise players as to their moves while watching
the game.
14 I have corrected the order of the moves. In the MS. move 4 follows move 8. And it
is not stated that the Pawns moved on the 9th and following moves are on the King’s wing.
18 Durg&prasada, in his Urdu Risdla i shatranj (Delhi, 1890), ch. vii, has a somewhat
similar discussion. He recommends the rule of t touch and move ’ as a counsel of perfection,
and deprecates slowness of play.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ : ITS THEORY AND PRACTICE. II
The divisions of the game. — The Opening. — The ’akhrajat or ta*biyat. — Al-‘Adli and
a$-Sult. — The work of td-Lajlaj. — Later treatment of the Openings. — Mid-game
tactics.
The Muslim chess-masters 1 divided a game of chess into the same three
parts into which we divide it at the present day. There is the Opening
(At. 'awall ad-dusuf), during which the players develop their pieces from
their original squares to others where they occupy positions more suitable for
attack or defence. This period lasts so long as both players* plans are governed
solely by the principles of development, and ceases directly one player passes
to active attack upon his opponent. Then the Mid-game (Ar. awsaf ad-dusut)
commences, during which the forces are at close quarters, and the actual battle
is in progress. Strategy is the ruling principle here. Finally, when the
forces are so reduced in number that the right line of play for either side has
become capable of mathematical demonstration, we have the End-game (Ar.
akhir ad-dusuf). In the modern game analysis is both possible and necessary
in the Ending, and also in the Opening, where the best way of posting the
chessmen so that each can exercise its powers of attack or defence to the
greatest extent, can be reduced more or less to general principles. In
the Muhammadan game the analysis of the End-game was equally possible,
but for the Opening, the necessity for investigation and the cogency of
general principles were less obvious than is the case in modern chess. In the
older game the powers of move of the majority of the chessmen were dis-
proportionate to the size of the chessboard, and it took several moves before
the pieces could be said to be in contact. Hence the exact order of the initial
moves of a game appeared a matter of but little importance, and a player
could generally rely upon a dozen moves or so of comparative immunity from
attack, and upon securing after that number of moves the position that he
desired.
The result of this was that in popular estimation the final position of the
Opening was the important one to memorize : instead of learning a succession
of moves, the player learnt a position and endeavoured to reproduce it in the
opening moves of the game, making the necessary moves in the order which
occurred to him as most suitable at the moment. Hence in almost all the
1 For instance &s-§uli, quoted in Man., ff. 81a seq., and aULajldj in his tadhkira , given in
AH, f. 133b. These two treatises are very similar, and they are summarized below, pp. 245 ff.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
235
older Muslim chess-works which have come down to us, in the place of an
orderly treatment of opening play on lines analogous to those with which the
modern player is familiar, we find nothing beyond a collection of type-
positions, each with its own distinctive name, which are recommended to the
player as models for his imitation. Occasionally brief historical notes are
added. Diagrams of these type-positions were a regular feature of the chess-
works from the time of al-Adll down to the 17th c. 2
These positions were popularly called tdlnya (pi. tablyat or tadbi),
a derived infinitive passive from the root 'aba, to array an army, which
may be translated ‘ battle array \ This was not the only name ; as-Sull
generally used the term bad' , bada (pi. ibdiyal , bddi , or 'abdd) t which
answers to our word ‘opening*, and al-Lajlaj preferred * akhraj (pi. * akhrdjat ),
‘development*. Other terms are fat'h, opening, and kharj (pi. kharyat),
khurua, development.
In order to economize space, the majority of the MSS. place two develop-
ments upon each diagram, one appearing as the red pieces, the other as the
black. 3 The explanatory text relating to the red arrangement is placed at
that side of the board upon which the red men are stationed, and is written
in red. The text relating to the black men is in black ink and is placed
similarly at the black side of the board. This ought to have been perfectly
clear, but the explanation was somehow overlooked, and it was long assumed
that the diagrams represented positions from games in which the play was
supposed to be the best possible for either side. This led to many difficulties ;
the chief of these being that the number of moves that had been played on
the two sides was generally different, so that the diagrams were assumed to
be inaccurate, and the attempt was made to rectify them. In Man., however,
the different developments are given on half-boards, 4 and the independent
nature of each iabiya is manifest.
The older MSS. profess to give bibliographical details as to the sources
whence they obtained the different openings which they diagram. The oldest
falnyat are those which I give as Nos. 1-16, which have been obtained from
the MSS. AH (C), BM, and Man. Each of these ta'bxyat is stated to be
derived from one or other of the great Muslim masters, al-'Adll or as-Sull.
There is, however, considerable discrepancy between the statements as given
2 They have a certain resemblance to the so-called * normal positions r which are recog-
nized in some openings in modern chess, e. g. in the Evans Gambit, the Queen's Pawn Game,
and the Fianchettos. It is worthy of note that two recent writers, F. K. Young and E. C.
Howell, have attempted in their Minor Tactics of Chess (London, 1895) to treat the modem
game on the lines of the ta'biy&L. Their 1 primary bases 1 are the exact counterpart of the
Muhammadan ta'biy&L
• Cf. Forbes, 106 seq., v. d. Linde, i. 101 seq., and Q«t., 29, 842, 400-3. I was the first
person to announce the entire independence of the associated developments, in a paper on
‘ The Ta'bly&t and other Battle-arrays in the BCM ., 1900, 169-176. For this I had no other
material than the diagrams and texts quoted in QsU, and I was led astray in some matters of
detail. A later paper, * The oldest recorded Games of Chess,’ BCM., 1908, 441-9, written after
I had obtained access to the MSS. AH, C, BM, AE, and L, corrected these errors. Since then
the reoovery of the MS. Man. has completely established the correctness of my conclusions.
4 With the single exception of the Mujannahand Sayy&l, which are given on f. 85a on one
board as in the older MSS. The diagram is accompanied by an appreciation of these openings
by Abu Klftsh.
Digitized by Google
236
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
in the different MSS. Fortunately it is possible by careful comparison to
separate the older material that was taken from al-'Adll from the later
material from as-Sull with complete certainty.
From a brief remark in the text of the Sassa legend in AH, C, and V,
which was taken from al-'Adll’s lost work, we know that this writer included
fourteen distinct Utblyat in his book. 5 We also know from an extract which
I quote below from AH (f. 28 b = C, f. 61 b) that as-Sull only gave ten
Openings in his book, and that some of these were taken by him from al-'Adlis
work.
Now AH and C contain sixteen tablydt which they classify thus : eight
common to both al-'Adli and as-Sull, six special to af-Suli, and two special to
al-'Adli. It is clear that we have a discrepancy with the real facts, since this
attributes ten to al-'Adll and fourteen to as- Sul I.
In BM we find (on ff. 42 a-43 a) a chapter with this title : —
Chapter of the ta'abl which al-'Adli describes. And at the present time these
are abandoned, because the modern are better.
Here we have twelve arrays. The MS. accordingly omits two of the al-'Adli
Openings.
Man. contains ten ta lily at , and its frequent quotations from as-Sull in the
texts associated with the diagrams show that this MS. has used as-Sull’s work
as its source. 6
I arrive at the following conclusions. The following eight openings were
included by both al-'Adli and as-Sull : watad al-anz , 'oja lz , mujannah , sayyala ,
masha’ikhi, muaqrab (all of which are stated to be common to both works in
AH, are given as in al-'Adli in BM, and as in as-Sull in Man.), muraddad
(common to both in AH and Man., omitted in BM), and hisa fir anna (common
to both in Man., omitted in BM, in as-Sull only in AH : this last is certainly
wrong). The following six Openings belong to al-'Adli, and were omitted by
as-Sull : alSibf, al-kirmanl (so AH and BM ; neither are in Man.), mif (AH
in error says common to both writers, BM gives as al- c Adll, Man. omits),
jaish, band aUkliadam , and raquxqi (in BM as al-'Adli, not in Man., AH says
in as-Sull only — which is certainly wrong). The Openings which are special
to as-Sull are the two, minvashshah and mutaldhiq (so AH and Man. ; BM
omits them).
But this does not exhaust the difficulties of the MSS. The diagrams are
very corrupt, and the same arrangement occurs with different names in
different MSS. or the same name is given to different arrays. Obviously the
whole material was rapidly becoming traditional by the time that the existing
MSS. were compiled. It is only by a careful collation, and in some cases
5 AH, f. 8 b = C, f. 5 a= V, f. 6 a — Man., f. 15 b. i He (§assa b. D&hir) arranged the chess
and made for it the 14 ta'biyat which we have arranged in this book of ours.* The compiler
of AH (C) states that he is quoting from al-'Adll, and a later quotation (AH, f. 6 b) from as-
Sull's preface refers to this particular legend again as being taken from al-'Adirs book.
6 H gives six ia'biy&t (really five, since one diagram is repeated), and uses both al>'Adli
and as-Sull. Its evidence is of less value here than in connexion with the problems, since
it neither names all the arrays, nor states clearly their sources.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
237
a weighing of probabilities that I have been able to sort out the different
arrays, and to recover the original positions as given in figures 1-16. In so
doing I have relied mainly upon Man., where the tcblnyat are treated separately.
I have also found valuable help for the identification of the mujannah , saif,
mashalkhl , and sayyala in the MSS. L and AE. The diagrams are arranged
on the assumption that the King stood originally on el (see p. 247). 7
AH 1 (bl.): Cl (bl.<
AH 4 (bl.) = 5 (bl.) :
C 4 ^bl.) = 41 (bl.):
Man. 6.
1. W&tad al-'anz
[ 16 moves].
2. Muraddad
[19 moves].
3. Hisa fir'auna
[19 moves].
AH 2 (red) : C2(redV
BM 63 (red) : Man. 60:
H 6 (red).
4. *Ajft1z
f» moves].
BM60 (bl.) : Man. 66 (bl.t:
H 8 (red) — 4 (bl.).
i i
i 1
5. Mujannah
[12 moves].
AH 3 (red) : C8(red):
BM 60 (red) : Man. 66
(red): H3(bl.\
6. Sayy&la
[12 moves].
BM 63 ibl.) : Man. 11:
H 6 (bl.).
7. Mash&’ikhi
[19 moves].
AH 4 (red) ? = 8 (bl.) :
C 4 (red) ? = 8 (bl.) :
BM 61 (red) : Man. 16.
8. Mu'aqrab
[19 moves].
AH 2 (bl.) : C 2 (bl.) :
BM 61 (bl.) : H 4.
i A i 1
AA4«iiH
**
X X
9. Saif
[19 moves].
7 The evidence of the MSS. may be summarized thus :
No. 1. Name attached to diagram in BM and Man. AH and C, which give the icaiad al-'anz
and muraddad on one diagram, have transposed the names.
No. 2. Name attached to diagram in Man. only. See note to No. 1. The text in AH,
which refers to the abnormal position of the Kts, supports the identification.
No. 3. Name attached to diagram in AH (C) once, and Man. AH repeats the position
as mashftlkhl.
No. 4. Name attached to diagram in AH (C) once, in BM and in Man. H repeats
the diagram as kirmanl.
No. 5. Name attached to diagram in BM, Man., RAS, L, and AE. H gives the diagram
twice but without name. AH in error gives a different diagram somewhat resembling No. 8.
No. 6. Name attached to diagram in AH, BM, and Man. H gives the diagram without
name. L and AE support the identification.
No. 7. Name attached to diagram in BM and Man. H gives the position as qirb. AH
repeats the diagram of him fir'auna. L and AE support the identification.
No. 8. Name attached to diagram in AH, BM, and Man. AH apparently repeats the
diagram as mujannah.
No. 9. Name attached to diagram in AH (C), and BM. L and AE support the identi-
fication.
Digitized by boogie
A
238
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
AH 5 (red) : C 41 (red) :
BM 65 (bl.).
AH 6 (bl.) : C 42 (bl.) :
BM 64 (hi.).
AH 6 (red) : C 42 (red).
10. Band al-khadam
[18 moves].
12. Raqtrtql
[8 moves].
AH 8 (bl.) : C 44 (bl.) :
BM 62 (red) = 64 (red).
AH 8 (red ') : C 44 (red) :
BM 62 (bl.).
AH 7 (bl.) : C 43 (bl.)
Man. 21.
15. Muwashshah
14. Kirmam
11. Jaisli
[20 moves]
[8 moves].
[18 moves].
[17 moves].
AH 7 (red): C 43 (red):
Man. 55.
16. Mutal&hiq
[16 moves].
Since the notes that accompany the diagrams in the older MSS. are not
without historical interest I translate them in full, taking the text in AH
as the original, and adding in the notes the variations that I find in the other
MSS. I have rearranged the text in agreement with the conclusions that
I have formed as to the sources of the different ta^blydt^ but I have added
numbers to the paragraphs so as to show their order in the MS. AH.
U These are the * ibdlyat which al-*AdlI and as-SulI both gave. (1).
This is called walad al-anz (the goat- peg). (2, rubric). 8
This is the muraddad (moved to and fro). Jabir, and after him Rabrab, used
to begin with it. It is a good opening which requires skill, and is a strong defence.
It is called muraddad from the repeated movement of the two Knights. (3).
These openings are not diagrammed thus because one opposes the other. One
should strive in every opening to play according to what is necessary, and to
Nos. 10 and 11. Name attached to diagrams in AH and BM.
No. 12. Name attached to diagram in AH (C) only. BM repeats the position of al-'ibt
with this name.
Nos. 13 and 14. These positions are associated on the same diagram in AH and BM.
1 follow AH ; BM transposes the names, and repeats the position of 13 as rafunaghi. The
respective identifications of these two ta'bly&t are accordingly doubtful.
Nos. 15 and 16. Name attached to diagram in AH and Man.
8 BM has simply 1 watad oi-'arw* : Man. Ua'biya icatad al-'anz, described by as-Suli’.
Digitized by boogie
chap, xiv THE GAME OF SHATRANJ 239
oppose (a move) by what will make a stand against it: this is only achieved by
skill. (4). 9 *
The ta'blya hisa ftr'auna (Pharaoh's stones). Abu’l-Bain 10 played it. (14, rubric).
The ta'blya al-aja’iz (the old women). 'Uqda used to begin with it. (6). n
The ta'blya dl-mujannah (the winged, or flanked). ShaqI used to begin with it.
(7, rubric). 12
The ta'blya assayydla (the torrent). Abu Sharara the elder used to begin with
it. (8). ,s
51 As-Sull says : None of the openings given by al-'Adll are better than these two,
al-mujannah and assay yala. (9).
The ta'blya al-mashd'ikhl (the sheikh’s opening). Naim used to begin with
it. (10). 14
Al-muaqrab (the strongly built). Fam al-Hut used to begin with it. (11). ,B
51 As-Sull says : Of these eight openings none are weaker than these two, mv'aqrab
and al-mashalkhi, and yet I consider them better than the remaining openings
which al-'Adll gave and which I omit. (12). 16
5T These are the openings which al-'Adll gave, and as-SulI omitted. (21).
The ta'blya assaif (the sword). Naim al-Khadim used to begin with it
(5, rubric). 17
The ta'blya called band al-khadam (the slave’s banner). (14).
The ta'biya jaish (army), with which people used to begin. (15, rubric). 18
The ta'blya ar-raqu-ufi (?). Ghudaf used to begin with it. (17). 19
The ta'blya al-’ibt (the shoulder). Abu Sharara the younger played it. (22). 20
The ta'blya al-Kirmdni (of Kirman, a province of Persia). 'Omar b. Ta'un
played it. (23, rubric).
51 These are the openings which as-Suli gave, but not al-'Adli. (13).
This is an opening that I often play. It is called al-muwashshah (the richly
girdled). (18, rubric). 21
I chose this opening, and I name it al-mutaldhiq (the conjoined), 22 because the
pieces defend one another. (19).
51 As-Suli says : We have mentioned ten openings, and these are sufficient.
These openings were invented and described by people in order that the opener
should satisfy himself with them, without noticing the play of his opponent : for
when the opener makes it his object to produce one of these figures exactly, and
neglects his opponent till his plan is in working order, he wins very quickly.
However, the game varies, and if in the opening there occur something which gives
him an advantage, he can abandon his opening, and make for it. (20).
9 This is repeated in Man.
10 Man. (f. 28 b) has Abu 'Aun.
II BM has 4 Ta'blya badd' al-'aj&iz , of *Uqda ’.
18 BM has 4 The mujannah i of Shafil, associating this opening with the famous t&bi*.
13 BM has 4 The ta'blya assayydla of Abu Sharara the elder'.
14 BM has 4 The ta'blya bad£ al-mash&'ikhi of Tamim*. Man. (f. 39 a) also has Tamim.
15 BM has 4 The ta'blya al-mu'aqrab of Fam al-Hut ’.
13 Man. (t 48b), in repeating this note, substitutes 4 better 1 for 4 worse', completely altering
the meaning, and continues, 4 This opening (i. e. the mu'aqrab ) and the one that stands
opposite it are better than the ta'blydt assaif ’, al-'ajats, aUmuraddad, xoatad al-'am, mujannah ,
and sayydla.’ There is obviously a copyist's blunder here, since many passages in the MSS.
bear witness to the preference that as-Suli and al-Lajlaj felt for the mujannah .
17 BM has 4 The ta'blya assaif b. Sliadfid \
18 BM has simply 4 Band al-khadam* and 4 Ta'blya badd* jaish* against these openings.
19 BM has 4 Ta'blya ar-rafunaghi of Ghudaf*. The name of this array is uncertain, owing
to the omission of diacritical marks in the MSS. In the text I follow AH and C.
20 BM has 4 Ta'blya band al-ibt of Abu Sharara the younger ’.
21 Man. has, 4 As-§Qli’s ta'blya, and he called it ta'blya cd-muvsashshah. He used to play it
often because he preferred it to the ta'bly&t in his book. 7
22 Man. names it mulahiq , which has the same meaning.
Digitized by Google
240
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
The note following the muraddad is a clear warning to the reader that
the two openings figured upon one diagram are quite independent of one
another.
The names given to these positions look somewhat fanciful. The names
mvjannah and mutalahiq alone have an obvious propriety. In the one case
the game is opened on the wings, and leads to a wing or flank attack ; in
the other the array is governed by the rather whimsical principle that every
piece is to be defended by another. The names of two other arrays are
explained incidentally in L and AE. In both these arrays the underlying
principle of the attack is the rapid advance of a particular Pawn, in the saif
the QP, and in the sayydla the KBP. The advanced QP was popularly called
the ‘sword-Pawn* (al-baidaq as-saif ), and the advanced KBP the * torrent-Pawn *
( al-baidaq assay y ala).
It is interesting to see how different Openings were associated with the
names of the players who invented them, or made them famous. More interest-
ing, though, is the brief note with which as-Sull’s concluded his chapter on the
Openings, since it shows that the ordinary player opened his game in his own
way, without troubling about the theories of the expert, and that he presumed
upon his immunity from attack during the development-period to concentrate
all his attention on his own play, and to ignore his opponent’s. As-Sull’s advice
in his concluding sentence to pay attention to the game, because even in the
Opening there were opportunities that made it worth a players while to abandon
his original plan and to fasten his attention upon the weakness that he had
detected in his opponent’s arrangement, is the first sign of an appreciation of
the principles underlying development. As-Sull does not appear to have carried
his discovery any farther. It was left to his pupil al-Lajlaj to demonstrate
it and drive the advice home. This he did in his Risala fl % bayan Ictb ash -
xhatranj (‘Treatise on the demonstration of the game of chess’) which we possess
in MSS. L and AE. This work should have opened a new era, for al-Lajlaj
formed the original and ambitious idea of investigating the Openings, and by
pursuing the play into the mid-game he endeavoured to determine the
relative values of the principal Openings played in his day. His great dis-
covery was the value of time in chess, and his enthusiastic advocacy of the
mvjannah and sayydl as the best of the Openings is due to the fact that these
could both be completed in twelve moves. By opposing the mujannah to two
of the slower developments, the saif and mashaikhl , he established the truth
and importance of his discovery. Elsewhere he showed how it was possible
even in the first dozen moves to thwart the opponent’s intentions, and prevent
the formation of his pet array.
This work is so important for the history of the practical game that I give
it in abstract in the Appendix to this chapter. It is the only work on its
subject of whose existence we know r , prior to the first analysts of the modem
game. It is not until w e come to the Libro de la invencion liberal y arte del
Juego del Axedrez of Buy Lopez (Alcala, 1561) that w T e meet with a work at
all comparable to it. Unfortunately it passed almost unnoticed. As in
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
241
mediaeval Europe, so in Islam, the literature of chess was almost entirely
confined to the problem.
The only sign of the influence of al-Lajlaj’s researches in later works is
to be found in BM. . I have already quoted a passage from this MS. which
shows that the traditional Openings were obsolete in the writer’s time — say
1250. The MS. contains a new chapter on the Openings, which was evidently
intended to give the practice of the chess-players of the day. It is found
on ff, 11 a- 12 b.
Chapter of the tdabi ; what is agreed about them. Their greatest number is 5. w
(1) The first is ascribed to al-Lajlaj, because he chose this tdbiya and said that
it is better than the others since the pieces are developed from their squares in
12 moves. 24 He chose to develQp the right-hand QR to Kt2, then to KB2, and the
left-hand R to KKt sq, next his Q to B2, and to advance his left-hand KtP. He
made the game on this wing, because it is better than the other. This is the figure
which he has mentioned at its first development. Upon this he founded his game
correctly.
(2) This is the Opening of the Sufi 'Omar al-Baghdadi, and of Abii-Bakr al-Mausili
ash-Shatranjl. 25
(3) This is another of al-Lajlaj's Openings. In this he does on the Q’s wing what
in the first Opening he did on the K’s wing, in order to establish his Q in QKt5,
if he play well.
(4) This is the Opening of the baidaq assay yal, according to which he played in
every Opening. It is a good Opening, and most people of our time adopt it. This is
its figure. It is demolished, as we have said, by Black playing P to R4 (i. e. Ph5). 2 *
(5) This Opening is played by most of the moderns. What al-'Adll says on the
Openings is mentioned later, but in our time these are abandoned. No one to my
knowledge plays according to them. What the moderns have discovered in the
Openings and Problems is better, neater, and easier to understand.
PTH M V/
iva mm
I* I f
m
£8 :mm sm
? T?*T
'mm? mm
? T
mm b ■
i i
ilCujy
i i i tfti 1
S'
k
fm f£i ^ rJb:
W JL
17. BM 1. 18. BM2. 19. BM 3.
These BM diagrams (Nos. 17-21) differ from the diagrams in AH which
I have been discussing, in that each figure claims to represent a game position,
28 The diagrams are Nos. 17-21 in this chapter.
24 Cf. L f. 2 a. * I begin . . . with the opening called al-mvjannah . . . because it shows the
most adequate and correct developments, because its form is symmetrical, and because all
players have expressed their preference for it. Also it is the only one of the openings in
which all the pieces are moved in 12 moves. 1 And f. 2a. ‘In this development there are
three manners of play. The first way is to advance the KRP and KKtP ; this is best. . . .
The third is to advance QRP and QKtP ; this is worst.* The whole passage is translated in
the Appendix to this chapter.
88 It is possible that as$uli is meant by this second player, but I think it more likely
that it refers to a later player nearer the writer’s own day.
24 Compare again L,f. 78a: ‘The sayyGla is only demolished by the RP which is opposito
it.' And again, f. 73b : ‘The game is to Red’s advantage when he pushes his left-hand RP
(i. e. KRP) to its fourth square, and he develops the remainder of his pieces according to the
mujannah development. 9
1870 Q
Digitized by Google
242
CHESS IN ASIA
PAttT 1
and not to give two distinct Openings fortuitously placed upon the same
diagram. This is clear from the title to the chapter, but it is by no means
so clear from the diagrams themselves. It is of course obvious that they are
inaccurately copied. In 17 a black Kt is missing from c6, and Bb8 should be
on c8. Each side has played 16 moves. In 18 a red P is missing from e5 :
each side has played 19 moves. The other three diagrams are less easy of
correction. In 19 Red has played 16 and Black 18 moves. In 20 Red has
played 20 moves and Black only 15, and the Qs are concordant. In 21,
if we replace the missing Kts on e2 and g8, Red has played 14 moves
and Black 16.
It is easy to recognize 17 and 19 as positions in the double Mvjannah. The
parallel passages which I quote in the foot-notes from L explain the dis-
crepancies between the figures and the descriptive text. It is clear to me that
the writer of the MS. has made unintelligent use of the work of al-Lajlaj.
I T 1
I ** 5 S3
■ m
1? ?'!¥%? ?
¥ H 9 Hi ¥ ¥ ,•>;
¥ T
B
m r 1
m lilt 1
m
* m in
20. BM 4. 21. BM 6.
Instead of taking the position which al-Lajlaj gave of this Opening at the
12th move, the writer has taken a later position from the first part of the
analysis in L.
The second position appears to be a double Saif ; the fourth, the Sayyal,
again shows in its accompanying text evidence of the use of al-Lnjlaj’s
treatise, since the reference to the strength of the move Ph4 in reply to this
attack occurs in the beginning of the section on this opening in L.
As promised, the MS. at a later page (f. 42 a) reproduces al-'Adll’s ta'dhl ;
I have already used this chapter, above. 27
The day of letter things soon passed, and chess writers returned to the
older material. Probably this was due in no small degree to the prestige that
these Openings enjoyed from their association with the name of as-SulI, and to
the exaggerated respect which the Muslim pays to tradition and authority.
We can hardly expect an age that esteemed as-SulI as the greatest exponent
of chess the world had ever seen, to do anything else but treat his recorded
' n This satisfactorily explains one of the apparent inaccuracies for which v. d. Linde ' i. 101 )
attacked Forbes. Forbes (107) stated quite correctly that BM contains eleven diagrams of
Mbtyfit, but omitted to say that they were given in two different chapters in different parts of
tho M8. Kieii only discovered the earlier chapter when he examined the MS. for v. d. Linde,
and the historian, who unfortunately was unable to let escape any opportunity of attacking
Forbes, at once assumed that Forbes had never examined the MS. critically.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
243
opinions on the Openings with the utmost deference. And so we find Man.
and H repeating the ancient developments. 28
if p %jjj
wmTW+mws
■ iilil
m mm mi
m m m m
m m it j
i,s mm u
mm m m
mm b ®
m&mm&m.
a&s&b&ba
''/ft*
m si s m
m m m 'mn
m mwmm
22. RAS 1. Mu'aliq and
Halill.
23. RAS 2. Mujannah and
Chanftj.
RAS varies to some extent. This MS. only gives two diagrams (see Figs.
22 and 23), each of which contains two Openings as in the older MSS. The
first is now so worn as to be almost illegible. There are traces of black men
on a6, a8, b6, c6, c7, c8, d6, g6, g8 and of red men on el, f2. It gave the
Mualiq (Red) and the Halili (Black). The second gives the Mujannah (Red)
and the Chanaj (Black). It is interesting to find the Mujannah retaining its
popularity in the chess circle at the court of Timur.
M 'M ..A
l m , i
m IIWv:
* *ii
mim rmim
f T ?
m mm m
? 1 f f
m mm, m
m a ?
m&m±mm
m&mw m
m m b m
rm - m
-
24. F 1. Tabariya. 26. F 2. Tr&qiya.
T
I I
* ? mm
og
I T
:
mm b ■
&®±m&m
&
w&nm b
ati i i
26. F 8. Hasln fir'auna.
27. F 4. Watad-al-fazz.
28. F 5. Tarhiya.
29. F 6. Ghariba wa
maltha.
The Turkish MS. F of 1501 has an interesting chapter on Openings, with six
diagrams (see Figs. 24 to 29). It will be seen that some diagrams show a cross-
** I have dealt with the material in Man. above. H gives three diagrams as from the
works of al-'AdlT and as-§uli (ff. 20 b, 21 a). The first is Red, Mujannah ; Black, Sayydl. The
second is Red. Saif ; Black, Mujannah. The third, which alone has any names, is said to
be from as-§Qli and to be qirl and Kirmdni. As a matter of fact it is Red , 'Ajd'is ; Black,
Mash&’ikhh
q 2
Digitized by Google
244
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
wise arrangement of Kings, which, if really intended, would be the earliest
instances of this. Since the later MSS. S and Y still retain the older arrange-
ment, while the Turkish MS. itself makes large use of older material which is
clearly based on the ‘ opposite * arrangement of the Kings, I am inclined to see
here some error in the diagrams. Many of them show exactly similar develop-
ments on the part of both players, and in these cases the crosswise arrange-
ment may be due to the fact that the names on the upper half of the boards
are written upside down. I think the writer did not observe when he
reversed his book in order to enter these names that he also ought to ‘ reflect *
the position. I can hardly believe that so great a change as that involved in
the crosswise arrangement could have been made in Constantinople without
so diligent a writer as b. Sukaikir having referred to the fact in his book (S).
The text of F is as follows :
The first arrangement is called Tabariya : it is suitable for beginners. It is
said that the people of Tabaristan play in this way. Whoever will adopt this
opening and practise moving as in this figure will defeat his opponent, who will
inevitably succumb.
The second arrangement is called 'Iraqxya. The players of Trfiq adopt it. It is
very scientific. Whoever will play in this way will defeat his opponent. . . .
Victorious day after day, he will at length attain to the skill of Lajlaj at chess.
The third arrangement is called haMn jirauna (Pharaoh’s fortress). It is so
called from its great strength. Some players of ‘Iraq and Khurasan play thus.
Whoever, &c.
The fourth arrangement is called watad al-fazz , or gechi gazighi (goat-peg).
It is so called because he who plays it wins with his pawns. They are like a peg in
his opponent’s clothes, and the opponent is like a man with his hands bound.
Whoever, &c.
The fifth arrangement is called tarhiya because it is very beautiful and scientific.
Whoever, &c.
The sixth arrangement is called ghariba iva mallhi (the wonderful and lovely).
It is very lovely and scientific. If any one undertakes to play a game in which
he will never receive a check and makes a bet to this effect, he ought to play thus,
and his opponent will succumb.
XX
XX **
«¥» ** ¥
«r ¥
T 1 ¥¥T
¥¥¥V* V
pu m &
¥ ¥ ¥
m ¥ m m
■ 1 ^
& i & m & >
j 6 'f- ‘3 «
m&m&m
* &
- m
80. MS. Gotha 31. MS. Gotha,
(obviously very corrupt^.
A more modern Gotha MS. (Turc. 18, Pertsch, = 1033, Moeller) has two
diagrams (Nos. 30 and 31) which are evidently Openings. They bear some
resemblance to the Openings in F (cf. F 5 and F 6). A poem of six couplets
accompanies the diagrams, of which a metrical version was given in Serapeum
(Leipzig, 1867), XXVIII. 177-88 (quoted by v. d. Linde, i. 130).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
245
The inevitable tendency of the use of the talfcyat by the ordinary player
was the neglect of the careful study of the opening moves. A player started
with a position in mind and made the necessary moves to produce it on the
board. He knew that he would enjoy practical immunity from attack for
some dozen or fifteen moves, and he gave no attention to his opponent until
his opening position had been secured. His opponent meantime was doing
precisely the same. When each had made his totblya the game began. Up
till that point it did not appear very important whether the orderly succession
of alternate moves was observed or not. The important thing was to get
through the preparatory tactics as quickly as possible, so that the real tussle
might begin. And so hurried, simultaneous, and unconsidered play gradually
became the rule for the earlier moves of the game, and the modern Muslim
and Abyssinian method of opening came into existence. It is obviously some-
thing quite different from the introductory tactics of the Indian game, in which
only one player plays at a time, and the number of moves that he may make
is strictly settled.
For Mid-game tactics we possess treatises both by as-Sull and by his
pupil al-Lajlaj. The former appears to have formed a part of as-Sull’s lost
chess work, whence it is quoted at length in Man., 29 and in extract in Y.
The latter is given at the end of AH (ff. 133 b-135 a). The two works are
largely identical, and as-Sulfs may be summarized thus :
The first player should adopt the Mujannah array. He should try to be the first
to develop his Fils. He should not move his Shah except under compulsion ; his
original square is his best post. He should not move in a Book’s line of attack
(t*rd) unless two or three other pieces intervene. When checked cover with Firzdn
or FU rather than with a superior piece. If a Faros gives check, move a FiTs
move distant from him. Beware of an attack on the Shah with two superior pieces.
If the opponent’s men cramp the Shah , attack his pieces and compel exchanges.
Avoid checks. Do not hesitate to sacrifice a man if an advantage is to be gained in
that way. In a series of exchanges, take in such an order that a piece is won, i.e. if
this is possible. With the better game do not let the opponent draw, with the
worse, play for the draw. Look after your own men, and your opponent’s also.
Examine every move of his. When you see three moves ahead which appear
trustworthy, play the first, but before playing the second and third examine them
again. If you win a piece, try and win the game as a result. If you lose a piece,
do not relax your efforts. There was an Indian player who never lost a Pawn
without corresponding advantage for 40 years. When your opponent moves his
Shah, move yours, keeping opposite him. When he plays his Firzdn, play yours.
Put your Rooks opposite his in the opening. If he advance a Pawn, advance that
one of yours which counters it, e. g. lie moves QRP, you do the same ; he moves
QKtP, you move QBP; he moves QBP, you move QP, S0 &c. In the opening it is
best to play with Firzdn , Faros , and Pawns. Try to be the first to enter the
adversary’s territory, but take care that you are not compelled to return again.
The best post for the Firzdn is Q3 ; for Faras , either the centre of the board or the
margin in the opponent’s half of the board; for Rook, your opponent’s Kt2 or R2
or your own KKt2. The worst square for the Rook is R2 (Lajl&j : Because the Fit
29 Ch. ii, ff. 31 a-84 b, followed by a criticism of b. Abi Ha jala on ff. 84 b-89 a, which is of
little importance for the practical game.
90 I imagine the text here is in error, and QKtP should counter QKtP ; QBP, QBP ; and
so on. Such an error in copying might very easily happen.
Digitized by Google
246
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
can attack it. The worst square for the Faras after the corner is Kt2. The corner
is bad for everything except the Rook). A Faras at liberty is worth more than
a confined Rook. After opening the game on the wings, open it in the centre.
Take care of your central Pawns (Y : Some say they are better than the Faras ;
all agree that they are better than a Firzcm), they are the best of the Pawns ; KP is
better than QP, QP than BP, BP than KtP, KtP than RP. Some say that KKtP
is the best of all the Pawns except the two central ones, because it is a spy against
the return of the adversary's stronger Fil and Firzcm , so it should be guarded and
not thrown away lightly. QRP is better than KRP. Take care of the Fil an-Naf$
(Lajlaj : Keep your F%1 al-qaima ; this is the KB). It is better than the FU al-Firzan
(QB), because it is the defensive Fil . Do not sacrifice it, except in a case of
necessity or to gain material advantage. Take care of KP. It should not be
advanced farther than K3 except to attack the Firzcm , or to open a cramped game.
QP is to be played to Q4 (i. e. d4) as a general rule. If 3 Pawns are in a line, take
the middle one (Lajlaj adds : if the capture is made by a Pawn). Shun the game of
greed ( tamd r ).
To this al-Lajlaj adds but little new. He cites ar-RazI as laying down
rules when chess-playing is inexpedient, as for instance, when the mind is
occupied with other matters, or when taking food. From as-Suli, to whom
he gratefully expresses his indebtedness for his knowledge of chess, he quotes
the following advice :
Never snatch at an offered piece until the consequences have been fully weighed.
Do not sacrifice a piece unless you see your way clear to regain it shortly, or a
certain win. Do not let your Shah be hemmed in. Beware of the move of the Fil.
Never play a move without a reason. Do not open your game on the Firzana
wing ; the general rule is to advance on the Shah* 8 wing. Do not advance P to K4
unless the QP is beside it, or it is necessary to guard one of your pieces, or to drive
back one of your opponent's, or your game is blocked and you have no other way of
opening it. Do not be in a hurry to nlay Q to Q3 or B3. Double your Rooks on the
7th row. Do not move Rooks or Faras from their squares during the development.
You lose two moves if you advance a piece and then have to return it. A strongly
posted Rook is worth Rook and Firzdn at least. When you see a good move for
a piece, look out for a better. In making a move do not think about the actual
move, but about winning or drawing the game. The right thing to do with your FU
is to sacrifice it for a Pawn. Avoid a divergent check.
Obviously there is much of this good counsel that is equally applicable to
the modem European game.
\
Digitized by Google
APPENDIX
AL-LAJLAJ’S ANALYSIS OF THE MUJANNAH, MASHA’IKHl,
SAIF, AND SAYYAL OPENINGS
As has already been stated, this analysis is contained in the RisaXa al-Lajlaj Ji bayan
lab ash-shatranj ( 4 Al-Lajlaj’s treatise on the demonstration of the game of chess ’)
by Abu al-Muzaffar b. Sa'ld al-Lajlaj ash- Shavian jT, of which we possess an Arabic
text in L and a Persian text in AE. , I have not attempted to preserve the order
of the original work : Arabic chess notation is so diffuse, and the arrangement of the
variations so disorderly, that considerations both of space and of convenience have
determined me to arrange the analysis on modern lines. By this means I can give
it entire, and the reader will find it easy to appreciate the principles of play that
the great Muslim master observed. Following modern usage, again I have given
the move throughout to Red (White); the occasions in which Black plays first
in the MSS. are, however, noted as they occur. In the MSS. the Red K stands on dl,
the Black K on d8 ; here again I have ‘ reflected * the arrangement, and I record the
moves throughout on the assumption that the Kings stand on the e-file. 1
The analysis contains very few notes on the play, other than those necessary
to explain the connexion of a variation with the main line of play, but what there
are will be found in the notes to my tables. The moves are not numbered, and they
follow one another without any attempt at spacing or paragraphing. When a
variation is finished, a rubric, 4 The game returns to such and such a move,’
introduces the new line of play. A new trunk line is introduced with a diagram
of the position from which the analysis commences.
The work may be divided into five sections, which deal with (1) the Mujannah
when opposed by the Mujannah, which I call for short the Double Mujannah,
(2) the uncompleted Mujannah, (3) the Mujannah when opposed by the Masha ikhl
and alternatively, (4) the Saif, and (5) the Sayyal. In the case of the Double
Mujannali, the play is not given from the first move, since the order of the moves
is not material provided the player take care that the opponent cannot prevent him
posting his BPs on their fourth squares. The introduction deals with this one
point, and the subsequent analyses all start from positions on the 10th to the 15th
move. In the majority of the other sections the play is recorded fiom the first move,
though in the Sayyal games there are often long gaps in the record which can only
be filled with the help of the diagram of the position finally secured.
1 The player who wishes to reproduce the ‘atmosphere’ of the Muslim board can easily
adapt my notation by lettering the files from right to left instead of from left to right.
Digitized by Google
248
CHESS IN ASIA
PAUT I
The introduction to the work runs as follows : —
In the name of God the compassionate and merciful ! The sheikh al-Imam
JVbuTMuzaffar b. Said, surname I al-Lajlaj (the stammerer) — May God have mercy
u pon him ! — says : 1 Praise be to God the all-good who made the creation, and the
"blessing of God light upon our Lord Muhammad, the best of all His followers !
There is no might except with God, wherefore we rely on Him, and call upon Him
for help ! ’
I have noticed that while my predecessors have arranged figures which are used
in the game of chess, and have diagrammed the recognized Openings, and have
taught the moves of the pieces by means of problems, yet no one has attempted
to instruct the player who has learnt to identify the Openings from the diagrams in
hooks, in the correct method of play which is appropriate to each Opening. I have
accordingly taken the trouble to investigate the Openings with which the game
is commenced, and which are adopted by the majority of players in spite of their
opposition to correct principles, and to form an opinion as to the excellence,
mediocrity, or badness of each game. Some of these games are played to an end,
others continue even until the victory or draw follows.
I hope that in the present work I have opened a door to the student through
which he may easily attain to this knowledge. The games which I have not
explained either because of their length, or because of their great similarity to other
games, are commended to the student's attention. In this investigation, I have had
no forerunner, not even among the greatest experts, and I have spent long days in
the selection of this treasure and the solution of its problems. The numerous
instructions which I have received in long talk with and continuous inquiry from
Abu-Bakr Muhammad b. Yahya a$-Suli have put me in a position to compose this
book.
iTifsi m
f : n ■ ?
RVRfi rim
B m Hi YU
mm m m
mmm
& < m wt n
The Mujannah Opening.
The position after
twelfth move.
I begin in God’s name with the Opening called AL-MUJANNAH and those
which resemble it, because it shows the most adequate and correct development,
because its form is symmetrical, and because all players have expressed their
preference for it. Also it is the only one of the Openings in which all the pieces
are moved in twelve moves. This is its diagram as drawn in the books. We shall
follow it out from the first move and (1) repeat them until they show sufficiently
the way that follows. Then we shall describe the developments which resemble the
Mujannah, and conclude with the complete erection of those whicli do not do so,
if God wills.
In this development there are three manners of play. The first way is to
advance the KRP and KKtP ; this is best. The second way is to advance QP; this
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV.
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
249
is the central attack adopted by many ; at the present time this is the usual line of
play. The third is to advance QRP and QKtP ; this is worst.
We suppose that Red has the first move. The position in the diagram is obtained
in twelve moves. Red moves the left-hand BP (1 Pf3); if Black moves any of the
following, KP, KBP, KKtP, KRP, Red moves his left-hand BP a second move
(2 Pf4). If, however, Black move any of these, QP, QBP, QKtP, or QRP, Red
moves his right-hand BP twice. He secures the advantage of the attack on the
King’s wing because he retains the move in the opening by moving KKtP. The
result is, Red fixes the Q’s wing by opening on the K’s wing, and fixes the game
with the Q by leaving QRP in a3. Whatever Black plays on the Q’s side is bad
for him, and good for Red as we shall make clear.
The discussion returns to the moment when the development has been completed
according to the diagram.
That is to say, al-Lajlaj proposes now to continue his analysis from the position
after move 12, and to omit the previous moves by which that position is obtained.
The crucial point is at the commencement. Red plays 1 Pf3, but he has to watch his
opponent to see which wing he is going to open first. If this is the K wing, he can
continue 2 Pf4, but if the opponent chooses to commence his Q wing development,
Red must continue 2 Pc3 in order that he may not be behindhand on that wing.
The analysis now follows. Those moves which I have supplied by the help
of the diagrams only, are throughout printed in italics.
Digitized by Google
250
CHESS IX ASIA
PART I
Table 1. The Doible Mujannau.
1. Pf3, Pf6 ; 2. Pf4 % P/S ; 3. Kt/3, Ktf6; 4. Pg3, Py6 \ 5. Pc3, Pc6; 6. Pc4
Pc5; 7. Ktc3 ) Kic6\ 8. Pb3, Pb6 ; <J. Pe3, Pc6 \ 10. 11. Rbl % Rb8
12. Ttyi.
1.
2 m
3 .
IS
Ph8
Pa6
Rb7
14
Pa3*
Rb2
Pb5
Ph6
bRg7
15
PxP!
Pg4
bR g 2
PxP
Rf7
Ph6
16
Pb4
PxP
bRg2
Rh8
Pg4
PxP
17
PxP
Kth2
PxP
Rg7*
Qc7 or Pa6
Pg5
18
Rg2
Rc7
Ph4
PxP 10
Pf5
Pd5 !
19
Rc2 8
Kt x P
Px eP
Pe5 4
Kth6 11
PxP
20
Pe4 ! 8
Qe2
bPxP
PxeP 6
Kte7
BxP
21
dPxP
PxP
Kth2 1 *
any 18
Ktd5 ! i*
Kt x gP 20
22
PxP
Qf3
R x Kt
Bh6 7
any
BxR
23
Pe5
PxP~
Qg*
Ktf6
Ktf6 ch
Kf7
24
PxP
Ph5
KtxR
Kth5
Pg5 14
Bd6 ! «
25
Bd8 ? 8
Pf5 ! 18
Kt x P ch
Ktf4
Pe5 14
26
B x P ! 9
Kte4
KtxeP
Kt(f6)g8 17
27
KtxKt
KtgS
Re7
Rg7
28
Re2
Qf3
KtxR
Pg4
29
KxKt
Kt x Kt ch
Kte4
30
Be3 !
4. 5 . 6.
Kf?
Rf2
PL6
Pg4
PxP
PxP_
Pg5
Pfo
PxP 22
PxP
Ktd7 2s
Ktd2
Kte7
Bh3 ! **
Pg4
fRgii
Ktf6 28
BhS 8 ®
Pli5
Kt(d2W
IT x P
Ktfd2)e4
Kt x Kt ! 26
Kte.3
Rli8
KtxKt
R(g4)g2! 81
KtgB
Pho
K t x P ch
Rg? 88
Qc2
Kfl
Ktf3
RliJS
Kt x P 82
gRgb 84
Ktg5
B x Kt
Ktb4
K1B 27
RxB
Px B
Ktc-4
Rf2
Ex R
fKh«“
KtxR!
Rf2
Rhl 88
any
Bfl 19
A
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
251
Notes to Table 1.
I Or 14 Rb2, Pb5 ; 15 bRf2 or g2 ignoring the counter-attack on the Queen's wing. 15 . .
Px cP ; 16 bP x P followed by Q to b8, Ba8, Kta4, winning the cP. 15 . . , Pb4 ; 16 Kte2 !,
Pa5 ; 17 any on K wing, Pa4 ; 18 Qc2 !, P x P ; 19 Q x P, Ra8 ! but Red oan eventually bring
his Q to b5. 15 . . , Kta7 to follow with the advance of the aP leaves Red time to continue
his own attack on the other wing.
* 17..,Ph6; 18 Pg4, Px P ; 19PxP, Pg5 ; 20 Px P, P x P ; - .
* 19 Pg4, Pe5 ; 20PxeP, PxeP; 21 Pd4, Pe4 ; 22Ktd2!, Ph8.
4 19 . . , Pd5 ; 20 Kte2 (a), Bd6 ; 21 Kt(f3)d4. Kt x bP ; 22 R x R, Q x R ; 28 KtcS to follow
with Kt(d4) x bP. The games are even.
(a ' 20 Kte5, Kte7 ; 21 Ba8 to follow with Bc5.
5 20 P x P ?, P x P ; 21 Pe4, Px P ; 22PxP, Bd6; 28 Ktd5, KtxKt; 24PxKt, KtxbP;
25 R x R, Q x R ; 26 Kt x P, Kt x P with a P more. If 20 any other, Pe4 ; 21 Ktd2 (or h2),
Pd6 ! ; 22 Pg4, Pd4 ; 28 Kta2 1 (a), P x dP ; 24 B x P, Bd6 winning the bP.
I a ) 28 Kte2, PxeP; 24 BxP, PxdP; 25 BxP, PxgP; 26 PxP, KtxgP and will
win the bP. If 28 Pg5 ?, Kt x bP, winning.
* 20 . . , Ktd4 ; 21 KtxKt, PxKt; 22Kte2,RxR; 28QxR,PxeP; 24KtxP!,PxP;
25 Q x P!.
7 22 . . , Kth5 ; 23 Ktd5, with better game.
* 25 Ktd6, Rd7 ; 26 R x Kt, R x Kt. Red has the advantage, since his Ps block the B1 .
Q’s entry.
9 26 Kt x P ?, Kt x B ch ; 27 K-%>, R x Kt, with better game.
14 18 . . , any on Q wing ; 19 Phb, Kte7 (a) ; 20 P x gP, Kt x P(g6) ; 21 P x fP, Kth4 ; 22 Rf2,
KtxP; 28 Bh8, Kfc<* ; 24 Pf5.
(a) 19.., Pg4(b); 20 PxfP, ePxP; 21 PxP, PxP. Or 19 . . , P x hP ; 20 Px fP,
PxP; 21 Bh3, with better game.
(b) 19 .., PxgP; 20 PxP, Rg7 ; 21 KtxgP, R> PI; 22 KtxKtcA, R x Kt. Red
continues with Bh8, Rf2, Pf5, with better game.
II 19 .., KtxKt; 20 R x Kt, Kte7 ; 21 Ph5, PxhP(o); 22 Rh4, any; 23 RxhP followed
by Rh2, Rf2, Bh3, and Pf5. If now Bl. plays Pei, Red replies R(f2)g2 ; but if P x P, Red replica
R(glfl and BxP, with better game.
(a) If 21 . . , Pg5 ; 22 PxP.
12 Or 21 Ktf2, probably not quite so good.
14 But not 21 . . , Pd5 ? ; 22PxP, PxP; 28 Ktf8, with better game.
14 24 . ., PxP; 25 QfB, Pd5 ; 26 Pf5 or PxdP!, with better game.
15 26 PxgP, PxgP.
14 25 . . , P x P ; 26 Q x P, sacrificing a P for the better game.
17 26 . . , Kt x Kt ; 27 Kt x Kt. This assumes 21 Ktf2. See note 12 above.
14 Following with Q x P, with the superior game.
1# The sacrifice of the gP is praised as sound.
20 Or 21 . . , KtxKt?; 22 PxKt. Or 21 . . , Qe7 or Rg6 ; 22 KtxKtck and 28 Qe2,
with a clear road to the centre of the board. Or 21 . . , Ktd7 ; 22 Qe7, Ac.
41 24 . . , K x Kt ; 25 R x B, and has won a piece.
44 18. . , Pd5; 19 PxeP, BxP; 20 PxP, Kte7 ; 21 Kte6!, KtxgP!; 22 KtxR, KtxR;
23 P x B, KtxQ; 24 KtxKt. Or 18 .., Qe7 ; 19 Ktd2, R(f7)g7 ; 20 Qe2, Pd5 ; 21 PxeP,
PxP; 22 bP x P, BxP; 28 QfB.
44 19.. , Kte7 ; 20 Pd4, KtxP (a) ; 21 KtxP, KtxdP or eP(b) ; 22 KtxR, KxR; 28
R x Kt cfc, KxR; 24 R x R, winning.
(a) 20.. , PxP; 21 KtxdP.
(b) 21 . . , R x Kt ; 22 R x R, P x R ; 28 R x Kt, with better game.
24 21 Pe4, Ktc6 followed by R(f7)g7, Kf7, and Bl. can establish hisQ in d4 or f4, winning.
43 22 . . , Kte6 ; 28 Qe2 (a), Rh8 (6) ; 24 Rf2 !, P x B ; 25 PfB, Ktc6 ! ; 26 Kt(d2)e4 or Ktd6.
If 25 . . , Ktg8 ; 26 Ktd5 and if 25 . . , Kt(e7)g6 ; 26 Pd4. Red has the better game.
v a 23 Pd4, KtdS ch ; 24 Kfl, Kt x fP (c) ; 25 B x Kt, R x B ch ; 26 Ktf8, R x Kt ch ; 27 Ke2 ;
or 26 Ke2, Kt x B ch drawn.
(b) 28 . . , any other ; 24 Pd4, PxP; 25 P x P, KtcG ; 26 R x P, with the advantage.
(c) 24.., PxP; 25 PxP, Ktf4; 26RxP, RxR; 27RxR,KtxB.
14 Or 23 . . , P x B ; 24 Kt x Kt ch, R x Kt ; 25 R x R, with the better game.
47 If 26 . . , P x B ; 27 KtxR. And if 26 . . , Rg7 ; 27 Ktf8, hRh7 ; 28 Kth4, PxB;
29 Rg5, Red retains the advantage.
* 27 . . , Rf7 ; 28 Pf6 followed by Rf2 !.
49 Red will bring K to c8 and play Pd4.
*• 22 . . , fRg7 ; *23 Kt(d2)e4 !, Kf7 ; 24 PfB, Kt x fP ; 25 Bfl, Rg6 ; 26 gRf2, wins the Kt.
41 24 R(g4)g8, Kt x Pch ; 25 Kfl, Kt x P (a) ; 26 B x Kt, R x B ch ; 27 Ko2 ! drawn. Not 27
Ktf3 ?, R x Kt ch ; 28 Ke2, Kte4, winning.
(a) 25 . . , Kt x B ; 26 Qc2 followed by Kf2 or g2, wins the Kt.
44 25 . . Kte5 ; 26 Qc2 followed by Ke2, Q to d5, and Kt(d2)e4, winning.
44 24 . . , RfB ; 25 Kt(c8)e4, fRh6 ; 26gRf2,PxB; 27KtxhPorRhl and RxP(h8). He
plays his K to c8 and advances dP.
* 35 .., gRhT; 26 Kth4, P x B ; 27 Rg5 followed by Kte4, K to c3, and Pd4 ; if now Bl. takes
dP, Red replies PxdP, and then Be3 to keep the Bl. Q out of the game. Next Rhl and
R x P(h8).
44 To follow with Qe2 and Rx P(h3).
Digitized by
252
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Table 2. The Double Mujannah.
Moves l to 12 as in Table 1.
7.
18 Ph8
18 Pli6
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
11 Pg4
Qc2
Phi
14 PxP
PA 5 11
Ph5
15 PxP
Pd4
Rb2
Pg5
PxP
Rb7
Pb5
16 Pf6 '
PxP!
PxP
Re2
Re2
16 Pd5! 3
PxP
Kte4
Rc7
Pa6
PxdP»
Pd4!
Kte2
g Rq2
Qc2
7 PxdP
Pd5 8
Kb7
Pb5
gRg7
Pb4
18 ™ '
Pl»6
Qc2
Rb2
Qd8 12
Qc2
Kta4
Qc7
R17
Ktf6
Qc7i®
Qc7 28
PxhP
PxdP!
Rf2
KtcS
Pd4
Pd4
Pg4
ePx P 8
Pd5
PxP
Pxpia
Qb6
_ Kth4 or d2
•]A
PxP
cPxP«
PxP
PxP
Qd3
AM — —
PxP
ePxP
RxR
PeS 20
Kd7
21
BaS
Kteo
KtxR
fP x P
Kdl
Pd4 c
KtxKt
Ph4
PxP
K^7
22
PxP 7
PxKt
Pr4‘>
PxP! 81
Kc2
PxP
Ktd7
Bh6
Ktg4
Kb7
28
Kte2
KtxP
Pg5”
Ktd5
Kb2 28
Rb5
RxR
Ktho
Re6!“
24
Bel
KxR
Pd6 18
Rtf4
Pd8
Kg7
PxP
Kt(c6) x P ! 28
25
QxP
Qe2
PxP
Ktd4 !
KxgP
KtxP
Kte7
eKe7 24
26
Ktf6 ch
Kt7
Qc4 16
BaG ! 27
Ktd5
eRf7
27
Kte4
Qb5
Ktc6
Beti
Kt x dP
QdG
28
QfX
QxB
Qe7
Bf8
29
Kg3
Qf6
hKt x fP
30
,
Bh8
Rli7
81
Rdl
Bh6 9
QQ
Ktf2
BxP 10
88
KtxB
KtxKt
84
KxKt
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
253
Notes to Table 2.
* Compare Table 1, cols. S and 4. The move is bad here, where the Rs are not united.
* If 16 . . , Ph6 ; 17 P x hP, Pg4; 18 Kth4, PxfP; 19 KtxP, or 18 Pe5 ; 19 Ktg6,
or 18 . . , any other ; 19 P x eP.
If 16 . . , Pe5 ; 17 Ktd2 !, Ph5 ; 18 P x P, Pg4 ; 19 Kt(d2)e4.
If 16.. , PxP ; 17 PxP, Kte7; 18Rb2!(o\ KtxP; 19 Rf2, Qe7 ! ; 20 KtxP. KtxP;
21 B x Kt, P x Kt ; 22 R x gP, R x R !. Otherwise 28 gRf5 and Bg5.
(a) 18 Bh3 or Pe4 give a long, but easy game.
8 If 17 Pd4, P x dP; 18ePxP, PxfP; 19 PxfP, Pg4,&c.; or 18cPxP, PxdP; 19PxdP,
Ph5 ; 20 P x P, Pg4 ; 21 Kt-*., Kt x P, with better game.
If 17 P x eP, PxP; 18bPxP,BxP; 19 Ktd5, Kt x gP ; 20RxKt,BxR; 21 KtfBck,
Kf2 ; 22 Kt x R, K x Kt and Bl. has a P more.
If 17 any other, Pd4; 18 PxdP, cPxP; 19 Kte2, Pe5 ; 20 Ktd2, Pe4 ; 21 KtxP,
Kt x Kt ; 22 Px Kt. Or 21 PxP, and Bl. brings his Q to e5, his Kt(c6) to f7, and R to e7,
with a won game.
4 17.., PxP; 18 PxP followed by Be3.
B 19 . . , cP x P ; 20 eP x P, PxP; 21 Bd3, Bd6 - .
• 21 .. , Pc4; 22 PxP, RxR; 23 KtxR, PxP; 24 Ktc3 or d2 to follow with Bel, Q to e4,
via dl, e2, f8, abandoning his gP in order to establish his game, and finally he emerges a P
ahead, since he can win either cP or gP.
7 22 Kta4, Pc4 (a) ; 28 P x dP, Be6 ; 24 Ktc3, B or Kt x gP. Red will win gP with B and
Kt, remaining a P ahead.
(а) 22 . . , P x P ; 23 B x P and 24 B x P.
• 20 Qc2, Qe2 ; 21 cPx P (a), ePxP (b ) ; 22 Kte5, PxP; 23 PxP(c), KtxKt; 24PxKt,
Ktd2». If the Bl. Q was on c7 the game might continue 25 Re2, Re 7 ; 26 Kt x P attacking
Q and R and threatening check-rook on f6. Had Red played 19 Re2, Bl. could not have played
22 . . , P x P for 28 Ktb5 wins a P.
(a 21 Qd8, Qd6 -.
(б) 21 . . , Kt x P(d5) ; 22 Kte4, with better game.
(c) Or 23 Kt x Kt, P x Kt ; 24 Kt x P and 25 Ktb5 and 26 Kt x cP winning a P. But
not 28 Kt x R ?, P x Kt ; and the Red Kt has no escape.
9 31 . . , Rh5 ; 32 Ktf2 followed by R moves. The Q is established and the Bl. pieces
are scattered.
10 32 . . , any other ; 33 Qe4 to follow with Qf5, and Ktf4. Red might also play Rd5, Pe4
and Pe5. If Bl. then plays Q x P ; R x Q fixes the gP, and if Bl. does not take the P, Red’s
game is still better.
11 The analysis commences from the position after this 14th move of Bl., which is dia-
grammed. I have changed the colours of the MS. The column is intended to show the
advantage of the development on the K-wing. Bl. adopts it here, and generally secures the
better game.
n 18 Pd5, Kte7 (a) ; 19 Qd8, Ktf6; 20PxeP, PxP; 21 QxP, BxP; 22 Qd3, Bh6 + .
Bl. will exchange his B for 2 Ps, and secures the quicker development.
(a) 18 . . , P x dP ; 19 P x bP, Kt-** ; 20 Qd8 ; Bl. has doubled Ps.
If 22 KtxP, KtxP. If 22 P x P, Bh6 and 23 . . , BxP. If 22 Pd5, P x dP.
14 23 P x P, eP x P ! (a) ; 24 Pd5, Kte7 ; 25 Kt x P, B x P. Bl. proposes by Ba6, B x cP,
Q to e5 or b6 to establish himself on the Q wing.
(a) 23 . . , gP x P ; 24 R x R, Kt x R ; 25 Pd5, P x P ; 26 P x P, Kte7, with better game.
24 Px B, KtxP.
26 Ktc3, Kt xfP ; 27 Qc4, Bf8 and the Red dP is fixed.
>7 26 . . , Bf8 ; 27 Kf2, Kt x fP ; 28 Ke8, Kth6 ; 29 Ktc3, Pa6 ! to keep the Q from c6 ;
SO Kt x P with the more open game.
18 The analysis commences with the position after this move, which is diagrammed.
19 . . , Pd5 1 ; 20 Qd3, Qd6 «.
80 20 . . , Pd5 ; 21 Qd3 to follow with Be3, Pc5, Bg5 confining the range of the Bl. Q.
»i 22 Pd5, Pe4 ; 23 Ktg5 !, Ktd4 ; 24 Rd2, Ktf 3ck ; 25 Kt x R. If 24 Re8, Ktg4 : and
if 24 eRf2, Ktg4 ; 25 Rf4, Bh6, Bl. wins in all.
33 If 23 . . , ©Rd7 or f7 ; Red wins a R by similar play to that suggested for Bl. in note 21.
If 23 . . , Kt(c3)xP; 24 KtxQck, K-**(a) ; 25 KtxKt, KtxKt; 26 Kt moves and Red has
gained a Q.
(a) 24 . . , R x Kt ; 25 Kt x Kt, Kt x Kt ; 26 R x Kt ch with gain of a Q.
*3 24 . . . Re7; 25 Ktd8 ! and continues by Kd2, Rdl. If Bl. doubles his Rs on the e-file,
Red plays Pa8, Pb4, Pc5, Qb3, Kc2, and, when possible, Be3 and g5, winning.
25 . ., Rd6?; 26 Ktd5, Pa6(o) ; 27 Bd3, Rf7 ; 28 Ktf3, Re6; 29 Ktg5 wins a R.
(a) 26 . . , Kd8 ; 27 Ktb5 wins the aP.
ta The analysis commences from the position after this move.
as The analysis of this game is not worked out. The lines of play recommended for each
player are given separately. Red aims at posting his Rs on el and dl, his Q on f8, and Kt
on g5 before advancing his dP to d5. Bl. aims at doubling his Rs on the e-file, at exchanging
ps on d4 and advancing eP.
Digitized by
254
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Table 3. The Double Mujannah.
Moves 1 to 10 as in Tables 1 and 2.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
11 Rbl
Rgl
R bS
RgS
12 Rgl
Ph3
Ph3
Ph6
Rg8
Rg?
13 PM>
Phi
Ph4
Ph6
Ph6
Re7
M Rg2
Qc2
Pd4 18
Qc2
Qc2
Qc7*
Rh7«
PxP
Rg7
PhS
16 Q ' 2
Pd4
PxP
Pd4
Kill
Rg8
PxP
Kto4
P x P
Qc7™
16 Pd4 -
PxP
Kto2 16
PxP
Pd4
° p x pi
Kte4
Pb5
Kte4
PxP
17 PXP
Kte2 7
Qc2 17
Kte2
PxP
Ktel
Pb5
PxP
Pb5
Peb
16 Kte2S
8 Pg5*
QdS
Ktf6
PxP
RxR
QdS
Ktf6
Pa3 26
Pe4
19 5^
KtcS
QxR
Pc5 18
Pd6
Pdo
AW P X P
PxP
Ba6
Px P ! »
Kte7*>
P x Kt 27
Pd5 ®
20
PxP
PxP
PxeP“
P x Kt
Kte7!
rTr
Ktd7
PxP
Kte4 2 «
21 PxeP
Ktf6
Kt x R
Be8 !
QxP
Ktdb 29
Rb7
Qe7 !
BxP
Ktl'2 ch
Kt x P
22
Ktc3
Bg5
QdS
Kd2
Bh6
Ba6® —
Q16 21
Phb
Re 2 ch
no Kte2
BxP
Pa8 9
KtcS
Rb8
Bh6
24
Kd2 10
Rb2cA
BhS
KtdS 84
25
Kdl«
Rf2
26
Qe2
BxP
27
Kel
Kte4
28
Ktd2 (or gS') 12
Kt x Kt(c3 ) ls
29
Kx R
Kt xQ
'
30
R^
Kt xlj
81
Kt x B 14
Kt x P
chap, xiv THE GAME OF SHATRANJ 255
Notes to Table 3.
I The analysis begins with Red's 14th move, and the position is diagrammed after BI/s
reply.
• 16 . . , Pd5 with a difficult game ; 17 dP x P (or Qd8), bP x P (a) ; 1 8 P x P, P x P ; 19 Ba3,
Qd6 ; 20 Kta4. If now 20 . . , Ktd7 ; 21 Pg4. If 20 . . , Rb4 ; 21 Qd3, Ktb6 and Kta6 =
(Red has some advantage in the retention of his eP, and the Bl. Ps are fixed). If 20 . . , Pc4 ;
21 P x P, P x P ; Red has eP v. cP. He brings his Q to f8, and plays Pe4, establishing his Q.
Or 20 . . , Be6, and Bg4 to prevent this.
(o) If 17 . . , dP x P ; 18 cP x P, aP x P ; 19 P x P, with gain of a Pawn.
8 18 Ktdl, Pg5 ; 19 Qd3, Pg4 ; 20 Kth4 !, Ktf6 ; 21 Pd5 and 22 Kt x fP, with better game.
4 18 . . , Pb5 ; 19 Qd8, Ktf6 ; 20 Pc5 (a), P x P ; 21 P x P, Ktd7 ; 22 Be3, Qd8 (intending to
play to f6) ; 23 Bg5, Kt x P ; 24 Eel wins a Kt, or the game by establishing his Q in f3
followed by Bh3 and Ktd2 or d4.
(a) 20 KtcS, P x P ; 21 P x P, R x R ; 22 Kt x R followed by 23 Be3 and 24 Rb2 estab-
lishing his game and winning.
0 Red has 1 greed ’ in the game when he refrains from playing 20 Q x Kt and pushes on
the other Kt. If 20 Q x Kt, P x Q ; 21 Ktd2, Pf8 win9 a piece.
• The analysis commences from this move, the position being diagrammed after Bl.’s
14th move. I have changed the colours.
7 17 KtxKt, PxKt; 18Ktg5,Re7; 19 Pd5 (a), P x P ; 20 P x P, Ktb5 ; 21Qdl,KtxdP,
Bl. has the better game.
(a) 19 Kt x P(e4), KtxdP!.
• 22 .., Rb2 ; 28 Ph4. PeB ; 24 fPxP(«% PxP; 25 PxP, Ktg4 ; 26 any, KtxP; 27
Kt x Kt !, Kt x Kt ; 28 Qe2, Rc2 ; 29 Ktdl, R x B winning. Or 28 . . , BhS and 29 . . , Bg5
attacking the Q, winning.
(a) 24 Pd5?, Pe4 ; if 25 P x Kt, P x Kt ; and if 25 Ktd2 or g5, Ktd4.
• If 28 Rg2 to stop the Bl. R from the 2nd line, BxP; 24 Q x B, Rb4 ! wins Q or P.
10 24 Ktdl or a4, B x P.
II If 25 Qc2, B x P ; and if 25 Kel, B x P ; 26 Q x B, Rc2 winning the Q.
12 28 Kt x Kt, R x Q ch ; 29^, R x Kt wins.
18 28 .., KtxdP; 29 Kt (d2 or g4)xKt(«), RxQcA; 30 Kt x R, KtfScA; 81 Kf2 (6),
Kt x R ; 32, however Red retakes, Bl. wins one of the Kts and remains with Q and central
Ps v. Kt. The game will probably end in a draw.
(а) 29 Kt o3) xKt?, RxQcA; 30 K^, P x Kt.
(б) 31 Kdl, B x Kt ! and wins R or Kt.
14 This supposes 28 Ktd2. If Ktgo had been played then, Red might play 31 KtfS, PdB;
32Ktd2, KtxP.
18 The analysis commences with this move, the position after Bl.’s 18th move being
diagrammed. I have changed the colours. Most play this way.
18 16 Kt x Kt, P x Kt ; 17 Ktd2, Kt x P ; 18 Kt x P. Bl. has two centre Ps as against two BPs.
17 17 PxP, RxP.
18 With the intention of confining the Bl. Q.
12 19 . . , PdB ; 20 Be3. any ; 21 BgB (still endeavouring to confine the Q), P x B ; 22 hP x P
and the Q is confined. Red has the better chance of winning.
*> 21 . . , Ph5 ; 22 BgB, KtxP; 23 Rcl wins a Kt.
21 Intending 23 . . , Kf7 with later Ba6, PeB (if now P x P, Q x P), with advantage.
«19..,PxdP ; 20 P x bP (to double the Bl. Ps), RxP; 21 BhS, Kf7 ; 22 Ktd4, R^ ;
28 BxP, PxB; 24 Pa3 to follow with Pb4 and Be3 with the better game, since he has
hindered the development of the Bl. Q.
28 23 PxbP, Kt(d2) x P.
21 Each player gives up his B for 2 Ps. Bl. secures dP v. bP for the ending, with rather
the better game. The game is probably intended to run 25 Kt x Kt, Kt x Kt ; 26 Ktd4, BxP;
27 B x P, P x B ; 28KtxP,Rd2; 29PxB, KtxP; 80 Qe4.
28 The position is diagrammed after this move (with which the analysis commences).
I have changed the colours.
24 Or 18 Rg2. Or 18 dP x P, PxP; 19 P x P. Kt x P securing fP o. cP and establishing
his Q.
Or 18 fPx P, Px P ; 19 PdB, Ktd8 to follow with Pe4 and Qd6 and e5, and Ktf7 with
the better game.
Or 18 PdB, Ktd8 ! (a) ; 19 any, KthB ; 20 Kte2 (6), Kf7 ; 21 any, PxP; 22 PxP (c),
Be6. If 23 P x B, Kt x eP secures two Ps for the B. If 23 P does not x B, Bg4 ; 24 Kt(e2)^ ,
Kt x fP wins a P.
(а) 18 .. , Kta5 ; 19 Rbl, Ba6; 20 Pb4, Ktb7 ; 21 Qb3 to follow with Q via a4 and bo
to c6 + .
(б) 20 P x P, PxP; 21 Pg4, Ktf6 ! ; 22PxP =.
(c) 22 KtxP, KtxKt; 23 PxKt, Re4.
27 19 . . , Ktd8 ; 20 Ktd4 to follow with Be3, Pa4, Kd2, Ktdl. Bg5. If now PxB; hP x P
and Red secures the better game. If Bl. does not accept the B, Red continues Kte3, BhS,
and sacrifices his B for 2 Ps, and has again the better game.
88 20 . . , Ktg4 ; 21 KtdB?, Re2. If 22 Kt x Q ch , K ^ ; 23 Kt x R?, Ktf2 mate.
28 21 Kt x Kt, P x Kt. If 21 any other, the games are oven, except that Bl/s fP is better
posted than Red’s cP.
Digitized by Google
256
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Table 4.
Ox Opening the
Game with
THE MUJANNAH ON THE
Wing, without
COMPLETING
the Development.
1. Pf3, Pf6 ; 2. Pf4, Pf5 ; 3.
Ktf3. Ktf6 ; 4. P''3, Pg6 ;
5. Rgl, Rg8;
Ph6 ; 7. Pe3
Pe6 ;* 8. Pg4, Px
P; 9. PxP,
Pg5.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
10 Pf5 ? -
Pd<>
PxP
PxP*
PxP*
11
BxP
Pd3«
Pd6
Kth2
Pc4
" Kt bH)d7
Pe5
n Qe2
Be3
U Kte5
Bt*6
14 q(S
KtxgP
Pd5
Ke7
Kd7
Pd3
Pc3
PcS 20
U Pho 4
Kt x gP
Kt x gP
Ko2
Ke2
10
Pc6
Qe7
17
Pd 4
Bh3 21
Pd5
Qm
1*
Pb3
Bfo ch
Pb6 7
Ke7
19
Ktd2
Ktli3
Ktd7
Pdi
20
Qc2
Pd4
Qc7
Pdo
21
Qd8
Qc2
CJdO
PxuP
22
Kt(d2^fB
cPxP
Kt(d7jl«
PxP
23
Bh3
Ktf2
Bli6
Bf5
Bfi
24
iiRcl !
Pa6
Pc 5
aRc8
20
Pc4
PxcP
Pl»4
aHc8«
PxcP
Pa(>
Pc5 !
PxP
Pa3
27
PxcP 7j "
KtVP
Pa5
2H
BxPc/i
Qel
PxaP
Kt* 7 ®
Kt <\?> y B ,s
Pb5Tn
29
PxeP
Bh3
Pa4
Kt(g4) x P 11
Bc4 ch
Bc4 ch
110
Kt x B
Kd3!M
QxB
R x R 12
»iiid8 ls
dP x Q
King’s
6. Ph3,
24.
Pc6
Pd4
Pd5
Ph8
Pb6
Qc2
Qe7
Qd3
Qf6
Kth3
Bh6
Ktd2
Kta6
Pa8
Ktc7~
Pa4
KteS
Ktf2
KtdO
KtxK t
B x Kt «-i "
Kf3
Bf4
Ktbl
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
257
Notes to Table 4.
I If 7 Pg4, Bl. fixes fP and wins it with his B.
• If 7 . . , Pg6 ; 8 Bd8.
8 11 Pd8, Pe5 ; 12 Pc8, Kt(b8)d7 ; 18 Kt(bl)d2, Pd5 ; 14 Pe4, Pc6 with better game, since
he can continue Bd6 and Bf4 attacking Kt(d2) and so winning eP.
4 To follow with Ktg6 and h5.
8 * In this game is tam*a (greed). I have never sefcn it played. I do not think there is
any advantage to either side in it, except as a result of calculation/
6 11 Ktc3, Pd6; 12 Qe2, Pe5; 18 Qd3, Be6; 14 Qe4, B or KtxP; 15 Qf5 + attacking B
and fixing the Bl. gP.
7 The two 18th moves are necessary to prevent the checks by the Bs.
• 26 . . , P x dP ; 27 Kt x dP. Or26..,PxeP; 27 Q x P, B x P ch ; 28 PxB and 29 Qd5
or Pd5, establishing the Red game.
• 27 . . , Qc7 ; 28 P x dP and 29 P x eP with better game.
10 28 . . , Q x B ; 29 R x Q with better game.
II 29 . . , Q x P ; 80 Kt x B wins the B.
11 Continued 81 R x R, Kt x Kt ; 82 K x Kt If 31 . . , Q x B ; 32 Kt x Kt !. If 30 . . ,
Kt x Kt ; 81 R x RcA and 82 K x Kt and 33 K x B with gain of a B.
18 28 . . , Kt(d5)f6 ; 29 BhS and 80 Qf5 or d5. In the latter case Red plays 81 Pc4.
14 80 P x B ?, aRb8 ; 31 Qf5, Rb2 ch ; 32 Kd8 and the Kt escapes.
18 Continued 31 Qf5, Qc7 dis ch ; 82 Ke4, and wins the Kt
16 26 . . , Bc4 ch ? (this is bad as a general rule) ; 27 QxB, P x Q (a) ; 28 Rg2, any ; 29
cRgl, P x P ; 30 P x P and 31 Pe5 with better game.
(а) 27 . . , P x eP ; 28 Kth4. Red doubles his Rs on the p-file, then BhS fixing the
Bl. eP with the superior game.
17 28 . . , P x aP ; 29 Rbl, Rb8: 30 P x eP, Kt x P(e5) (o) ; 31 Bc5cA, QxB(6); 32RxR,
Kt x Kt (c) ; 88 Rb7 ch and 34 K x Kt with gain of a R.
(o) If 80 . ., RxR? ; 31 PxKtcfc and 32 RxR. If 30. QxP; 31 Bc5 ch, Kd6 ;
32 Ktf7 ch, K x B or Ke7 ; 8SKt(f7)xQ«.
(б) 31 . . , Kd8 or e8 : 32 R x RcA wins a R.
(c) 82 . . , RxR; 38 Kt x Kt wins a Kt.
u IJT 29 . . , P x aP ; 80 Rbl as in the previous note.
18 Continued 31 P x bP, P x bP ; 32 Rbl, Rb8 ; 83 Bc5 ch. If now 33 . . , Q x B ; 34 P x P
wins a Kt. If 33 . . , Kd8, e8 or c8 ; Red doubles his Rs on the b-file, and wins bP and cP,
securing B and 3Ps v. Q and fixed marginal P, so that if he can queen one of his Ps he will win.
If 80 .., bPxQ; 81 PxdP and 82 Rbl. If80..,PxeP; 31Kth4,PxQ; 32Rbl,Rc2*=;
or 82 . . , Rb8 ; 83 Ktg6 ch wins R.
80 15 Ktd2 or BhS ! to follow with Bf5 ch.
» 17 Pd4, Qf6 ; 18 Kth3, Pc6 ; 19 Pd5 !, P x P : 20 P x P, Pe4 ! ; 21 Ktd2 winning eP. If
20 . . , Bc8 ; 21 Ktd2 to follow with Q to e4, Pc4, Pb3, guarding dP with the better game.
88 26 .., RxKt; 27RxR.
88 Bl. has a slight advantage as his development is rather better than Red’s.
11 19
11
Digitized by Google
256
PAST I
Table 4. 0\
w
i. Pf3, Pfr,
Ph6 ; 7. Pe3,'
19.
io T-
Pd6
11
12
PxP 3
BxP
Kth2
Kt;i.)S)«i;
<**--
Ktc 5
QfB
Pd>»
P (13
Ph - <
14
15
Hi
17
18
19
20
21
- t Pc3y Pd6 ; 6. Pc4,
£ 7-r : 11. Rbl, Qc7.
3. 30.
Ph3
Qd 6
Rh2
Pg6
Pa6
BaS
Be6
Be6"
PxdP
PxeP
PxdP 1 *
PxeP
Pf5
PxP
PxP
PxP
PxP
Pb4
Bc8‘»
Rc8
Pb4
Rcl
Pb6*°
Pbo
Be5
Pd4®
Kt v e7
Pe4
KtxdP
Ktgl
Ktb6»
Be6
Ktc6
P*3
RhT 14
Kt fl >8
Kf2
Rf7
KxS
KxK
KtcS
Roe
RiT
R^e
R^ -
P*4
P \ P*
F7f»
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
259
Notes to Table 5.
1 The analysis commences from the position after this move, which is diagrammed.
2 16..,PxP; 17PxP, Qc7. Bed's game is established.
8 17.. t PxcP; 18 P x P, Kt x P ; 19 Kt x dP, Qd6 or b6; 20BxP. If now Bl. take the
B, ‘there is check- rook on one side or the other’. It is accordingly best not to take the B.
4 * It often happens that Bl.’s hP is on h7.’ If so Red has a fine position if 18 . . , Kd8 ;
19 Ktg5 !.
8 Bl.'s dP is fixed.
6 The position is diagrammed at this point. The analysis commences with Red's 18th
move.
7 15 . . , P x P ; 16 P x P, Kt x P ; 17 Kt x dP with the better game.
8 17 . . , PxP; 18 KtxbP and secures a road for his Q to b5, fixing the dP with the
better game.
• 18.., PxP; 19 PxP and plays his Q to d5 or c6.
10 Intending to play his Q to c6. Accordingly Bl. should play Ba6 in reply to Qb3. If
Red take the B, Pb5. Red must move the Kt, and then Pa4 keeps the Q out Red's best
reply to Ba6 is Ktb2, and then Qa4, Ac., taking the B and entering his Q in c6 or d5. If Bl.
withdraw the B, Red plays Ktc4, BaS, Rcl, gR to c2, Kt(f3) to h5, K to g8. Bl's play should
be on similar lines. Red may with advantage sacrifice Kt for Q in the early play, sinoe he
can easily recover the advantage.
11 The MSS. say 18 . . , Pb5, which has already been played.
“21.., PxP; 22PxP to follow with 28 Bd8; 24BxbP, PxB; 25KtxbPwith two
Ps for the B.
18 25 . . , Kt x aP ; 26 Kt x dP. If 25 . . , any other ; 26 Pa5. In either case Red wins
both Bl.’s central Ps.
14 26 . . , P x P ; 27 R x bP, Rb8 or a6 ; 28 R x Kt, RxR; 29 Kt x dP attacking R(b6) and
fP with oheck-rook. If Bl. had played 24 . . , Rh8, the game might now continue 29 . . , R^ ;
80 Kt x P ch, K^ ; 81 Kt x eP with good game.
15 To prevent the R coming to the defence of the Kt(b6).
14 80 . . , Q x R ; 81 Kt x dP, Kd8 (a) ; 82 Kt x Q, Kt x Kt ; 88 RxKt, Rh6 ; 84 Kte2 and
wins eP and fP. Red secures the ending Kt and Q and five Ps v. R and wins.
(a) If 81 .., Q x B; 82 Ktc7 ch and 88 KtxR. If 31 Ba6 ; 82 RxQ, KtxR;
88 Ktc7 ch and 84 Kt x R.
17 Continued 88 Kt x fP ch, ; 84 Kt x R followed by 85 Ktg3, 86 Kt x eP, 87 Kt x gP
securing two Kts and three Ps v. R and B.
If 32 . . , Kf7 ; 83 Kt x Q, Rb8 ; 84 P x R, queens, securing two Kts, Q and P».R winning.
18 16.., KtxdP; 17KtxKt, PxKt; 18 Pf5.
18 18 . . , Kt x P ; 19 Kt x dP with good game.
10 19 . . , any other ; Red should first defend fP and return Bel, for if at once 20 Pb5,
PxP; 21 R x P, R x B ; 22 Kt x dP, Kt x fP ; 28 Kt x bP, Kt x eP with better game.
21 The position after this move is diagrammed, and the analysis begins with Red's 16th
move.
22 Not 20 Bc5 ?, QxB. The dP must be advanced first.
28 21 . . , Ktf6 ; 22 Rf2 with better game.
24 28 . . , Bc4 (to prevent the Kt coming out from gl) ; 24 Rbl, Rh7 ; 25 Pa4, PxP;
26 Pb5 (BaS ! threatening to win dP). PxP; 27 R x P, Rb8 ; 28 KtdP threatening either to
win the Kt or by Ktffi ch to win R or eP.
28 27 . . , Ke8 ; 28 Kth5 wins a P by threatening check.
26 The text in L is by no means clear from this point, and AE omits the greater part of
the conclusion. If 28 . . , Rb8 ; 29 Kth5 followed by Rf2, and an attack with R and Kt that
may end in mate : or 29 Qe2, and 80 Bd8, PxB; 81 Q x P establishing the Q in the centre of
the board. This generally happens. The player must play which seems best.
27 80 . . , Rb7 would defeat the line of play adopted.
28 81 . . , Kt x aP; 82 Kt x dP wins eP.
28 Continued 83 R x P, Rb7 ; 34 Kt x dP (a), Qc7 (&) ; 85 Kt x Q, R x Kt ; 36 R x Kt and is
a Q ahead and will win the isolated eP.
(а) 34 Ktf6, K x Kt (or the Kt wins the central Ps) ; 85 R x Kt, RxR; 86 Kt x dP ch,
; 87 Kt xR and wins eP.
(б) 84 . . , Kt x Kt ; 85 R x R with better game.
R 2
Digitized by Google
260
CHESS IN ASIA
PAUT l
Table 6. Masha’ ikhi-Mujannah.
1. Ph3, Pf6\ 2. Pg3, P/5 ; 3. Pf3, Ktffr, 4. Pe3, Pg6 : 5. Pd3, Pc6 : 6. Pc3,
Pc5 ; 7. Pb3, Klc6 ; 8. Kte2, Pb6; 9. Ktd2, Pe6 ; 10. Pd4, Pd6 ; 11. Pe*> Rb8;
12. Qc2, Rg8.
13
U
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
24
25
31.
82.
38.
34.
85.
36.
Qd8
Pb5
Pg5
Rgl
Pa3
Ra6‘
Ph6
Pe5
BtS
Ktd7*
Ba3*~
PxdP
PxfP
Pe5
Pd5
Rh2
PxP
PxfP
Ktd7 6
Ktd5
PxdP®
PxeP
PxP
PxP
PxdP
BxP
PxfP®
PxeP
BxP
bPxP
PxP
PxP*
PxP
BxP
PxP
BxP»
PxP
PxB
BxP
Rg7
P*4
Rcl
PxP 4
Rc8 10
Pb4
Pb5
Rf2
Qe7
Ktb3
Bc5
QxB
PxQ
RxP
KtxeP
Rf8 u
Notes to Table 6.
I The analysis begins from Red’s 15th move. The position is diagrammed at this point
I have changed the colours of the sides.
* 15 . . , P x eP ; 16PxP and Bl. has doubled Ps, * which is detestable \
9 The analysis begins from Red's 16th move. The position is diagrammed at this point.
I have changed the colours of the sides.
4 Both Qs are established, but Red’s game is slightly the better. It should probably end
in a draw.
5 Compare col. 81 and note 2. If IB . . , P x eP ; 17 P x cP to leave Red with doubled Ps.
* 17 . . , bP x B ; 18 P x dP ? and Bl. has the better game.
7 Followed by 19 Pb4 to guard the B when it is returned to c6.
« 16 . . . Kte7 ; 17 Pf4.
9 And Bl. has doubled Ps.
10 19 . . , Kd7 ; 20 Rf2, Rg6 ; 21 R x Kt(c6), K x R ; 22 Peo and takes the Kt. Or if 20 . . ,
Qe7 ? Bl.'s game is confused.
II Followed by 26 Pb5. winning one of the Kts with the better game. (The MSS. say
25 Rf4, forgetting the Bl. P on g5. Or they may mean 25 Rf8, Pg4 ; 26 Rf4.)
Digitized by Google
CHAP
. XIV
THE
GAME
OF shatranj
261
Table 7.
The Saif. 1
87.
88 .
39.
40.
41.
42.
t
PdS
Pc3
1
Pc 6
PJ6
9
Pd4
Pb3
A
Pb 6
Pd5
3
Pc3 2
Pd3
Pc5
Pdb
Pc6
A
Pe3
Pd5
Pc4
Pe3
P ©6
Ktf 6
Pe6
Pc5
R
Pf3 s
Pc4
Pb3
PgS
P/3
Pf 6
Pb5
Pg6
Pb6
Pt6
0
Pg3
Pb3 9
Ktc3
pa
Kte2
Pf5
PxP
P/6 11
Ktc6
P/6
Qc2
PxP
Pd5
Pe3
Ktd 2 20
P/4
4
Ktl 6
Bab
Pb5
Kte7
Pd4
Pb6
Q
Kte2
Kta3 or d2
Qc2 > 2
P/S
Kte2
Ktd2
Ktc 6
BxP
PxcP ]
13 PJ6
Pet)
Ktc6 27
Pb3
KtxB
bPxP
Qe2
Ktf3
Pc4
V
Pd 6
Kt x P 10
Bat>
Pc5
Pe5
Pd4
19
Pc4
Qd 6 14
Pd5 m
Pg4
PxP
lv
P ^6
BxP
PxP
Be 6
PxP
1 1
Kt(bl)c 8 *
QxB
PxP
Ph3
Pb4 28
PxP
cPxP
Kta 6
Ph 6
P ©6
1 9
PxP
QxP!
Pa 8 17
Kth4
PxP
I d
Kte7
PxQ
Ktc7
Kt(g8,e7 21
PxP
18
Qd3
Kt x P
Pe4
KtgS
Ktf 8 ! 30
Pat>
la
PxP
Pgt)
any
Be3
PxP
Qe2
Pb5
14
Pht> ~
Pg5
P16
Kt^
Phil
Ph3
Qf 3
Kt x eP 31
15
Ra7
Ktg 6
Ph5 !
1 CL
Rcl
Ktf3
PxhP
lo
Rd7
Pht> la
Pg5»
Rh2
Be 3
Ktp 6 ! »
17
Pd5
Qe7
Kt x Kt 24
Pc5 8
Pe5
Px Kt
18
PxP 1
Ktf4 »»
Kg»
PxP 7
Qe4
19
Ktct>*
BxP!
Qf5 25
20
Ktb4 26
Digitized by CjOO^Ic
262
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Notes to Table 7.
4 The player who adopts the Saif can only establish it against the Mojannah if the player
who adopts the latter Opening makes a mistake.' (L, f. 65b.)
I In eols. 87-40 the attack, and in cols. 41-42 the defence, plays the Saif. In cols. 87-89
Bl. opens with the Mujannah.
8 Intending to continue with Pc4, KtcS, Pd5, and to play his Q to keep a P in d5 ; this
advanced QP is called the Saif (sword).
8 Abandoning the attempt to establish his dP, and adopting another plan of development
-the MashAikhl.
4 Threatening Pd5.
8 18 P x P, Kt(fB) x P ; 19 Kt x Kt, R x Kt !, and Bl. fixes the Red dP and will eventually
win it.
Or 18 any other, Px P ; and will still win the dP eventually.
• 18 . . , Pb6 to follow with Kt«6 fixing the dP.
7 19 B x P, Ktc6 ! fixing dP.
8 He has united Ps in the centre, and threatens 20 . . , Pd4 ; 21 Kt^, P x B, preparatory
to Attacking on the K wing. He has fixed dP and so frustrated the root motive of the Saif.
• 6 PxP, KtxdP.
10 With two Ps for his B.
II The analysis starts from this move. The previous moves are described thus : 4 Red
(I have changed the colours) has moved dP twice, cP twice, bP once and KtcS. Bl. has
moved all his Pawns excepting the two Rooks’ Pawns once each.*
11 Or 8 P x bP, cPxdP. Or8PxcP,PxP; »P x P, Ba8 winning a P. Or8PxeP,PxP;
9 P x P, B x P winning a P.
18 Or 8 . . , Pb5 ; 9 Kt^, PxP. If, however, the Bl. aP had been on a6, Red by 9 Kta4,
cPxP; 10 PxP, PxP; 11 Ktb6 !, R^ ; 12 Kt x P would have isolated the dP and fixed
the hP with the better game.
14 10 P x eP or cP, B x P and wins the advanced P.
18 Bl. has demolished the Saif And has the Advantage of Q for B.
18 The analysis starts from Red’s 10th move. If he plays any other, then 10 . . , PxdP,
fixing the Red dP.
17 12 Qd8, Ktb4 ; 18 Pe4, PxP; 14 P x P, Kta6 ; 15 Qc4 establishing Q in c6.
18 16 . . , Qe7. If 17 Pe6, Ktf4 wins Q or gP.
19 Winning Q or gP.
30 The analysis starts from this move. Red allows Bl. to play Pd4.
81 12 . . , Ph5 ; 18 Pg5, Pf6; 14 PxfP, PxfP; 15 Ktg8, Kth6 (threatening 16 . . , Kte7
and preventing the entry of the Red Q) ; 16 Ba8 securing either 2 Ps for his B or his Q’s entry.
Or 12 . . , Kt/B ; 18 Ktg8, B x gP ! ; 14 P x B, Kt x P ; but Red establishes his Q in d6
with the better game.
33 16 . . , P x liP ; and the Red Q is established.
38 17 Kt(h4)f5, Kt x Kt ; 18 KtxKt, Kte7; 19 Qe4, KtxKt(o); 20 QxKt, BxP; 21
bP x B, R x P. Red’s game is established.
(o) If 19 . . , R x P ? ; 20 Ktg7 check-rook. Ajid if 19 .. , Kf7 ; 20 Ktg3.
84 17 . . , Rg8 ; 18 Kt x Kt and can enter his Q in d5 or g6.
88 More correct than 20 P x B, since it secures the entry of his Q wherever he likes.
84 Threatening check-rook, and winning the aP. 4 The players must now play their moves
as seoms best to them. 1
87 The analysis starts from this move.
88 Or 11 Kt£3 !, Pe5 ; 12 P x P, P x P ; 13 Pb4 winning the centre Ps as in the col. itself.
Then Ktd2, Ktg8, Q to e4 with the superior game.
89 11 . . , Kt x P ! ; 12 Kt x P.
80 Or 18 Pa8 to allow the entry of his Q in the centre of the board.
81 To follow with KtxdP. * In all cases in which one or other player advances his dP
to the 5th square, his opponent either wins it or is Able to establish his Q in the centre of the
board.’
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
268
Tabus 8. The Sayyal.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
Pll6
Pg6
Pf6
2 P « 41
2 m
Pg4
Pg4
Pg6
Pg6
« Pl»8
8 Ph6
Pe3
Pe8
Pe6
P15
P©6
A
Kte2
PxP
Kte2
Pf 5*
Kte7
PxP
Pd6
_ Ph4 8
Pf8
Kte2
Rgl
PgG
Pft>
P©6
Pc6
6 m
Pf4
Bgl!
Pf3
Rh7
PxP
Kte 7 or 16
Pb6
7
Kt x P 8
Pf3
Pf4
RJ7
>06 18
Rg8!
Pa6
8 **
Ph8
RxR
Pf5
PeG
Ph6
KtxR 8
g p x pi8
Pe5
M 3
Ph4
m
PxP
PdS 18
Pda
PaG
KtcG
PxP 18
Pg5 80
10 Pt S
PdS
PdS
BhS
Pe4
PcG
Pd6
Pd 6
Kte7
Pdo
PbS
Pd4
Ktd2
Rfl
KtgS
Pba
Pdo
Kt(c3)e2
Rg8
BUG
12 K jf
PcS
KtfS
Ktg8
PhS
Kld7
Pea
Kt/a
Rg6
Qd7
1# Bh8
Pc4
Kid2
BhS
BxP
BeS
Kte7
Kte7
Ktd7
BhG
Ph6
PhG
KU2
Pb4
Ral
PcS
BhS
PcS
Qc7
Qc7
Bh7
Pc6
Ktd7
Rh7
is m
Rbl
KtfS
Qc2
PdS
PbS
Rb8
Rb8
BaG
Qc7
Pd5
Rf8
16 Ktg8
Ra8
BaS
Kd2
Pc3
Ktd2
PaG 4
Pd6 4
Rc8
Kd7
qci
QdG
17
PxP 4
Pc5
Rcl
BaS
PbS
KtfS
Pb6»
Rc7
BaG
Ra7
Rc7
18 PXP
Pd4
Rc2
Rgl
Pc4 17
Kth5
8 Pe6«
Ba6
Pb6
Rg8 14
BdG
Kf7
19
Bel*
Bel
KtcS
Rbl
PxP
Bc4
Bc8
BeG
Ktd7
PxP 7
20
R])2
Rh2
PxP '
Rb2
Pa6
Qe?
PxP
Rb8
21
KtbS
Qe2
Pd4
Rc2
Bd6
(JdG
Bfl
Kte7 21
22
Kta5 Jo
BdS
Rf2
BxP
Kte 7*
QdS
fPx B 21
23
PaS 11
Ktl.5
Pb4
Ph4
Kf7 ! 18
Rc7^
Ktf6 28
Digitized by t^.oo< :
264
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Notes to Table 8.
* The Sayyfil is only demolished by the Rook's Pawn which confronts it. This Pawn often
demolishes it when the Rook’s Pawn is not moved in support. The opener often adopts the
Sayyfil. If the second player adopts it, the opener can outstrip him by moving his f-Pawn
twice and so preventing the establishment of the Sayyfil. The second player can only
establish the Sayyfil with the concurrence of the first player.* (L, f. 73b.)
I ‘This Pawn is the root in the Sayyfil, and by it the /-Pawn is established In f5.’ This
latter Pawn is called the Sayyfil (Torrent).
* 4 . . , P x P ; 5 Ktf3, Pg6 ; 6 Kt x gP and fixes hP by 7 Ph4. Red then develops the rest
of his pieces as in the Mujannah.
* The essential point in the opening being obtained, the MSS. omit the following moves
and diagram the position at a later stage, from which the analysis begins again. I give the
moves that are necessary to secure this position, but my order is of course not essential.
4 The position after this move is diagrammed, and the analysis is resumed.
8 If 17 . . , any other ; 18 P x P, eP x P ; 19 Ktc4 and 20 KteS.
6 18 • . , Pd5 ; 19 Pe5 to confine the Bl. Q, or 19 Pf5 opening his game. If 18 . . , any
other ; 19 Qe2 to follow with Qf3, Ke2, Ba8, aRel, Kdl and Pf5, opening his game.
7 With two uni tod passed Pawns. The Bl. hP is fixed. Red should reply Pf5, when
Bl. advances either d or e P to its fourth square.
8 17 . . , P x P?. Red’s game is established.
* The MSS. give two diagrams [(a) and (&)] which appear to be intended to illustrate the
possibilities of the position for Red.
(o) is derived from this position by the Red moves Kt(d2)-f3, Bel, Pa3, K-d2-c8,
Kt-el-d8, R-h2-a2-al, Ktf3. In such a position Red’s line of play would be 1 Kfc(d3)e5,
Kt x Kt ; 2 Kt x Kt, 3 Bd8, 4, 5 Q-c2-b8, 6 B x bP, R x B ; 7 Pa4, Rb8 ; 8 Qc2 followed by
doubling Rs in bl and b2 and the advance of bP, winning.
(b) is derived from this position by the Red moves Kt-b3-a5, Rb2, Kt-d2-c3 y Kd2,
Qc2, Bd3, liRbl, Bel, Pa3. In such a position the line recommended for Red is 1 BxbP,
PxB; 2 Pa4, 8 P x bP, P x bP ; 4 Qb8, 5 Ral, 6 Ra2, 7 Qa4, P x Q ; 8 Pb5, 9 R x aP, winning.
10 For otherwise 22 . . , B x P ; 28 P x B would hopelessly block the position. Bl. cannot
now do so, for after 22 . . , B x P ; 28 R x B, Red can open his game by 24 Bd3, 25 B x P, P x B ;
26Pa4, PxP; 27 RxaP, Ac.
II Bl.’s game is terribly confined. Red’s best line of play appears to be K to c8 and
R~h2-a2-al. The position is becoming like one of the two sketched in note 9 above.
« If7..,Pf5; 8PxP, KtxP; 9 Rgl.
18 Continued 24 Pg5, hPxP ; 25 PxP, Ktg8(a) ; 26 Pg6, Re7 ; 27 Rf2 intending Kth2
and Ktg4 to win the fP. Bl. plays 27 . . , Pe5 ; 28 Kth4, to follow with Ktf5 and Pg7
winning a piece ; or 27 . . , Pc5 ; 28 Kd2, Ac. ; or 27 . . , KthtS ; 28 Pg7 winning a piece.
(a) Or 25 .. , PxP; 26 KtxP. Or 25 . . , Rli7 ; 26 KtxPcA, KtxKt; 27 PxKt,
R x R ; 28 Kt x R, winning Bl. Kt shortly.
14 The position is diagrammed at this point. The games are exactly similar. Red now
endeavours to exchange his KB for two Ps.
. 18 The MS. (here L is defective, and AE is my authority) says that Bl. has 9 continua-
tions, viz. :
(o) 8 . . , Kte7 ; 9 Bh8 to continue* with Ktg3, PdS, Pd4, Qe2, Qf3 ; or 9 P x eP.
(5) 8 . . , Kth6 ; 9PxeP(A), BxP; 10 Ph3 (J), Ktd7 ; 11 Kf2(m), BxP; 12 PxB,
KteS ; 13 Pg5, Kt (h6)g4 ch and 14 . . , P x P.
(*) 9 Bd3, Ktd7 ; 10Pa8, Pc5; 11 Ph8, PdS; 12PxP,BxP; 18Ktf4, BxP; 14 KtxdP.
Or 9 Ktc3 threatening Kte4 and Kt x fP
(l) 10 Pg5, PxP; 11 R x P, Bg4 ; 12 Kt(e2)^, Qe7 and 18 . . , Qf6 and the R must move.
(m) 11 any other, BxP; 12 P x B, KteS threatening Ktf6 ch, winning gP.
(c) 8 . . , PeS ; 9 P x dP. The text is obscure.
(d) is col. 47, note 16.
(a) 8 . . , PgS ; 9 P x P, B x P. The analysis stops here, though a later position in this
variation is diagrammed, which might be reached by 10 Ph8, Ph6; 11 PdS, Kte7 ; 12 Pd4,
PdS ; 18 Pb8, Rg8 ; 14 Pb4, PbS ; 15 Bd8, Rg2 ; 16 Rfl, Rf7 ; 17 Ktg3, Qc2 ; 18 Kth5, Ktd7 ;
19 Ktc8, Qd3 ; 20 Rbl, Rb8.
(/) 8..,ePxP; 9PxP, Pg5 ; 10 Ktg8 to follow with KthS, PhS, Qe2-f8-g4-li5-g6.
(?) is col. 48, note 19. (A) is col. 47. (i) is col. 48.
14 Or 9 . . , PeS ; 10 Ktg3, Ra7 ; 11 Rg2 and 12 Pe4. This is var. (d) of note 15.
17 There is a hiatus in the MS. after this move.
18 The analysis resumes here. The sufficiency of my reconstruction of the missing five
moves is established by the diagram of the position in AE after Red’s 29th move. Bl. must
not play 28 . . , Pb5. The game continues 24 Kd2, Pb6 (o) ; 25 Ba8, Ktb6 ; 26 Bc5, Ktc6 ;
27 Pa3, Kf2 ; 28 Qc2, Bc4 ; 29 aRfl, Rg6 (6); 80 KthS, Ke8 (c) ; 81 KtxPcA, Kd8; 32
Kt(f6) x P, g Rg7 (d) ; 88 R x B ch, Kd7 ; 84 Bf 5 ch , Ke6 ; 35 Ktf4 mate.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XIV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
265
(o) 24 . . , Bc4 ; 25 Pb5, Rg4 ; 26 Qc2, Be6. Or 25 . . , P x bP ; 26 Rbl followed by
R x P
'(b) 29 , Ktd7 ; 80 Rf5, RxR (if 80 . . , KtxdP; 81 PxKt); 81 RxR, Ktb6;
32 Kth5.
(c) 80 . Kg8 ; 31 Kt x P ch, Kh8 ; 82 Kt(f6)xP, KtxKt; 88 RxB ch, Kg7; 84
Kt x Kt.
(d) 32 .. , KtxKt; 88 RxBcft, Kd7 ; 34 KtxKt.
19 Or 9 Ktg8, Pd5 ; 10 Qe2, Qe7 ; 1 1 Qf3, Qd6 ; 12 Pb3, Kte7 ; 13 Pb4, Rg8 ; 14 Pc8, Rg7 ;
15 Pc4, Rf7 ; 16 Pd3, Ktd7 ; 17 Ktc3, Rb8 ; 18 Bh8 r &c. This is var. (g) of note 15.
20 The MS. now diagrams the position after Bl.’s 20th move, omitting all the moves from
Red’s 10th. I have, as in other similar cases above, attempted to supply the missing play,
although the order of the moves is, of course, only tentative.
21 The analysis resumes from the position now reached.
* Or 22.. , Ktg8; or22..,hPxB; 2SPh4,PxhP; 24Pg5,PxgP; 25KtxgP.
** Continued 24 P x gP, Kt x Kt ; 25 P x Kt, P x gP (a) ; 26 Kt x gP ch, Kf6 (b) ; 27 Kth7 ch,
Kf7 ; 28 cRg2, P x P ; 29 Rg7 ch (c), Ke8 ; 80 Ktf6 ch, Kd8 ; 81 Rf7, Bh6 ; 32 R(gl )g7 wins.
(а) The position is now diagrammed in AE (p. 221), but with the unimportant variation
that the Pa2 and Rc2 are placed on a4 and a2 respectively. Neither alteration affects the
subsequent play in the least.
(б) 26 . . , Ke8 ; 27 Pf6, Ktgl ; 28 Pf7 ch wins.
(c) Or 29 P x P ?. Or 29 Pf6, Ktg8 ; 80Rg7c/», Ke8; 31 RxKt ; 32 Rg5.
A further variation (AE, p. 224) is wrongly diagrammed, and is accordingly unintelligible.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ : ITS THEORY AND PRACTICE. Ill
The End-game. — Chess Endings in Muslim literature. — Summarized conclusions
on the more elementary Endings. — The manfubat ; their classes and character-
istics. — The history of the collections. — The mansubat material ; diagrams and
solutions.— The Knight’s Tour and other Exercises with the chessmen.
The End-game is certainly the principal feature in all the early literature
of chess, both in Muslim lands and in Europe. With the single exception of
the MS. L, all the early works on the practical game, which I have seen,
devote the greater part of their pages to collections of diagrams of End-game
positions, which vary in extent from ten positions in S to nearly 200 in BM.
It is also clear from the titles of the lost MSS. given in the Fihrist that these
works were arranged upon the same lines. These End-game positions are
called in Arabic mansuba , pi. mansubat or manatib , this word being the passive
participle of the verb na%aba> ‘ to erect ’, ‘ set up ’, ‘ appoint or 4 arrange *, and
meaning accordingly ‘ that which has been erected, set up, or arranged ’, an
‘arrangement*, i position’, or ‘situation’ — in modem chess language, a
‘ problem *•
Nine of the MSS. 1 also contain short sections which contain conclusions
or decisions as to the result of certain elementary Endings in which few pieces
on either side are engaged. J ust as in the case of the sections on the Opening
developments, we have no orderly or scientific exploration of the field of End-
game play, and no justification of the conclusions given is attempted. These
sections present a mere collection of decisions, rulings, or opinions, apparently
more or less haphazard in origin, which are repeated with but little variation
from one work to another. Nor is the principle of arrangement much more
orderly. In the older MSS. there is a rough classification under the four
headings, (a) Rook v. Rook, (£) Rook r. other pieces than the Rook, (c) Fares
Endings, and (d) Endings with only Firzfins, Fils and Baidaqs. In the later
works the Rook and Fares, and the FirzSn and Fil endings are contrasted.
In all the MSS. the decisions follow one another without pause, break, or
stop, and nothing is done to facilitate reference. Occasionally the ruling
is embellished with an anecdote, as, for instance, when AH (f. 15 b) adds to
the decision that R, Q, and discordant B v. R is a won game, the story that
the Ending once happened to ar-Raz! when playing against a weaker player,
and that the master, after spending the whole day trying to force the win,
gave up the attempt in disgust. The MS. goes on to say that the Ending is
really won, but that the defence can be maintained for a long while.
Occasionally, also when different opinions were held as to the nature of a par-
1 Viz. AH (C, V), BM, AE, H (Z) f RAS, and Y.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATKANJ
267
ticular Ending, the masters al-'Adli, ar-RazT, as-SulI, or al-Lajlaj are cited as
holding one opinion or the other, or the reader is referred to an illustrative
problem in the body of the work. Bat as a rale the decisions are given with-
out justification, and their brevity suggests strongly that it was intended that
the lists should be committed to memory. We know from as-SulI that the
knowledge of these decisions was one of the distinctive marks of the master
of the first rank.
These decisions are much complicated by the rigidity and restricted range
of move of the Baidaq, Firz&n and Fll. Not one of these pieces by itself
could under any circumstances gain or lose a move in a game. Moreover,
it was only the Shah, Rook, and Fares that were able to reach any and
every square of the board. The Firzan could only reach thirty-two of
the squares, those on a chequered board of the same colour as the square
on which it was standing, and the original Firzans could never come into
conflict with one another. Only eight squares were accessible to each HI,
and no Ffl under any circumstances could attack or defend any other FlL
Hence it became a matter of great importance to know the nature of the
FirzSns or Fils in an Ending, in order to know whether the Firzans could
capture or defend the other Firzans or Fils in the
position in question. It might easily happen from
this peculiarity of move that a player with a great
preponderance of force might be quite impotent for
purposes of attack, and that the weaker force would
draw the game from this cause. Such a position is
diagrammed on this page. Black, despite the fact that
he has six Firzans more than his opponent, is quite
unable to touch (Ar. laqiya ) any of the Red men, and
the game is a forced draw.
But even beyond this the decisions often seem strangely at variance with
modern experience, even in the cases in which Rook and Faras alone, pieces
whose moves have never been changed, are concerned. This, of course, arises
from the different rules governing the conclusion of the game which existed
in the Muslim sbatranj. We have only one way in which a game can be
w’on, the Muslim had three. The checkmate of the opponent’s King, the
annihilation of his army, or the stalemate of his King and men, were all con-
clusions that carried victory with them. The last is of minor importance
because the position of stalemate is of comparatively rare occurrence under
any circumstances, but the victory of Bare King completely altered the
character of End-game play. It must have been the ordinary form of
victory, for the smaller range of power of the pieces reduced enormously
the possibility of securing checkmate. The only piece that could mate with-
out the assistance of other pieces beyond the Shah was the Rook ; while of
two pieces, the mate with Faras and Firzan is comparable as regards difficulty
1 Quoted by as-$ull from al-'Adli with the comment, * Al-'Adll said this is drawn, and
Ali&h only knows what he meant by giving it a diagram.* AH and G in error add the
rubric, * Al-'Adli said, Red plays and wins.’
AH 11 : C 46.
Drawn position. 2
Digitized by Google
268
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
with our ending of Knight and Bishop, and Faras and Fil could only mate in
two angles of the board, which involves conditions that could not be com-
pelled. In either case the game would be won far more easily by baring the
opponents King. It must have been an occurrence of every day for a player
to be left without mating force. But the rule of Bare King presented a com-
plete compensation for all this. The gain of a Pawn in the early part of the
game, if maintained through a series of equal exchanges, would in the end
lead to the winning of the game through the exhaustion of the opponent’s
forces. The player had two lines of attack instead of one, as in the modem
European game, and, though doubtless this was a disadvantage to the ordinary
player, as leading to divided counsels and uncertain plans, yet in the ending
it allowed of many victories where in our game there is nothing but a draw.
The game ended in a draw when one player gave perpetual check, or per-
sisted in a repetition of the same moves. Examples of both varieties of drawn
games will be found among the mansubat later in the chapter ; e. g. of per-
petual check, no. 38, of repetition of moves, no. 35. A draw was also the
result of equality of position or force, or of inability to secure the ending Bare
King through the discordance of the pieces or any other reason.
The MS. decisions are summarized in the following tables. I begin with
those in which one player has a Rook, then I give those in which the chief
force engaged is the Faras, and follow with those in which the Firzan, the
Fil, and the Baidaq respectively are the principal pieces engaged. The
decisions merely say if the forces on either side are strong enough to compel
a definite result (‘ win ’) or not (‘ draw ’). They do not assign the win to
either side ; it is assumed that the player knows on which side the pre-
ponderance of force lies. 3
R v .
B+2 tied P . .
= win
2B
= win
2B + P. . . .
=*draw
Q + tied P . .
= win
Q+B ....
“draw
2Q
= draw
2cQ + tied P . .
= win
3Q
“draw
3dQ + 2B . . .
= draw
4cQ
= win
4Q(3+1). . .
“draw
4Q(2 + 2)+2B .
= win
Kt
“draw
Kt + 2cQ + B . .
“draw
Kt + 2dQ + B .
“ win (?)
Kt + 2cQ + 2B .
“draw
Kt+2dQ+2B .
= win
2Kt + B+2P .
= draw
2Kt + Q . . . = draw
2Kt + Q + B . . = win
R + P v.
2B = draw
R + B v.
Q + B+P . . . = 4
2cQ + B . . . = draw
4Q = draw
4Q + B , . . . = dm w
Kt + B . . . . = win
Kt+2B . . . =diaw
2Kt+Q . . . = win
2Kt + Q + 2B . = win 5
R + 2B v.
2cQ = win
2dQ . . . . = draw
2cQ + B . . . = draw
Kt + Q ...
= draw
Kt + Q+2B . .
“draw
2Kt + Q . . .
= win 5
R
= draw
It + Q t>.
Kt -f cQ . . .
= draw
Kt + dQ . . .
“ win
Kt + dQ+B . .
= win
R+Q + B
v» .
Kt + Q + B . .
= win
Kt + cQ + B • •
“ draw
Kt + Q + 2B . .
“ win
2Kt
= win
2Kt + B . . .
“draw
R
= win 8
R+B . . . .
“ draw
R + Q •
= draw
• When there are several Firzftns in an Ending, I write cQ and dQ for concordant and
discordant Firzftns respectively, or add in a bracket the number of Firzftns of each kind.
A. Pawn united with and defended by a Firzftn or Fil is called a 1 tied ’ Pawn.
4 A win if the B can be pinned on a square which the Q does not command.
5 * A win, but some say a draw/
* * It is easier when the Q and B are concordant, than when discordant/
7 1 An unsound draw/ 8 * A draw, but some say a win/
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
269
R + Q + 2B V.
Kt + Q + 2B . . = win
R + cB . . . . = win 8
R + dB. . . . =draw 8
R + Q . : . . — draw 9
R + 2Q v.
(а) Qs cone. 10
2cQ .... - 11
2Kt + 2B . . . = win
R + cQ . . . . = draw 8
R + dQ. . . . = win 12
(б) Qs disc.
2 Kt + B . . . = win
2Kt + 2B . . . = draw
(c) Qs either.
Kt + 2B . . . — win
R + 2Q + B v.
2 Kt + 2B . . . =* win
R — win
R+2Q + 2Br.
R + 2Q . . . . = draw
R + 3cQ v.
2Q + B all c . . = win 13
R + Kt v.
R — draw
2R v .
4Q — draw
4Q + B or 2B . = draw
Kt + 2Q . . . = win
Kt+2Q + B . . — draw
Kt + 2Q + 2B . = draw
2Kt = win
2Kt + B . . . as win
2Kt + 2B . . . =draw 14
R = win
R + B . . . . e=draw
R + 3Q . . . . = draw
R + 4Q(3 + 1) . — draw
R + Kt . . . . = draw
R + Kt + B + 2cQ = draw 8
R + Kt + B + 2dQ = win
R + Kt + 2B + 2cQ ss win
2R ■+ B v.
Kt + Q + (IB . .
= win
Kt + 2Q . . .
= win
R + Kt . . .
-win
R + Kt + B . .
■*draw 8
R + Kt + 2B . .
*= draw 8
2R + Qt>.
R+2Kt . . .
= win
Kt v.
B
= draw
Q
= draw
2cQ + 2B . . .
= draw
3cQ
= draw
3dQ
= win
3Q + 2B . . .
= draw
4cQ
= win
4Q (2 + 2) . .
= draw
Kt + B v.
4dQ
= draw
Kt
= draw
Kt + 2B v .
2Q + 2B . . .
= draw
Kt
= draw
Kt + Q v.
Q+B ....
= win 18
Q+2B. . . .
= draw
2cQ. ....
= win 16
2Q (all 3c)..
= draw
Kt + Q + cB + tied P v.
Q + B + tied P .
= win 17
Kt + 2Q v.
Kt + 2B . . .
= win
Kt + Q. . . .
= draw
Kt+3dQ v.
2cQ + fiB . . .
= draw
2Kt v.
Q + 2B. . . .
= win
2Q
■* win
3Q
— draw
Kt
= win 18
Q v.
p 19
B or 2B . = draw
Q = 19
2P .
Q + B t?.
. . . . = draw
B .
• . . . = draw
Q •
B .
Q + 2B v.
• • . . = win
Q •
. • . . = win
P .
2Q v .
_ 19
2B .
• . . . = draw
Q •
. . . . = win
Q + B
2B .
2Q + B v.
• . . . = win
2Q .
2B .
2Q + 2B
. . . . = win
2Q .
. . . . = win
2cQ.
4Q (3 + 1) r.
. . . . —draw
4Q (3 + 1 ) + B or 2B v.
2cQ.
. . . . = draw
P .
Be.
. . . . =draw
P .
B+Pr.
. . . = draw
B .
. . . . —draw
P .
2B .
. . . . — win
%
Pr.
p .
= 19
5 * A win, but some say a draw.* 8 ‘ A draw, but some say a win.*
9 ‘The draw is easier when the two Qs are discordant.* 10 According to al-Lajlfij.
11 Al-'Adli gave this as a win ; ar-R&zi as a draw.
18 So as>§uli ; most playei*s considered it as drawn.
13 The Qs on one side are discordant with those on the other.
14 Ar-R&zi gave this as a win ; other players as a draw.
18 If the two Qs are concordant, a draw is more probable.
The Qs on one side are discordant with those on the other. Otherwise this Ending
is drawn.
17 Provided the P on promotion is discordant with the Q.
18 AI-*Adli said a draw; both as-Spii and al-Lajl&j gave it as a win.
19 The result in these Endings depends entirely upon position.
Digitized by boogie
270
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Many of these decisions, of course, depend upon the possibility or other-
wise of securing the ending Bare King, but even then much depended upon
position, and the collections of mansub&t show many examples of special
positions in which a game that would ordinarily be drawn could be won, or
vice versa. Indeed these End-games, all of which are reproduced below, ought
to be studied in connexion with the decisions, and are the raw material from
which the analyst might produce a scientific treatment of the End-game in
Muslim chess. 20
I now turn to the collections of mansub&t, the gross total of which in the
MSS. exceeds 1,600. Many positions are, however, repeated in different MSS.,
and a careful comparison of the positions, based ultimately upon the MS.
solutions, has enabled me to reduce the number of distinct mansubat to some
553. The labour of collation has been no light one, and I do not expect to
have avoided a few duplicates (what constitutes a distinct position is often
a matter of opinion), but it has given me a clearer idea of the capabilities of
the Muslim game, and a high opinion of the skill of the earlier players.
1 have thought it better to reproduce the whole material rather than to
confine myself to a mere selection.
From the very first the mansub&t filled the greater part of the Muslim
books on chess, and whatever fame may be supposed to attach to the first
compiler of a collection of chess problems belongs to the master al-'AdlL In
its origin the mansuba was nothing more than the termination of an actual
game played over the board which was deemed worthy of preservation by the
players or their contemporaries, because of the brilliance, the difficulty, or other
special feature in the play. Other players were challenged to reproduce the
concluding play from the position recorded, or beginners might learn the
moves of the pieces by playing the mansuba with the help of the solution.
Both al-Adll and as-SulI recommended beginners to use the mansubat in
this way.
20 The following may serve as a rough index to the endings among tlie mansuhfit re-
produced below: —
Rook r. Q2P, 239 ; QB, 185, 244 ; 8Q, 192 ; SQB, 78 ; Kt, 10, 108. 126. 189, 223 ; 2KtB, 324 ;
2KtQ, 196. Rook + Pawn r. BSP, 336 ; 2B, 339 ; Kt^2P, 38 ; Q2P, 470 ; QBP, 248 : R, 540.
Rook +2 Pawns v . BP, 840; 2KtBP, 153; RP, 240. Rook + Bishop t>. 2QP, 130; Kt. 880;
Kt2B, 280; R, 259, 823; R2P, 178. Rook, Bishop + Pawn r. KtP, 326; RB, 470. Rook*
2 Bishops v . 2Q, 44 ; R, 542 ; RB, 63. Cf. 140, 205, 437. Rook * Queen v 3Q, 251 ; KtQ, 190 ;
2KtB, 203; R, 8, 127, 319, 415. Cf. 36, 65, 144, 338, 444, 541. Rook, Queen* Bishop r.
RP, 281. Cf. 35. Rook + Knight t>. R, 13, 68, 116, 317, 319, 414. Cf. 69, 329, 374. Rook,
Knight, Bishop t>. R, -66, 117. Cf. 11, 52, 169, 224, 254, 275, 290, 291, 325, 327, 831, 387.
2 Rooks v. RKtQP, 469 ; RKtQB, 141 ; 2R, 458. Cf. 42, 53, 88, 195, 204, 341.
Knight r. B, 262, 418; Q, 822 ; Q2B, 188. Cf. 12, 148, 237, 408, 412, 436. Knight *
Bishop v . B2P, 434. Cf. 321. Knight* 2 Bishops v. 2B, 246; QB, 184. Cf. 249. Knight
* Queen r. 2Q, 279 ; Kt, 51 , 62, 81, 114, 272, 539 ; KtB, 49. Knight, Queen * Bishop v. Kt2P,
151 ; KtQ, 76, 221. Cf. 135, 238. Knight *2 Queens v. — , cf. 202, 828. Knight *3 Queens
r. 3Q, 274. 2 Knights v. — , cf. 64.
Queen r. 2P, 48, 154, 269; BP, 252; 2B, 820; Q, 1, 112, 122, 277. Cf. 37, 45, 106, 181,
145, 191, 225, 236, 271, 371, 445. Queen* Bishop r. 2P, 128, 129 ; B, 193 ; Q, 43, 194, 281 ;
Q3P, 276. Cf. 121. 168, 218. 222, 250, 265, 474. Qleen + 2 Bishops e. — , cf. 9, 47, 75, 182,
235. 2 Queens v. P, 247 ; 2B, 245 ; 2Q, 335. Cf. 234. 2 Queens + Bishop, Ac., r. — , cf. 4 1 ,
134, 138, 264.
Bishop t\ P, 39, 273, 372; 2P, 46, 146, 333, 373. Bishop* Pawn r. P, 34, 243, 268;
B, 228. Cf. 105, 118, 150, 229, 407, 428. 2 Bishops r. 2P, 72. Cf 159, 242, 418.
Pawn r. P 186, 187, 278, 316, 832, 384.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
271
These positions from play fall naturally into two fairly well defined classes :
those containing few pieces in which the chief feature is the accuracy of the
play, and those containing many pieces in which the charm consists in the
unexpectedness or brilliance of the mating play. The former — the End-game —
would appeal to the strong player with analytic tastes: the latter — which
I may term the Problem (implying a resemblance to the problems of the middle
of the nineteenth century, but none with those of the present day) — would
always be the popular favourite. But, obvious as this classification is to us,
there is no sign in the collections that it was obvious to the earliest masters.
Al-'AdlT divided his collection of mansub&t into games magklubat , qawalm ,
and maqmurat 21 or won endings, drawn endings, and undecided games. 22 As-
Suli apparently attempted no classification at all. His contemporary, the
historian al-Masudl, however, in a passage quoted above (p. 164), refers
to a classification into qawalm and mufriddt (i. e. isolations — Bare King
Endings), as recognized by the players of his time, and at the same time
speaks of the * classes of the noteworthy mansubat \ by which, I imagine, he
meant the various kinds of mate-positions. Neither the al-'Adll nor the al-
Mas'udl classification recognized another type of game which was already
exemplified in the work of the former. It is not until the time of b. Abl Hajala
(c. 1350) that we find a special name mikhariq given to these games. In the
mikhariq there is no question of mate or of the ordinary methods of play, but
the exercise is one of a more strictly mathematical character and illustrates
the moves of the chessmen. The best known example of the type is the
Knights Tour. To these Exercises , I devote a separate section of this
chapter.
The ordinary headings to the mansubat in the older MSS. run thus :
Red (Black) wins, and the play is his.
Red (Black) wins, and the play is Black’s (Red’s).
Drawn, and the play is Red’s (Blacks).
There is no convention that the winning side should be of a particular colour,
nor that the diagram should be arranged so that the winner, or the player
of a particular colour, should play from a particular side of the board. Any
difficulty as to the direction in which the pieces moved was prevented by the
custom of writing the names of the pieces on the diagram so that the player
of each colour could read the names of his own men from his own side of the
board.
As the titles show, the number of moves in the solution was of no im-
portance. The problem was to win, not to win in any particular number of
21 The maqmurat are few in number (five only, viz. 189, 190, 192, 196, 221), and show a few
pieces arranged at the opposite edges of the board. Most illustrate Endings as to the result
of which players were in doubt, e. g. the Ending R v. Kt. In all, apparently, either player
might begin, and the ending was played just as an ordinary game. The term maqmUra
is the participle of the vb. qamara , to ‘play at a game of chance', to ‘ gamble 1 . We might
consequently render it ‘game of chance', ‘wager-game*, though more probably the term
referred to the uncertainty of the result only. According to V, No. 146 below is not a maq -
mQra position because tho correct result of the game is known.
n i conclude this from the sequence of the al-'Adli positions in the older MSS.
Digitized by Google
272
CHESS IN ASIA
PAltT I
moves. I have noted in verifying the solutions of the MSS. a few cases in
which a shorter line of play is possible than that of the MS. These point
to faulty composition or to errors in the diagram, for it was the business of
the composer to see that there were no additional solutions, 22 * and a preference
for the shortest method of winning arose at an early date. As-Sull thought
it worth mentioning in the preface to his work on chess, that he had dis-
covered a shorter solution to one of al-'Adll’s mansubat, and repeats both
solutions in his text on the position — my No. 1. If the number of moves in
the solution happened to be noted, each single move of Red and Black was
counted as a distinct move, and what we should call a mate in IV was
reckoned as a mate in VII. This has remained the rule among extra-Indian
Muslims almost to our own time. 23 It is only in the Spanish Alf. and the
Indian Oxf. that we meet with the European method of counting the moves
of a game. I have also noticed that the MSS. usually ignore in their
solutions a sacrifice on the part of the loser which merely delays the mate
without adding to the resources of the defence.
The earlier MSS. generally add information as to the work whence they
took the problem and the names of the players from whose play the position
was derived. I see no reason to doubt the authenticity of these statements
when they appear in the titles or solutions of individual mansubat. It is
different with the similar ascriptions of authorship in the later MSS. By
1450 or thereabouts, a custom had arisen of attaching to every problem the
name of an author — generally some name of mark in Muslim history. These
statements are often palpably false, and it is impossible to allow any weight
to them. They merely reflect the fashion of the period. In modern times
the custom has been carried to more extravagant lengths still, and Oxf. claims
to contain problems by Socrates, Galen, Buzuijmihr, Shaft*!, &c. 1 have not
thought it worth while to record all these absurdities, although I have been
careful to preserve all the historical details from the. older MSS.
In the following collation of the problem material, I have made no attempt
to arrange or classify the positions other than by their MS. source. I have
first decided upon a grouping of the MSS. based upon their respective dates
and historical associations. I have then taken the problems in the order in
which they occur in the first of these MSS., continuing with the fresh
material that I have found in the successive MSS. according to my grouping.
I have adopted this course deliberately after considerable experiment, because
I have satisfied myself that any other method would, while inevitably intro-
ducing ideas belonging to modem chess, have obscured the historic develop-
ment of the problem in Muslim chess. It is the obvious duty of a historian to
present this development in the clearest light possible. I have attempted
no critical collation of the diagrams ; I have not hesitated to take my figure
224 A noteworthy exception is the problem No. 7 below, to which al-'Adli gave two
solutions of equal length.
23 Thus al-'Adli spoke of his solution of No. 1 below as in 18 moves, where we should
say 9, and as-^ull of his correction as in 8 moves, where we Bhould say 4. The MSS. S and
Ber. both reckon the moves in their solutions in this same method.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
273
from a later MS. when the older MS. was at fault ; at times I have recon-
structed the figure from a comparison of several diagrams, or built it up from
the solution alone. I have endeavoured to carry out such restoration in the
spirit of Muslim chess, and to confine it within the narrowest limits ; and
I believe that I have added a note in every case. In identifying duplicate
problems and repetitions in other MSS., I have relied in the main upon the solu-
tions of the MSS., and have found no other test approach this in certainty and
ease of application. Finally, I have preferred to refer to the problems in each MS .
by number rather than by folio or page, although the mansubat are unnumbered
in every MS. except S, because the numerical order of the problems in a par-
ticular MS. often throws valuable light upon the sources of that collection.
The classical collections of mansublt for all the existing MSS. were those
of al-'Adll and as-SulT. The work of ar-RazI, at one time in the possession
of as-SulI, was apparently lost before the manufacture of compilations began.
Unfortunately, the other two works are now lost also, and all our knowledge of
their contents is derived from the later MSS. which were based upon them.
Three works, AH (in a MS. of 1140, and a copy — the MS. C — of c. 1370), V
(in a MS. of 1221), and H (in a MS. of the 15th c.), claim to have used the
original collections, and I regard them accordingly as forming our authorities
of the first or oldest group. All the mansubat in these MSS. probably go back
to a. d. 1000 at least. The MSS. AH and V stand in close connexion, and the
texts of their solutions are throughout nearly identical. H, although a later
work and later in terminology and briefer in text, is valuable in that it care-
fully attaches to each of its problems the source from which it was taken.
AH contains 197 diagrams on the ordinary chessboard, but the first eight
(AH 1-AH 8) are ta'blyat and have been used in Ch. XIV, while six others
(AH 91-4, 196-7) are connected with the Knight’s tour. The MS. divides
its problems into four sections : 24
a, beginning on f. 29 b, contains five problems (AH 9-13) from al-'Adli,
which as-Sull criticized adversely in his work ;
b , beginning f. 32 b, contains fourteen problems (AH 14-27) from al-'Adll,
which as-Sull praised in his work ;
c , beginning f. 41 a, contains a selection of thirty-one problems (AH
28-58) from al-'Adll which were not given by as-Sull ; and
d , beginning f. 55 a, contains a selection of 137 problems and four tours
(AH 59-90 and 95-195 problems, 91-4 tours) from as-§ull, which also contains
a few problems from other sources.
It is important to ascertain as far as possible to what extent we may rely
upon this classification. 26 If we admit its accuracy as given in the original
MS. of the work, of which we possess later copies in AH and C, the possibilities
of error in the existing copies are of two kinds. The leaves of AH and C
** Three problems occur twice over in AH (viz. AH 15 « 107, 81 = 105, 57 = 80) ; in the
table on p. 274 I have omitted the duplicate entries, and reckon these positions as belonging
to the section of the MS. in which they first occur.
** The error in the order of the diagrams of the ta'biy&t, which I have established in
Ch. XIV, suggests the possibility of error in the case of the mansubat.
1170 S
Digitized by Google
274
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
may have become disarranged since they were written, or they may be copies
of MSS. the leaves of which were already disarranged, without the later
writers observing the fact. Since the earlier Muslim MSS. are not arranged
on the plan so generally adopted later of allotting each page to a single
problem, it is comparatively easy to ascertain from a careful study of the
text whether the leaf-succession is now correct. Thus a comparison of AH
and C shows that C is a copy of AH or o^ a MS. preserving the order of
AH, of which the leaves at a later date have been badly disarranged. With
the help of AH we can recover the original leaf-order, and in so doing we
discover that three leaves in AH (ff. 121-3) have in their turn been dis-
arranged since the MS. was completed. They ought to come between ff. 129
and 130. Where, however, we find a group of problems of which the first
begins at the top of the recto of a leaf, and the last ends at the foot of a verso
of a leaf in both AH and C, we cannot be certain from a mere comparison
of the two MSS. that the group as a whole has not been displaced. It is
necessary now to study the problem -succession in other Muslim MSS. In
the main their evidence points to the substantial correctness of the order in
AH, and consequently the accuracy of the classification of that MS., with
one important exception. The ff. 55 and 56 in AH have been reversed there,
and the original order of the pages was 56 b, 56 a, 55 b, and 55 a. This
removes problems AH 59-61 from the section containing problems from
as-§ull, &c., to that containing problems from al-'Adli only, and thus removes
the only discrepancy between the MSS. AH and H. At the same time all
the evidence still leaves possible gaps between ff. 34 and 35, 75 and 76,
88 and 89, and 106 and 107 in AH : i. e. between problems AH 17 and 18,
94 and 95, 120 and 121, and 151 and 152. That there is a real hiatus
between AH ff. 75 and 76 is obvious, for the former leaf concludes a selection
of Tours and the latter commences with the concluding lines of the solution
of a problem (No. 82 below), which we know from L was claimed by al-Lajlaj.
The following table, illustrating the recurrence of the AH problems in other
MSS., lends support to the view that the last three divisions, which I have
indicated as possible, mark real breaks in the AH compilation : —
Groups in
The number of these problems 1
H occurring in
AH.* 7
AH
BM
AE
V
H
F
Y
Alf.
a\
9-17
9
7(11)
2
2
6
2(8)
4
3
“i
18-61
; 44
88 (54)
21
17
82 (38)
29(84)
14(15)
11(15)
<T
62-90
28
7
19
14
8
1 (2)
5
9(12)
0
96-120
24
6(9)
5
1
8
20(21)
2
4(10)
y
121-151
81
4(6)
11
28(29)
1
0
1
6(6)
9
152-196
44
19(21)
16
80
6
0
8
12(13)
This table shows clearly that the al-'Adli collection was the favourite
storehouse from which all later collections have drawn most freely for their
* c The numbers in brackets give the total number of times that the positions are
diagrammed, reckoning all duplicate entries separately.
87 I have retained the order of the problems in the MS. as now existing, and have made
no attempt to restore the original order, so far as numbering the problems is concerned.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
275
problems. It also shows how curiously unevenly the problems in the section
in AH which claims to be taken from as-SulI are distributed in the other
MSS. If* we accept the statement of AH, we must either suppose that the
later MSS. only had access to incomplete copies of as-$ull's work, or of a
compilation such as AH, or that the later selections were made very much
at haphazard, the compiler merely copying without discrimination from a
few successive pages of an older MS. It would almost seem simpler to adopt
the view that AH is a compilation from a wider range of works than its
author chose to admit. This view certainly receives support from the details
of the table. We see how sparingly the problems in groups <r f j8, and y are
represented in BM. Since this MS. is one which shows very few signs of
a direct use of a8-§ulls work, this fact acquires a certain significance. AE,
on the other hand, is a MS. which — in its earlier part at least — owes much
to al-Lajl&j, and therefore indirectly to ae- Still, and we find that it is rich
in the problems in <r. The contrast between V and F is striking. If we
exclude the problems which these MSS. have derived from al-'Adli, 28 there
is only one problem left which is common to both MSS. 29 The table
shows that <r is common to AH, AE, and V ; to AH and F ; y to AH,
V, and perhaps AE ; aud 8 to AH, BM, AE, and V ; or putting it an-
other way, that <r was not used by BM or F, 0 not by V or Y, y not by
BM, F, or Y, and 8 not by F. 80 It is difficult to believe that all these results
are merely coincidences. May we not explain them in part by the hypothesis
that <r is the original as-SulI selection which the compiler of AH made, that
fi is a selection from the lost work of al-Lajldj, and that y and 8 are derived
from other works now lost which may in part have been based independently
upon as-Sulfs works. 31
There are 109 mansubat in Y, the first being preceded by the conclusion
of a solution to a problem whose diagram (V 0) is missing because of a hiatus
in the MS. 82 There are no duplicate entries. Y. d. Linde has pointed out
that this MS. is distinguished by the accuracy of its diagrams. This suggests
that its source is an earlier compilation from sources used in the preparation
of AH. The accuracy, however, does not extend to the order of its problems,
and this deprives a few notes to the solutions of their value. 33 Both in V
and in the later part of AH there are several notes of a more personal
character, which v. d. Linde assumed to be as-SulI’s own. I am not so sure
about them. The general rule of the MSS. is to introduce a quotation by the
88 Viz. eight from group a. 29 Viz. No. 84 (= V 8, F 56) below.
8> I assume that the exceptions which I have ignored in this summary may have been
obtained from compilations only.
81 A fair case might be made for the view that 8 is a misplaced section of the al-'Adli
group. On the whole I think it less probable than the view put forward tentatively above.
88 V 93 is a Knight’s tour.
88 E.g. V 56 ( = AH 26, No. 18 below) ends, 1 This is the last which we have taken from
al-'Adli, and we have given those which we consider to be good. We now commence our
problems . 7 In AH this note follows AH 27, and is prefaced by the words, ‘ As-§ull has said*.
V 67 (= AH 27, No. 19 below) begins, ‘This happened to al-Mahd&di (name doubtful), and
the game is defective. It is not in al-'Adli’s book/ AH merely says, ‘ as-§uli has said “ this
happened to al-Had&di, and the game is defective H gives both problems as from al-'Adli.
Presumably. V used a copy of as-§uli (? or a MS. based upon it) in which a leaf was inverted.
But why should it suppress the acknowledgement of indebtedness to as-§uli?
S 2
Digitized by Google
276
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
words ‘ As-Sull (or al-Adli) has said \ Where these words are omitted, I think
that it is possible that these notes are the addition of the compiler of the
collections as we possess them.
. There are 16 problems in V which are not in AH* One of these is said
to be from al-Lajlaj. The majority of these new problems are End-games ;
6 of these 16 also occur in BM, and may go back ultimately to al-'Adll,
or possibly the AH source which I have designated 8.
I number 75 diagrams in H, but of these H 1-2 are of modifications
of chess, H 3-5 are of ta'blyat, and H 73-75 are Knight's tours. All,
except H 74, occur in the later MS. of this work, Z, though with some slight
variation in the order. 88 * This leaves 67 mansubat, of which 42 (H 6-47)
are each said to be taken from al-Adli, 23 (H 48-70) are similarly ascribed
to as-Sull, and 2 (H 71-2) have no author stated. The MS. supplies 9 new
positions.
The mansubat contained in this group of MSS. are singularly rich in
End-games, which bear every sign of having occurred in play over the board.
Many of the mate-positions are also from actual play, and with one exception
(No. 181 below) the compilers of the MSS. appear to have intended that this
should be believed of all the problems. Most of the mate-problems belong
to one type. The pieces are so posted that the mate is achieved by a
succession of checks of greater or less number. The whole difficulty consists
in discovering the right succession to adopt, and the difficulty is enhanced
more often by increasing the length of the solution than by adding to the
number of alternative lines of play. We may briefly describe them as mate-
drives, and in their most pleasing form they show the power of a few
well-posted pieces. Generally the solution is simply a chase of the King
into a mating net that has been prepared in the position diagrammed. A
favourite refinement was to employ a single Rook or Knight, or the two
Knights alternately, to chase the King into this net, which again was often
so arranged that the King had to be driven round the board and back to
his firet position. The ‘ water-wheel ' problems 82 and 86, below, are good
examples of this. The solutions already exhibit a knowledge of many of the
devices which have only been enunciated in later times, e. g. the sacrifice of
superior force to allow a weaker piece to exert its strength unexpectedly,
the skilful use of the cramping power of defensive forces too closely packed
together, the waiting move (this but rarely), the unexpected check by
discovery and double check. We may also discover certain definite canons
of taste to which the problems generally conform. The position must be
possible, i. e. it must be one which might have occurred in a real game of
chess. We must not, however, push this too far. It was 6nly an ar-RazI
or an as-Sull who could demonstrate the impossibility of a particular dis-
position of the Pawns. In practice, possibility merely meant that no Bishop
could stand upon a square that was inaccessible to him in an ordinary game,
884 The problems in H occur in Z in the following order, 1-20, 25-8, 21-4, 83-6, 29-32,
37-8, 48-6, 39-42, 47-75.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
277
but even this limited meaning of the term put the Muslim problem upon
a higher plane than was ever reached by the problems composed in Europe
in the Middle Ages. There are, however, apart from the positions of the
Bishops, many problems which show Pawns on squares that they could never
have reached in play, or positions that could only have occurred as the result
of palpable connivance on the part of the loser.
The winners King, again, muet be under threat of an obvious and
immediate mate. He rarely plays any part, active or passive, in the mate.
As a rule he is placed at a remote edge of the board and walled off by a couple
of Rooks, or hemmed in by other pieces. The origin of this custom is
probably to be found in the endeavour to cut out other first moves than the
one intended. Obviously, lines of play commencing with a non-check move
were shut out by the device. But positions derived from actual games were
freely treated in order to satisfy this artistic taste. Often the treatment is
overdone, and destroys the verisimilitude of the arrangement. Generally
there is considerable freedom in the treatment of pieces which are not essential
for the intended solution, and the different MSS. disagree in their grouping
of the non-essential pieces about the winner’s King. Economy of force was
a principle of composition that was not yet dreamed of, and the presence of
inactive and superfluous men was no blemish in Muslim eyes. On the other
hand, a study of the mate-problems shows that it was a definite principle
of composition that the pieces on the two sides should be as nearly as possible
of equal force, and that the winners advantage should be reduced to nothing
more than the possession of the first move. This is so characteristic a feature
of the older Muslim work that it becomes one of the most reliable means of
separating Muslim from European problems in the European MSS.
There are no conditional problems in these MSS. In a few cases, later
MSS. have, in repeating problems, added an apparent condition, 6 mate to be
given with a particular piece, or upon a particular square’, but upon examina-
tion these conditions are found to exercise no restraint upon the play, and
may be dismissed as nothing more than bints to the solver to help him in
his play.
It is the appearance of conditional problems in BM (in a MS. of 1257),
AE (MS. undated), Alf. (MS. of 1283), Man. (MS. of 1446), and Al. (written
c . 1340), combined with the slightly later style of these works, that has led
me to make a second group of them. The conditional problem is certainly
a later development than the simpler type of End-games and mates which are
the rule in the MSS. of which I have been treating. There are only two
species of conditional problem in the Muslim MSS. — in the one, mate is to
l>e given by a specified piece ; in the other, mate is to be given upon a specified
square. It is difficult with these conditions, though not impossible, to keep
up the pretence of the position being taken from actual play, and there is
a tendency to reduce the number of pieces for the defence. The enchanced
difficulty of the task is sufficient justification for the attack’s advantage in
force.
Digitized by Google
278
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
In the Piece-mate, the favourite pieces selected for the purpose were
naturally those of least power, the Bishop and the Pawn, and the Bishop was
the favourite. At a later time this preference became still more pronounced
in Muslin chess, and extended to the ordinary game also. Some of the
allusions to chess which Bland quoted from later Persian poets drew their
point from the high repute in which the mate with the Bishop was held, and
the late Per. MS. RW speaks of players who were noted for their skill in
the ‘ Bishop’s Game *, i. e. in ending a game by a mate with a Bishop.
BM contains 214 diagrams (of which nine are blank but have accom-
panying text, and three are blank without text), and the terminations of two
problems, the diagrams of which were on leaves now missing from the MS.
These I have included in my numbering. The author intended a classification
of his material based upon the character of the diagrams : thus the following
chapter-headings are given :
f. 11a, Chapter of the t<£ab% (BM 1-5).
f. 13 a, Chapter of the mansubat that are won ( maghlubat ) with the King
pinned (BM 6-59).
f. 42 a, Chapter of the taabi which al-'Adll mentioned (BM 60-67, of
which BM 66 and 67 are maqmurat ).
f. 44 a, Chapter of the mansubat in which the King is not pinned (BM 68-
165 ; of which 106-129 are drawn games).
f. 103 b, Chapter of the mansubat that are drawn (qawalm) and have
solutions (BM 166-216 ; the contents of this section are more miscellaneous
than are those of the other sections, e.g. 171, 173, 183-196 are maghlubat
positions, 201-2, 212-16 are mikhariq or modifications of chess).
The MS. contains many duplicates ; no fewer than twenty-three positions
occur twice, while four appear thrice in it. This, combined with the want
of order in the concluding part of the MS., gives it more of the character of
a note-book. I imagine that the author made many entries after he had
completed his original plan, using the surplus blank pages for the purpose.
Like V, the MS. is rich in End-games, and it adds no less than seventy-six
positions to our collection.
The author generally adds to the original title the name of the piece
which is to be moved first, e. g. 1 Black wins, and the play is his with the
Knight,’ &c. The conditional problems have a longer title, e. g. BM 7, ‘ Red
wins, and the play is his with the King to bring it opposite bis Rook, and
the condition (Ar. sharf) is to win it, checkmate on the square on which he
is with the Bishop.’ There are six problems of this character in the MS.
(BM 6, 7, 9 — a resetting of AH 100, 50, 51, and 171 = 173).
The MS. is in the main based upon al-'Adll’s work. Thus it omits as-Suli’s
solutions to Nos. 1 and 10 below.
AE, with 194 problem positions and very full and exhaustive solutions,
is probably the most interesting and most important of all the mansubat
collections. The problems are arranged without remark, on more extensive
lines than elsewhere. AE 1-65 and 176-194 are ordinary mate-problems ;
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
279
66-96 and 166-175 are End-games (note the stalemate, 166) ; 97-111 are
problems in which A plays but B wins ; 112-130 are drawn games ; and
131-165 are conditional problems (including 131-143, mates with Bishop, and
144—160, mates upon a particular square). There are no duplicates. No less
than 106 of its problems are not to be found in the MS. already examined.
On the whole, these new problems strike me as being superior to the AH
problems, and therefore as being presumably of later date. The positions
Nos. 282-3, 290-1, 296-300, 303, 366, and 384 are especially beautiful. The
conditional problems also show an advance upon those in BM.
The relationship of AE to the earlier MSS. is not easy to determine.
The MS. supplies no information as to its sources, and suppresses all personal
touches, except in its section on the End-game decisions, where it mentions
Lajlaj and *Adll as authorities in certain doubtful cases. In proportion to
other MSS. it contains fewer problems from al-'Adll’s work. The author must,
I believe, have been a master of the first rank. Whether that master were
al-Lajlaj, the original author of the treatise which forms the earlier portion of
AE, or as-Sull, who, as we know from the Fihrist , was the author of two works
on chess, we cannot tell. But the collection is worthy of either master. 34
Alf. is a European collection of problems, the compiler of which has in
the main used Arabic sources. Of his 103 problems, 1-72 and 88-103 are
so unmistakably Muslim, and so dissimilar to the European type of problem,
that I have not hesitated to include them in the present material. The MS.
is weak in End-games and contains few drawn games, and some of the
positions suggest that the Arabic sources employed were compiled by players
of less skill than were the MSS. discussed above; e.g. Alf. 1 (No. 388) is
a rendering of No. 82 in which the artistic mate is forgotten. Only twenty
of its problems are new.
The fanciful principle of arrangement adopted by the compiler, by which
he makes his order depend upon the number of men employed in the position,
effectively conceals his indebtedness to the older works. The table on p. 16
shows, however, that all the sources of AH are represented, and specially
al-'Adll and 8. As might have been expected from the principle of arrange-
ment adopted, duplicates are fairly common, ten positions occur twice, one
thrice, and two four times.
It was b. Abl Haj ala’s plan to end each of the eight chapters in Man. with
five diagrams : the first a ta'blya, the second a game won by Red, the third
a game won by Black, the fourth an easy draw, and the fifth a hard draw.
M The leaves of the existing copy of the MS. are either disarranged slightly, and possibly
incomplete, or it is a mechanical copy of an earlier MS. which was out of order. In the copy
which I have used — made for Mr. J. G. White by a Turkish scribe in Constantinople — there
are several breaks in the continuity of the text which occur in the middle of the solution to
a problem, and in the middle of a line and of a page of the text. The new matter proves
nearly always to be the missing termination of a problem whose solution is broken off in this
way on another page of the MSS. Thus, the solution to AE 1 is incomplete : the missing
termination is 179a, i.e. the apparent termination to the solution of 179. These misplaced
conclusions may be identified thus: 15a = end of 42; 18a — end of 15 ; 21ft = end of 18 ;
145a unidentified; 148a unidentified ; 157n « end of 145 ; 158a * end of 148; 187a = end
of 179. The conclusions of 157, 158, and 187 are apparently missing.
Digitized by Google
280
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Chapter VI, dealing with the modifications of chess and the mikhdriq , contains
a number of diagrams of these and two other non-chess puzzles (Man. 29-49). 35
At the end of the MS. are three extra diagrams (65 a problem, 66 a tablya,
and 67 blank). One problem occurs twice. The 33 mansub&t add eight to
our collection. Although the MS. quotes as-SulI largely, it is richer in
problems from al-'Adli, twelve being traceable to the latter writer.
The identification of the problems in al-Amull (Al.) is by no means easy.
Of the eight MSS. which I have compared, none gives the problem-diagrams
and text in an orderly way, and most omit to place the chessmen on the
diagrams altogether. The diagrams in the India Office MS. are all filled in
black ink, and correspond neither to the solutions in the text nor to any other
Muslim problems. A study of the text shows that the most complete MSS.
contain twenty-four problems, of which, however, 13-18 merely repeat 7-12
and 19 is identical with 1. This leaves seventeen distinct positions, all of
which, except Al. 21 (a drawn game), have been identified from the solutions ;
ten prove to be from al- c Adli, and two are new.
I have made my third group of five works of the 15th-17th centuries, RAS
(in a 15th c. MS.), F (written 1501), R (written c . 1575), S (written 1571),
and Y (in a MS. of 1612). It is in these MSS. that we meet with the first
signs of the fanciful ascriptions and problem -legends, of which the Dilaram
story (see the solution to No. 83, below) is the best-known example.
There are sixty-four diagrams in RAS, arranged one a page with over-
script, but without solutions. Sixty of these contain mansubat, 36 of which
sixteen occur in AH fairly evenly distributed over the five sections into which
I divide that MS. Nearly every position is attributed to a player, and the
majority to 'All Shatranji, the great player of Timur's day, or to con-
temporaries of his. Some of the AH positions are thus post-dated. Most of
the thirty-five new positions are said to be from actual games in which odds
were given, or the winner played blindfold or other games at the same time.
In several the winning line of play is by no means obvious.
F, with eighty-four diagrams (F 1-6 are ta'biyat), is in the main based
upon the older collections : the composite nature of its sources is well shown
by the ten duplicate and two triplicate entries. The succession of the problems
is often the same as in AH ; it owes nothing to H and V ; al-'Adll problems
(thirty-two) and as-SulI (twenty, if be by as-Sull) are both used largely.
Ten problems are new to us. The second MS. of this work (Q) omits, owing
to gaps, eight of the problems in F (F 14, 44, 51, 55-6, 78 and 84), and places
F 61 between F 39 and 40.
R, with eighty-three diagrams, two of which are unfilled, stands in close
M Man. 86-46 relate to as>$afadi's problem of the ship (see Hyde, ii. 28) : to arrange 15
Ohristians and 15 Muslims in a circle so that by counting round and rejecting every nth
man, all the Christians are rejected. Man. 46-9 illustrate another problem: to arrange
82 men against the sides and in the angles of a square room so that the total counting along
each wall is 12, and then to add 4, 8, and 12 men without altering this total of 12 along
a wall. The ta'biyat are Man. 1, 6, 11, 16, 21, 50, 55, 60, and 65 ; the mikhdriq , Man. 28-85.
8C RAS 1 is blank, 2 and 3 are ta'biyat, 61 is a diagram with the 8 Red Pawns on the 2nd
and the 8 Black Pawns on the 7th line.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
281
relationship with F, only six problems in that work not occurring in this,
while only four positions in R are not contained in F. Two of these are not
contained in any of the earlier MSS. The MS. is carelessly compiled ; of its
eighty-one positions, eleven occur twice, and four three times. The writer
repeatedly cuts short a long solution by the words shah mat long before that
position is reached. He adds the comment, ‘ This is marvellous,’ to No. 32
(R 55), and gives as the solution 1 Ktc6, Kc 7 (there is nothing to prevent
Q x Kt spoiling the whole thing) ; 2 Re7 mate (when the King can escape
by Kc6, that square being unoccupied in his arrangement of the position) !
S contains a small collection of ten problems without solutions, and
possesses little importance. Only one position is new, and I have failed to
discover the author’s solution in eighteen moves.
Y, a Persian translation of a lost Arabic work somewhat on the lines of
Man., contains fifty-two diagrams (of which 1-3, 6-8, and 52 are blank, and
51 exhibits the ordinary arrangement of the pieces) with one duplicate. It,
again, is based on old material ; eighteen of its forty-four problems are from
al-'Adll, and oi\ly six are unknown from older works.
My fourth and last group of MSS. contains two late Persian works, Oxf.
(written 1796-8) and RW (in a 19th c. Eng. trans.). Both were composed
in India, and are to some extent influenced by non-Muslim ideas.
Oxf. contains 171 diagrams of positions on the ordinary board, which are
grouped in four sections or marakat ; f. 7 b, mansubat of RumI chess (1-99) ;
f. 58 b, mansubat of FeringhI, i.e. European, chess (100-159); f. 88 b, Burd
positions (160-167); f. 92 b, Qa’Im positions (168-171); — a classification
coloured in part by Indian ideas. Many of the problems, however, are derived
from Muslim MSS., and most are composed in accordance with the Muslim
rules of move. Others, and especially the Pawn-mates, have little else in
common with the earlier mansubat. On the whole, the seventy-one problems
which I have added from this work seem to me of minor interest.
RW is a small collection of twenty-eight problems and a Knight’s tour ;
it is very similar in character to Oxf., and adds eleven problems of the same
type.
Skill in the solution of problems has always been highly esteemed in
the East, and the Per. terms mansuba-ddn , ‘one cunning in problems,’ and
manffiba-baz, ‘a problem-player,’ have passed into the ordinary idiom in the
sense of a ‘ far-sighted * or ‘ resourceful man ’.
The solution, that I give to the problems are those of the MSS., except
that I have as a rule omitted all forced moves on the part of the defence, and
all variations that lead to the win in a less number of moves. I have not
examined the solutions more closely than to satisfy myself that they are
sound. In a few cases, chiefly in RAS problems, I have given the solutions
from Forbes or v. d. Linde, or have supplied them myself. An indication is
added in each case.
Digitized by Google
282
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
4. 5.
2. AH 12: C 48: BM85:F17 AH 18 : C 49 : BM 57:
AH 10 : 0 45: BM 135: -76: H32: Alt 60: A1.12 S 10 : H 35 : Man. 19:
Y 11 : Man. 51 : H 81. = 18 : R 27 ■ 35 - 66. Oxf. 165.
Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
6 .
AH 14 : C 50 : BM 20
- 38 : AE 6 : Y 37 :
Alf. 85 : H 23 : Y 2.
Black plays and wins.
7.
C 182 a 51 : F 62 : AH107
- 16 : BM 21 ■ 22 - 89 :
Alf. 14 : H 7 : Y 8.
Red plays and wins.
8 .
AH 16: C 5: Y 42: AE 78:
BM 188 - H 17.
Black plays and wins.
10 .
AH 18: C 120: Man. 2: 11. 12.
BM 143 : AE 72 : V 0 (end AH19: C 121 : Y4: AH 20 : C 122 : BM139:
of text only). BM 167 : H 43. V 5 : AE 90 : H 24.
Red plays and wins. Red plays. Drawn. Black plays aud wins.
16.
AH 24 : C 132 : BM 27
■ 141: F 29: Y 29:
V 59 : AE 44 : Alf. 68 :
H 84 : R 2.
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
283
19.
17. 18. AH 27 : C 135 : BM 18 *= 19
AH 25: C 188: F80: AH 26 : C 184 : BM28: *=150; F 88 = 67: All 15:
V 60: BM 180 - 142; F82-51 : Alf. 23 : H83: AE 186 : H10: V 57 :
RAS 56 : H 19 : R 69. Oxf. 47 : V 56 : R 79. R 18 = 23 = 29.
Black plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
20 .
AH 28: C 186 : BM 25 :
F 84 : Alf. 40 - 72 :
AE 135: H8: V107: R70.
Red plays and wins.
28
AH81 = 105: C 124 — 180:
F 37: BM 17 - 188a:
Alf. 99: AE 184: RW11:
H 11: R7.
Red plays and wins.
21 .
AH 29: C9: BM16=151:
F 35 : AE 63 : H 9 : R 1.
Black plays and wins.
24.
AH 32 : C 125 : BM 56 :
Man. 52 : H 86 : Al. 8
- 14 : F 88 : Oxf. 80 :
R 16.
' J;
m
H H !
rm
Wk 520 83s
Ml £82
H 3 H
m a i
ffl M
u m m
Black plays and wins.
22 .
AH 30: C 128: BM 133
- 144 : F 36: Alf. 30:
AE 95: H 27 : A1.3: R8.
Red plays and wins.
25.
AH 83: C 126: F8-39
— 72: BM 32 = 33 : Y 12 :
Al. 1 : H 80: Oxf. 20:
R 14 - 21 - 61.
Jfl
IBB
SS
H n
^3 |
w
M 31
M i
IBB
Ulr 1
ii i§X
H! , 1
IBB
W
Wj\ r Mi
WM
Red plays and wins.
26.
AH 34 : C 127 : F 40 :
Y 9 : H28: Al. 28: R5.
Red plays and wins.
27.
AH 85 : C 128: BM 40:
Man. 18 : H 25: F 41 :
Al. 10 - 16 ; AE 105.
Red plays. Black wins.
28.
AH 86: C 52 : BM 145:
F42: Y 10: Alf. 41: AE37:
Al. 2 : H 88 : R 4.
Black plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
284
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
29.
AH 37: C 63: BM 29 :
F 43 : Alf. 59 : H 18 :
Al. 22: R 8.
Black plays and wins.
32
AH 40 : C 56 : BM 30
- 140 : F 47 : R 55.
T*
*
mm
f5X
T* T
*T f
m i
n §§
* £
iiH HI
M H
spa
Mi
m m
Red plays and wins.
42.
AH 50: C 62: Y19 = S0:
AE 126: BM 166:
Oxf. 169 : H 42 : Man. 24:
Y 86.
aas?
m m
•v"-
■ w
./A
+m a
A'V.
m a
m
y
\
ft r./ji
■>/.
’C~"y
m
' ""*//
2WM
SECS
m m
m
Black plays. Drawn.
51.
AH 59 : CIO: BM 147
= 184 : Y 28 : H 26 :
AE 84 : Oxf. 166.
Black plays. Red wins.
30.
AH 38: C 129: BM 28
= 153 : F 45 : Alf. 89 (in
II): AE 80: Oxf. 11 :
H 14: R 17.
Black plays and wins.
83.
AH 41 : C 57 : F 48 : Y 13 :
BM 197 = 158: H 18:
Man. 8 : R 15.
xst
f//<
IS n
E:S£§Jl
g§
11 '&
m m
UTi
rr* Y r W / ?' '/*
'/■/.' yr/ '" */"//
A A
ftA/j ■/
v;/\
v/ A. <-/sA
'tit A ‘6/ /■
Black plays and wins.
49 .
AH 57 = 80: C 143 = 156:
Y 31 : RAS 9 : AE 82.
Red plays and wins.
52.
AH 60: C 11 : BM 134:
Y 50 : H 87 : Y 54.
Black plays and wins.
31.
AH 89: C 180: F46:
BM 97 = 152: R 54.
Black plays. Red wins.
35.
AH 48: C65: BM 107:
F 14 : Y 16 : Oxf. 171 :
H 46 : Man. 9 = 64:
AE 125.
Red plays. Drawn.
50.
AH 58 : C 144 : F 57 = 80 :
AE 36 : R 81.
81 r/ ■
M 81
*
WQM
m B
m wT
I mM
X X
m m
res* tjmz
• ; : W
® gg£l
mz 9m
W>. r M
^ 14^ KW
Red plays and wins.
53.
AH 61 : C 12 : F 56 : .
Man. 62 : BM 10 = 194 :
H 16 = 55: V 65 : Alf. 58
= 63 = 64 = 97: Oxf. 149:
Al. 11 = 17; R 52.
Black plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
' m m
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
57.
AH 65 : C 16 : H 53.
AH 66 : C 17 : AE 56 :
Alf. 8 (in XI).
59.
AH 67 : C 18 : BM 45 :
AE 12: H 52.
Black plays and wins.
60..
AH 68 : C 19 : BM 46 : 61. 64.
AE 8 : Alf. 12. AH 69 : C 145 : S 4. AH 72 : AE 108 : C 148.
Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Black plays. K* « l win*.
65. 69. 70.
AH 73 : C 149 : V 67 : AH 77 : C 153 : Y 25 : AH 78 : C 154 : Alf. 45
AE 96 : BM 156. V 97. (in VI).
Red plays and wins. Black plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
286
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
71.
AH 79: C 156: V 108:
AE 26.
Black plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
mm. mm
&+M mm
m mmmm
u i rmm
m T g T '
m mm m
m *
Ri iiTSi
m
: iA
mi. a
mm mam
v *
A
' a
76.
AH 86 : 0 161 : AE 172 :
Y 88 : V 94.
Black plays and wins.
77.
AH 86 : C 162 : Alf. 25
« 27 « 101 : Oxf. 85 :
H 61 : V 95 : AE 27.
WT.II
* ? ? T
T T*
*
Red plays and wins.
78.
AH 87 : C 168 : Alf. 94.
Red plays. Black wins.
82
AE 182(corr.)*: AH 95 and
C 170 [text only] : L 88 :
BM 62 : Oxf. 1.
Red plays. Mate on el
in XXXYI.
79.
AH 88 : C 164.
Black plays and wins.
83.
S2 : AE38 (inV): AH 96:
C 171 : F 7: Y44 : Alf.54
= 57 = 90 = 100 (in V) :
Oxf. 46: RW1 (in VII):
Man. 67 (in VII): H70:
R 62.
wm
g? W-
mm
Pi wa m
y a
\//y
r zm
\/> r y
■ A.
■ m ;J
P - ;; r/ ;
m. m m
("im
Red plays and wins.
80.
AH 89 : AE 7 : C 166.
Red plays and wins.
84.
AH 97: C 172 : F65:
Alf. 69 = 91 : V 8 : R 20.
Red plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
85.
AH 98 : C 178 : F 88 :
Y 41 : R 76.
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
86 .
AH 99: C174: BM8:
S 8 : F 44 : AE 161 :
Alf. 38 = 95 : Oxf. 97 :
Man. 17: H 68: R 6.
287
Red plays and wins.
87.
AH 100 : C 175 : BM 9
« 16 : F 82 : Alf. 22
« 89 : R 25.
Black plays and wins.
AH 101 : C 176 (corr.).
Black plays and wins.
89.
AH 102 : C 177 : F 54 :
R 32.
Black plays and wins.
90.
AH 108: C 178: F68 :
Oxf. 78 : R 48.
a m mm
m m a
m m m m
i i i i
ms mm
m a mmm
r .
m m W M
T-r
ii
a a ■ b
*
i
a a a a
m m m i i
Sr i
m m m m
C- :;s L
W H B M
ai B i i
m m m m
*
i i i il
Red plays and wins.
91.
AH 104 : C 179 : F 52 :
RAS 57 : S 5 : AE 181 :
K 51 « 58.
92.
AH 106 : C 181 : BM 132
- 148 - 185 : F 15 = 61 :
H 15 : RIO = 42.
B B B B
B fl fl B
ti i m m
m m w a i
m si b w
M fl H
m BbbaiT
Red plays and wins.
98.
AH 108 (corr.) : C 188 :
F 13: R9 = 12.
Black plays and wins.
94.
AH 109 : C 184 : F 20 :
R 50.
m m
m
mm
f 1 r
f
n
HEH
fl
V
X
B B
X
mm.
Red plays and wins.
95.
AH 110: C 185: F 22 :
R 59.
Black plays and wins.
96.
AH 111 : C 186: F 23.
f
Digitized by Google
288
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
97. 98. 99.
AH 112 : C 187 : F 24 : AH 113 : C 188 : F 25 : AH 114 : C 189 : F 26 :
R 49. R 67. R 60 s 68.
Black plays and wins.
107.
104. AH 122 : 0 108: RAS 52:
AH 119: C 194. V102: BM 49(text only).
Red plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
109. 110.
AH 124 : C 110 : V 12. AH 126 : C 111 : V 13.
Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins,
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
289
113.
AH 128: C 114: V 43 :
Alf. 71 (in X', : Oxf. 7 :
AE 25.
115.
AH 130: V 19 : C J16:
Alf. 32 (in V) = 102
(in Y).
m *
§ is i
'll
^ fe m
m m m
m
'if
m.
i i. A
K
W
Black plays and wins.
117.
AH 132: C 118: AE99:
Y 21.
Black plays and wins.
118.
AH 133 : V 22: C 119:
AE 174: Y 89.
119.
AH 134 : C 23 : V 23.
120 .
AH 135 : C 24 : V 66 :
Alf. 52: AE 33.
T *
a
W7- ^
V 5 f
?
* 'y.
*
i
Red plays and wins.
128
AH 188 : C 27 : AE 28 :
V 58.
180.
AH 145 : C 34 : H 66 :
V 47.
124.
AH 139: C 28: V 106:
Alf. 42 : AE 137.
132.
AH 147 : C 36 : BM 68 :
AE 101 : V 49.
Red plays. Black wins.
126.
AH 141 : C 30: V 100.
Black plays and wins.
133.
AH 148: C 37 : BM 69 :
V 58.
1270
T
Digitized by Google
290
185.
AH 150: C89: AE 178.
189.
AH 154 : C 67 : BM 71 :
AE 100: V 62.
m m
A ■
ym.it
k i «
1 R R
A
JL
mu
M ll'rfbi
m m
!'■« i-' !
H»i<l pin vs. Black >\ ins.
142.
All 157:
C 70 : BM 73
- 98 i V 28 : HAS 5 :
Alf. 49 (in IV) : AE94.
'.U
j si X
mvm
:
mav?
u m&m
m m
iM%
m Mum
m m
i % i
m ^ u
X
Black pla> ■ and \\ Ins.
145.
AH 160: (
5 78 : BM 76:
V 1 :
AE 175.
M Z
j m u
m &
m y
m i
Jt'lA hi
■ »
m -
m :
•/; v * J
m. es.
:,J .J
y .
J ul U
■ '
I'A \ •
Black plays and wins.
CHESS IN ASIA
186.
AH 151 : C 40 : V 71 :
Oxf. 54.
140.
AH 155 : C 68 : BM 72 :
V 74.
148.
AH 158: C 71 : BM 74.
&
MT’M
1*1%
1 f
i
mmm
m m
TV
a
f
$\MA ;
A
$&HA.
s:«.
m&m m
B
■
Hod plays and wins.
147.
AH 162: C 75,
?' .. h,.;
SI
”:‘Tnna
y/* ^ •?'
1:
i
m u
Mit .
kae>7 , .
V " ..
"it ^ -s
Black plays aud wins.
PART I
187.
AH 152 : C 65 : BM 53 :
RAS 53 : V 99.
141.
AH 156: C 69 : V 75.
Kcd plays and wins.
144.
AH 159 : C 72 : BM 75 :
H 65.
148.
AH 163 : C 76.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
291
i. iTM&m m
f *£>
Black plays. Red wins.
a m BttH#
a » * a
’mm
■IMiH ■
Black plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins,
Red plays and wins,
Red plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins.
X
T
* §§ m
mm m m
mm m
i
*
%
mw
i*
292
165.
AH 180: RAS 7 : C 87 :
Alf. 11 : AE 185:
H 49 : V 39.
0
-?T f
¥
#¥ $
I A
A 'jEJ
m * ..
SR
Red plays and wins.
CHESS IX ASIA
166.
AH 181 : C 88: V 40.
PART I
167.
AH 182 : C 89.
*
¥£ f
Ked plays and wins.
169.
AH 184 : C 91 :
BM 82.
1 ■- 1
¥
r # t
*1
¥ T
1 *
R**d play ^ Hid u
170.
AH 185: C 92 : Alf. 17
in V' .
T
Air 1
f a
£0¥
¥
la 0
E0B£
\
a
■ ail-
1 T
s' ■ B
1** @
B B 1
Red plays and win*.
171.
AH 186: V 72: C 93:
Y 34 : Alt 13.
1 F >4 F
?«
Xi.
i i *
1 i
JL * A
■
m
*
Black plays and win*.
172.
AH 187 : C 94 : Y 27 :
AIL 29 : Chef. 36 :
V 1**5 : AE 24.
173.
AH 188: C 95: BM 54 :
Alf. 4 : AE 187 : S 7 :
H 62: V 31.
174.
AH 189: C 96: BM 35
(text onlv' : T 20:
AE 50 : H 63: V 32.
175.
Y 16: C IMS: AE 32:
AH 190.
176.
AH 191 : C 104 : Y 23
't*xt : Alf 50 : Oxf. 38:
V IS.
177.
AH 192: C 105: Alf. 36:
Oxf. 9 : V 50.
‘ -
■ ■ ■ B|
M |
gn
¥ ¥ #1
1 ? 2
. s*
as %
as*
i
A
i
JL
li0* i
i A
A i ’l
1
+
A
I
IB BA
tx
ick plays and wii
IS.
Red plays anl wins.
Black plays
and wins.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
293
179.
AH 194: C 106 (title
only * : Y 36 : V 29.
195.
V 96.
180.
AH 195 : AE 76.
mm * “a
m m m m
(Au: i'JiA \i$ui ImSk?
m m m m
Ked plays
Black wins
197.
H 20.
m '
a x
m m m
X
a mm
m m
mm
* i
EMM
-/■ B
H 9
m, \
mum a
0 H
Red plays and wins.
181.
AE 180 : V 10 : BM 13
(text only): Alf. 18 (in
XX) : H 48 (in XIX).
198.
BM 26 : AE 54 : S 3 :
H 22.
199
H 29 : Alf. 43.
200 .
II 57.
201 .
H 59.
204.
Alf. 55: H 71 (in II) :
Oxf. 58.
206.
BM 6.
207.
BM 7.
X H A M
mm
H j|S BB
\M M M M
#. e
a
1 S BfB
m * mrM M
■ ■ ■ ■
m H H&a
T ■% A
m m m m
'd ' S
'ii
m. , m ,m m#
.. * A
r\ : -A
® X
B
Black plays. Mate
Red plays. Mate with B.
Bed plays. Mato un 1 1 7
in III. with B.
Digitized by Google
294
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
208.
BM 11 - 188: AG 144
(in VI).
Red plays. Mato on a8.
212 .'
BM 84: AG 48.
Red plays and wins.
215.
AG47 : BM48(text only).
Black plays and wins.
220 .
BM 59 ^text only) :
Alf. 88 - 96: RW9.
Red plays and wins.
209.
BM 14 (corr.).
Black plays and wins.
218.
BM 86.
Black plays and wins.
217.
BM 51.
■3 PI)
? a ■
*
..J
m
■
a
mnm m
a
ABB
a
Red plays. Mat
e with
promoted V on al or hi.
225.
BM 90.
a
•a J :
<ss '
—
Black plays aud wins.
210 .
BM 24.
Black plays and wins.
214.
AE 18 . RAS 37 : Alf. 47
(in XV): BM 87 (in XV).
Red plays aud wins.
910
BM 68 : Y 46.
m m l.
pri r
y'fi
iTs" :
m ■ gi
,• ! t ' r :
S/a i k U.; -*a
. E
v> m 12
E r J □ L
n n a
Black plays and wins.
226.
BM 91.
a
a a a
W
i a
...
a B
A
H
... 2
HwS
g 1 ! 1 !
m 4Hi
Black plays and wins.
Digitized by t^ooole
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
2 !
*4. *X1
Black plays and wins.
260.
258. BM 169 = 21 (text): AE62: 261.
BM 155 (corr.). Oxf. 98 (no Bl.). BM 160.
Black plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
266. 270. 282.
BM 165. BM 187 (corr.). AE 1 and 179a.
Black plays and wins. Black plays. Mate with 2 Bs. Red plays and wins.
288. 284. 285.
AE 3. AE 4 : Oxf. 140 : R 80. AE 9.
Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
296
CHESS IN ASIA
PART
289. 290.
AE 15 and 18 a. AE 16.
Black plays and wins. Rod plays and wins.
291.
AE 17.
Red plays and wins.
292.
AE 18 and 21 a.
293.
AE 19.
294.
AE 20.
Red plays and wins.
Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
29
300.
298. 299. AE 39 : Alf. 65 fin II),
AE 29. AE 34 : RW 16. Oxf. 148 = 126 (in IV)
Black plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
301. 302. SOS.
AE 40. AE 41. AE 42 and 15a.
Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
Digitized by boogie
■0
298
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
310. 811. 312.
AE 58. AE 59. AE 60.
Red plays end win-. Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins.
821.
322.
323.
AE 83 : RAS 33.
AE 85.
AE 88: Al. 20(?).
Red plays and wins.
* ■ _
I
e»
• • ' :■ V_
m
Red plays and wins.
Kt*d plays. Black wins. Black plays. Red wins.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
299
827.
AE 108.
Black plays. Red wins.
828.
AE 104.
Red plays. Black wins.
829.
AE 106.
m m m m
*-
m p m m
m m m m
Kiffi ■ m
I T
a mm m
A <?■*. s
mm mm
m wwm Ȥ
M &
m m m m
1 H 1 9
*
m m m m
m in is
M ■ P W/ k
m mm n
V L
* mm m
m m m m
m m m m
* J.
Red plays. Black wins.
380.
AE 109 : Y 49.
Black plays. Red wins.
331.
AE 110.
Black plays. Red wins.
AE 122.
m m m m
if i
mm
m mmt m
I E 1 1
: ?
urn m mm
» m m m
m mm m
m a m m
a m m m
m a m m
■ w*
■ m bsb
m m m m
T; : e.
m m m sa
1111
m m m m
L a E
m m mm
m m m m
96 B 1 IP
mm mm
Red plays. Drawn.
387.
AE 123.
Black plays. Drawn.
338.
AE 124 : Y 83.
Red plays. Drawn.
389.
AE 127 : Man. 5.
m m m m
* .
| 1 i |
mi
AiS. L
B B B B
B B B B
1111
m m m m
m m m m
- A .
m m m m
&mwm b *
L • : P 3;
M&W B m
I ^A
i i I iA
M+'M p %
B MM B
I f
m mm m
R R H R
*
Red plays. Drawn.
840.
AE 128 : Man. 54.
Red plays. Drawn.
341.
AE 180.
Red plays. Drawn.
842
AE 131 : Oxf. 57.
Hill
g p | |
| | | |
■£: ...
a $ a m
§U 8 11^181
E. Li :
? btb a a
M M M M
i i S IK
HI 81 H H
B ■ B ■
bmm a
§§ S US IS
B BAB B
a. blbvbx
g§ §§f SXS
T :V : Li LE
lipj
A B K ©
ffi ®TW B
BA , p a8 r®8 BI
Red plays. Mate with B.
Digitized by
Google
300
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
343.
344.
345.
AE 133.
AE 134.
AE 138.
Black plays. Mate with B.
Black plays. Mate with B.
Red plays. Mate with B.
346.
347.
348.
AE 139 (corr.).
AE 140.
AE 141.
Black plays. Mate with B.
Red plays. Mate with B.
Black plays. Mate with B,
849.
350.
351.
AE 142.
AE 143.
AE 145 (corr.): RAS 16.
Red plays. Mato with B.
Red plays. Black mates
with B.
Red plays. Black mates
on b2.
352
353.
355.
AE 146.
AE 147.
AE 149.
Black plays. Mato on e5. Red plays. Mat* ion f8. Red plays. Black mates
on d5.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
357.
AE 152 (corr.)
Black plays. Mate on e4
Red plays. Black mates
Black plays. Mate on b3.
Black plays. Mate on d4.
Red plays. Mate on li8.
Black plays. Mate on b4.
359.
360.
361.
AE 154 (corr.).
AE 155 (corr.).
AE 156 : Alf. 85.
on d4.
866. 367. 368.
AE 161. AE 162. AE 163 (corr.\
P, or Q, or Kt, or R or B. with Q. with Ps.
Digitized by boogie
CHESS IX ASIA
PART I
3*9.
AE 1*4.
370.
AE 165 (corr.).
371.
AE 166.
374.
AE 171.
375.
AE 176.
876.
AE 177.
877.
AE 178.
378.
AE 179.
X
m
am
m
■
*
A a
as
♦
V. S
a
a
■: ?'■
a
mi
379.
AE 183 : RAS 59.
na
i+a
?
j
S
±
T
5. A M
mm
a
* A.r-3
Blank |>lnv* and win»,
Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
MUM,
A!': I MU I it 79
JIB
i
a r
t A a
a £.
uvu a
A
A
% k M
A
A a
S
i a
«
||<d play* mid wins.
381 .
Black plays and win>.
382.
AE 189.
X
m
|yS ■
a ■
J?
* il?
3 A
? 1 A
TT
VT
ii¥a
■
■ jii m
A
|3%
as.
Black plays and wins.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
303
388. 384. 385.
AE 100. AE 191. AE 192.
Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins. Red plays and wins.
886 .
AE 198.
Red plays and wins.
Red plays. Drawn.
Black plays and wins.
389.
Alf. 2.
Black plays. Drawn.
±*li
Black plays. Mate in
IV on d5.
892.
Alf. 6.
Red plays. Mate in XII.
898.
Alf. 9.
Black play. Mate
in XVIII
394.
Alf. 19.
Red plays. Mate in VI
on a4.
Digitized by boogie
304
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
395. 396. 897.
Alf. 21. Alf. 31. Alf. 33.
Black plays. Mate in IV
Black plays. Mate in VI.
Black plays. Mate in XI
on dl.
400.
Alf. 48 : F 9 = 84 :
398.
399.
Man.j56 : RW18: A124;
Alf. 44.
Alf. 46 = 92.
R 28 = 64.
Black plays. Mate in VI.
Red plays.
Mate in IV.
Red plays. Mate in III,
406.
409.
410.
Alf. 98.
Man. 7.
Al. 4.
Man. 12.
Red plays. Mate in V.
Red plays and wins.
Red plays. Mate with B.
411.
416.
417.
Man. 13 (corr.').
Al. 5: RW 4 (corrA
Al. 6.
Black plays. Mate Black plays and wins. Black plays and wins
with Bs.
Digitized by boogie
I IT
* T
WM m M
mm m m
m *
Bl S! §3 H
m. m mm
m m m m
Red plays and wins.
uk m i
aA&wa
a a
t H
Black plays. Mate
with Bs.
<£:§tW.
M A
mm m
m m m
Black plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
Red plays and wins.
462.
466.
468.
F 71 : R 41.
Y 4.
Y 21.
Will Hi Hi
Sr# T
S T T
A .
Red plays and wins.
484.
Oxf. 18.
I
XI
A 4
i/irif -V.
v. t
"a
~&;y-
n s
B 18 S 1
Black plays. Mate
with P.
490.
Oxf. 35.
I T
m a mmm
m m m
m mm a
ir
- «
Red plays. Mate in XII
with 2 Bs.
493
RW 28 : Oxf. 28.
a m mxi
h s BAM
m m m m
■; s ■ a
*
Red plays. Mate with Bs.
502.
Oxf. 40.
i t . m i
mm
T TTAf
T T * T
• f
m mimm
m®m w m
^ -
Red plays and wins.
512.
Oxf. 61.
IS i
V
514.
Oxf. 66 (corr.).
m m
^ i *
4
Black plays. Mate in
VIII with Bs.
a mm : r i
Black plays. Mate in X.
Digitized by
806
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
515. 517. 527.
Oxf. 67. Oxf. 69 « 88. Oxf. 82.
Rod plays. Mato in X.
Red plays. Mate in X
with 2 Bs.
Black plays. Mate after
5 successive Pawn checks.
5.10. 548. 558.
Oxf. 91. RW 6. RW 29.
I%Tm*Tlrl
m mmrmi
iti ■ m
i H R BA
m »«WBSR
Black plays. Mate with P.
Red plays and wins.
Rod plays and wins.
SOLUTIONS TO PROBLEMS AND NOTES
I. Problems from AH.
(1-5 are described as problems from al- Adits work , which as-Suli criticized
in his book.)
1. AH 9 : C 47 : BM 149 - 186 : Y 14 : AJ. 7 «= 13. Red. Ke4, Qh8 ; BL, Ke7,
Qh6. Black plays and wins. Al-'Adli’s solution was 1 Ke6, Kf4 ; 2 Kf6, Kg4 ;
3 Kg6, Kh4 ; 4 Qg5 + , Kg4 ; 5 Qf6, Kf4 : 6 Kf7, Kf5 ; 7 Qe7, Ke5 ; 8 Kg8, Ke6 ;
9 Qf8, Kd7 loses (by Bare King). This is said to be in ‘18* moves. As-Sull
shortened it to 4 8 ’ moves by 1 Kf8, Kf5 ; 2 Kf7, Kg4 ; 3 Kg8, Kh5 ; 4 Kh7, K~
and loses by Bare King. BM only gives al- Adli’s solution ; Al. only as-Sull’s. Cf.
for the ending Q v. Q, Nos. 112, 132. and 277.
2. 1 Kc7, R x R ; 2 Qb7 + ; 3 Be3 and compels m. with B. As-Sull blames
al-'Adll for suppressing the fact that the problem was from the play of Rabrab.
3. AH 1 1 : C 46. See p. 267 above.
• 4. 1 Rd7 + ; 2 Pe7 m. Al-'Adll said that this was from a game in which the
odds of R or Kt were giveu. Apparently his figure was overloaded with men, and
the pieces given as odds were on the board (cf. the setting BM 85 which adds Red
Ral and Pc5 and £5, moves Rh7 to g 7, and adds Bl. Bf4, Pc3, g5 and h6). As-Sull
pointed out the absurdity of this.
5. * Red plays his Q round until he covers his Kt by it, and then says checkmate
with the Kt.’ AVAdll says that this was from play. As-Sull thought it too
elementary to be preserved. Later writers thought differently, and h. Sukaikir
recommends it as elegant, and worthy of study. At the end of the solution in AH
(f. 32 b) is a note from a$-Sull to the effect that the caliph al-Muktafi had given him
some sheets of problems in ar-Rizi’s writing. He says that some of these problems
are headed 4 Drawn and are really 4 Won while others said to be 4 Won ’ are really
4 Drawn \
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
307
(6-19 are described as problems from al-AdlVs work , which as-§tUl praised in his
book . ‘ There are not many of them.*)
6. 1 Kt(f8)e6 + ,PxKt!; 2 Rd7 + , QxRI; 3 Ktb7 + ; 4 Pf7 + ; 5 Pg7 + ;
6 Rf3 + , Kg8 !; 7 Rf8 + ; 8 Rh8 m.
7. Al- Adli gave two solutions, (a) 1 Rf6 4- ; 2 Pe4 + (MSS. omit P x P ;
3 PxP+); 4 Be3 + ; 5 Rb7 + ; 6 RxP + ; 7 Ktb7m. (b) 1 R(f7)e7 + ; 2 Pe4 +
(MSS. again omit PxP; 3 PxP+); 4 Be3 + ; 5 Ktc8 + ; 6 R x B + ; 7 Ra7 m.
Both solutions are given in AH 15 : C 51 : Y 3 : BM 22 = 39. H 7 has only the
first; AH 107 : C 182 : Alf. 14 only the second.
8. 1 Qd7, Rd8 ; 2 Kf6, Ra8 or b8 ; 3 Re6, R~; 4 Rc6, R~; 5 Rc8, RxR;
6 Q x R. Or 1 . . , Ra8 or b8 ; 2 K£6, Rd8 ; 3 Rh7, Kg8 ; 4 Rg7 + ; 5 Re7 wins
as before (AE).
9. AH 17 : C 6. Red, Kd4, Qc4, Bd3 and e3, Pb3 and d5 ; Bl., Kd6, Bf8, Pb4.
Black plays ; drawn. 1 Bh6 ; 2 Bf4. Then K to d8 and Bd2 if the K attack the P,
or Kc6 if Red play Pd6. Then Bf4, ifKxP; BxP+, and K to b8 preventing the
red P from queening.
10. The solution of this problem, which is a classical position in the modern,
treatment of the ending R v. Kt, 87 varies in the different MSS. Al-'Adll solved 1 Rk5,
Kb8 ; 2 Kc6, Ktd8 + ; 3 Kd7, Ktb7 ; 4 Rb5 ; 5 Kc7 wins the Kt. As-§uli added
1 Ral + , Kb8 ; 2 Kc6, Ktd8 + ; 3 Kd7, Ktb7 ; 4 Ra3, Ktc5 + ; 5 Kc6, Kte6 ; 6 Ra5,
Ktc7 (if Ktd8 + ; 7 Kd7, &c.) ; 7 Re5, Kta6 ; 8 R + wins. AE (with Rhl on g6) solves
1 Rg8, Ktd6+ ; 2 Kc6, Ktc4; 3 Rd8, Ktb6 (or Kte5 + ; 4 Kc5 wins; or Kta5+;
4 Kc7, Ktb7 ; 5 Rd7, Kn8 ; 6 Kb6 wins) ; 4 Rd4, Ktc8 (or Ka6 ; 5 Rb4 wins) ;
5 Ra4 + , Kb8 ; 6 Rb4 + ; 7 Kc7 wins. The position occurred in a game between
Rabrab (red) and N&*im al-Khadim, and Rabrab made an exhaustive study of the
ending (AH). Cf. for the ending R v . Kt, Nos. 108, 125, 189, and 223.
11. 1 Rg8 + ; 2 R x R, K x R ! ; 3Kc7,Ktf4; 4Ph2,Ktd5 + ; 5 Kc8. Redcan
easily prevent ( zad) the Bl. K from moving.
12. 1 Ph5, Ktf4 + ; 2 Kf3, Kt x P(h3) (if Kt x P(h5) ; 3 Ktc7 + ; 4 Kte8 wins
Kt ; if any other, Bl. secures two Qs, winning) ; 3 Ktc7 + ; 4 Kte6, Ktgl + ; 5 Kf2,
Kth3 + ; 6 Kg2 wins Kt. From a game, Rabrab (Bl.) v. Naim.
13. AH 21 : C 7 : H 21 : V 6 : BM 146 =• 183 : AE 70. Red, Kb5, Rd2, Ktc5,
Pf7 ; Bl., Kb8, Rfl. Black plays and Red wins. 1 R x P, Rd8 + ; 2 Kc7, Kte6 + ;
3 Kb7, Rf8; 4 R~, Rf7 tra; 5 R x R, Ktd8 + r; 6 K~, Kt x R. Bare King.
From a game, Abu’n-Na'am (Bl.) v. Rabrab. Cf. Nos. 68, 116, 317, 318, 414.
14. 1 Rg6, RxR; 2 RxP + ; 3 Ra7 + ; 4 Rc7 m. From the play of Yusuf
at-Turkl.
15. 1 Ph5 + ; 2 Kt x B + ; 3 Pf5 + ; 4 Kt x B + , Kd4!; 5 Rdl + , K x Kt! ;
6 Pb3 + ; 7 Ktc3 + ; 8 Pb5 + ; 9Pb4 + ; lOPx Kt + ; 11 Ktd5 + , Ka5 !; 12 Ra3 + ;
1 3 Rb3 + , K x P ! ; 14Rc3 + ,Kd6!; 15Kte7 + d; 16Ktg6 + ; 17Rc4+; 18Rd5 + ;
19 Ktf4 + ; 20 RxP + ; 21 Re7 + ; 22 Kte6 m. Al-'Adli gave this as the termina-
tion of a game between au-Nasranl (Bl.) and b. Hisham. As-Suli, quoting from the
ar-R&zi MS. which the caliph al-Muktafl had given him (f. 38 b), says that ar-Razi
states that he had himself composed this problem from the end of one of his own
^arnes. As evidence of this ar-Razi pointed to the red Pg2. Obviously it did not
t>elong originally to any of the /, g, or A- files. Nor was it a central P, for ar-R&zi
2iad taken these in the game. AlS a matter of fact, it was an embellishment which he
liad added to the original game-position, and he argued that it was impossible that
-the ending as diagrammed could have occurred in a real game. But H and BM,
^which probably preserve al-'Adlfs figure, both omit this red P (as also does AH 131),
so that ar-Razfs claim looks very doubtful.
16. 1 Pg7 + , Kg8 ! ; 2 Ph7 + ; 3 Pg8 = Q + , RorBxQ; 4 Bf5 + ; 5 Ktf7 m.
17. 1 Rg2 + , Kf7 ; 2 Rh7 + ; 3 RxR wins. Or 1 . . , Rg7; 2 Rh7 ; and
87 See Berger, Theorie u. Praxis der Endspiele , Leipzig, 1690, 266-9; Freeborough, Chess
E nding*, London, 1891, 136; and F. Amelung, Baliische Schachbldtter , Berlin, 1890, vi. 156-61.
u 2
Digitized by
308
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
3 Ktf6 4- winning. From a game of Yusuf at-Turkl, AH. By Rabrab Khata’I, RAS,
probably wrongly ; by Shah Muzaffar, F.
18. 1 RxKt+; 2 Re8 + ; 3*Pd7 + ; 4KtxP + ; 5KtxBm. Cf. 28. 210, 416.
19. 1 Kt x P(b7) + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 R x Q + ; 4 Ktd8 + ; 5 Kte8 + ; 6 Ktf7 + ;
7 Ktg7 4- ; 8 Pg3 4- ; 9 Bfl m. ‘ A?-Suli says : This happened to al-Had&dl, and the
game was defective,’ AH. From al-'Adll, H. ‘Not in al-’AdU’s book,’ Y, which
writes the player’s name al-Mahdadl.
AH concludes this problem with a note that as-Sul! said that this was the last
problem that he had taken frora,al*'Adli’s book. Y has attached this note to the
preceding problem, No. 18.
(20-50 are described as problems from al- A dll's work , which as-Sull omitted
from his book,)
20. 1 Kte8 + , K x B! ; 2 Ktd7 + ; 3 Ktd6 + ; 4 Ktb7 + ; 5 Bd3 m.
21. 1 Pf4 + ,PxP; 2 P x.P + ; 3 Ktcl + ; 4 Ktb3 + ; 5KtxB + ; 6Ktb3 + ;
7 Ktcl+; 8 Pc5 + ; 9 Ktb3 + ; 10 Ra5 m. This is obviously derived from the
preceding position.
22. 1 Rc7 + , Q x R ; 2 Qc6 + , Ka8 ; 3 Ka6, Rb8 ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Q x R m.
23. 1 Rx Q + ; 2 Rx P + , Rx R; 3 Ktx P + ; 4 Pd4 + ; 5 Ktf4 + ; 6 Ktd2 + ;
7 Bd3 4- , Ka5 ; 8 Qb4 4- ; 9 Pb3 m. Cf. No. 391.
24. 1 Rh7 + , Rh2 ; 2 Kg3, R x R ; 3 Qg2 m. So runs the original solution.
If 2 . . , Be3 ; 3 R x R + ; 4 Qg2 ; 5 Rhl m.
25. 1 Rb8 + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Qb7 + ; 4 Qb6 m. Oxf. credits this to the Amir
Timur !
26. 1 R x B, K x R ; 2 Kf6, Rfl 4- ; 3 Qf5, Rgl; 4 Pg7 + , R x P ; 5 Qg6, R- ;
6 Red takes R, Bare K.
27. 1 Rh8 4- ; 2 Ktd5 + ; 3 Ktc3. Ra2 + ; 4 Kt x R, Pb2 m.
28. lRxKt + ; 2RxP + ,BxR; 3 Pe2 + ; 4 Kt x B m.
29. 1 Pb3 4- , Kbl ; 2 Rgl 4- , Bel ; 3 Ral + ; 4 R x B m.
30. 1 Re3 + , B x R ! ; 2 Rc3 4- ; 3 Ktb4 4- ; 4 Ktb2 m.
31. 1 Qg6 4- , Kt x Q ; 2fxKt4-,KxP; 3RxKt4,KxR; 4 Kf7, Pg8 =
Q 4- ; 5 K x Q, Kg6 and soon m. ; or if K does not take Q, Red wins the 2 Bs.
32. 1 Ktf7 4-; 2RxB+; 3 Re8 4- ; 4 Kte6 m.
33. 1 Qf6 4* ; 2 Rg8 4-, Kf7; 3 Rf8 4- , KxR; 4 KxR, Kg8; 5 Kg6, Kh8;
6 Be6 wins.
34. AH 42 : C 54 : F 49. Red, Ke4, Be3, Ph6 ; Bl., Ka5, Pb5. Black plays
and Red wins. 1 Kb4. Bl. will draw if he succeed in queening the P; Red
prevents this, queens his own P and wins.
35. Easy draw. 1 Ra8 and plays the R continually to attack the Bl. R, If
1 . . , R x R ; 2 Qe2 m.
36. AH 44: C 60: H 45: BM 106: Man. 10: Y15: Oxf. 170. Red, Ral,
Qe3, Ktd4, Bel ; Bl., Kc3, Rb2, Qb3, Pa2. Red plays ; drawn. 1 Ktb5 4- , Kc2 ;
2 Ktd4 4- , K x B ; 3 Qd2 4 - , R x Q ! ; 4 Kt x Q 4- ; 5 Kt x R, K x Kt ; 6 K x P.
Drawn.
37. AH 45 : C 61 : H 39 : F 64 : AE 120: BM 179: Man. 20: R 73. Red, Kh8,
Qh7, Pg7 ; Bl., Kf6, Be6. Red plays ; drawn. 1 Qg8, Kg6 ; 2 Qf 7 4- , KxQ;
3 Kh7, &c. AE tries 3 . . , Ke8 ; 4 Kh6, Ke7 ; 5 Kg6, Kd8 ; 6 Kh6, Ke8, &c.
38. AH 46: C 58 : F63: AE 129: Y 17: BM 168 = 198: H 44 : R 38. Red,
Kb5, Ktb8, Bel, Pa5 and a7 ; Bl., Ke5, Ra8, Ph7. Black plays; drawn. 1 Kd6(or
Rx P, Ktc6 4- r ; orRxKt, PxR = Q), Kb6 ; 2 Ph6, Kb7; 3 Ph5, KxR; 4 Kc7,
Kta6 4- ; 5 Kc6, Ktb8 4- , perpet. check. An interesting ending.
39. AH 47: C 59 : AE119: H 40 : F60: BM182: R 30. Red, Kc3, Ph6;
Bl., Kf6, Bel. Black plays; drawn. 1 Kc2, Be3; 2 Kd3, Bgl (or Bel; 3 Kc2,
Ba3 ; 4 Kb3, Bc5; 5 Kc4, Be3 ; 6 Kd3 ; or 5 . . , Be7; 6 Kd5, Kg6; 7 Ke6);
3 Ke2, Kg6 ; 4 Kf2. (AE.) Cf. for ending B v. P, Nos. 273, 372.
40 AH 48: C137: ^59: BM169: H 41 : R 71. Red, Kg2, Ral, Qd7 and
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATBANJ
309
e8, Bbl and c5, Pd6; Bl., Kd8, Re3, Qh8, Pb3. Black plays; drawn. 1 Re2+*;
2 Ra2, RxR; 3 PxR; 4 Pal = Q.
41. AH 49: C 138 : RAS 49 : F58: Y18: H 47: R 74. Red, Kd4, Qb4,
c 7 and e5, Bc5, Pa3, a5, d6, f4, g3, and b4 ; Bl., Kb3, Bc8, Pa6 and g4. Black
plays; drawn. 1 Be6 ; 2 Bc4, &c. By Farazdaq YunanI (RAS).
42. 1 Rhl + , Bel ; 2 Rg7, R x R (if R does not take ; 3 R opposite R perpetually,
draws); 3 R x B + ; 4 RxKt draws.
43. AH 51: C63: BM176: V89: Man. 25. Red, Ka8, Qb7; Bl., Kc7, Qb6,
Bc8. Black plays; ‘a long draw; there is not a longer; there is no solution/ AH.
Man., contradicting AH, says that this is from as-SulI.
44. AH 52 : C 64 : BM 116 : V 78. Red,* Kd5, Rg8, Bd7 and e7 ; Bl., Kh2,
Qf2 and f3. 4 A long draw ; there is no solution/ AH.
45. AH 53: C 139: BM 124. Red, Kg7, Bf8 ; BL, Kg4, Qg6, Pe5 and h5.
Drawn ; no solution. BM places Pe5 on d4, hut then, I think, Bl. can win.
46. AH 54: C 140 : V 79 : BM 180 : AE 115. Red, Ke6, Pc5 and g5 ; Bl., Kg7,
Bf8. Red plays ; drawn. 1 Kd7, Kh7; 2 Kd8, Kh8; 3 Kc8, Kg8; 4 Kc7, Kg7; 5 Kd7,
Kh7, &c. Or 1 Pc6, Kg8 ; 2 Kd7, Kh8 ; 3 Ke6, Kh7 ; 4 Ke7, Kg8 ; 5 Pc7, Kg7 ;
6 Kd7, Kh7 ; 7 Ke6 draws, or 7 Pc8 = Q, Kh8 ; 8 K~, Kh7 ; 9 Ke7, Kg8 ; 10 Qd7,
Kg7; 11 Qe6, Kg8; 12Qf7 + ,Kg7; 13 Ke6, Kh7 ; 14Kd7,Kh8I; 15Ke7,Kg7;
16 Qe6, Kg8 ; 17 Qf7 + draws (AE).
47. AH 55: C 141 : BM 114. Re<J, Kfl, Qf5, Bd3 and e3, Pe5; BL, Kf7, Bf8.
Either plays ; drawn.
48. AH 56 : C 142 : Y 36: V 36. Red, Kf8, Qal ; BL, Ke6, Pg6 and h6 going
to the 8th line. Drawn. Cf. No. 154.
49. 1 K x Q, Ktg7 ; 2 Kf7, Kth5 ; 3 Bh3, K~ (or Ktg3 ; 4 Ktc3, Kth5 ; 5 Kte2,
or 4 . . , Kthl; 5 Kte4. Added from AH 80 and AE); 4 Kg6, Ktg3 ; 5 Ktc3,
Kthl (or Kc6; 6 Kg5, Kc5; 7 Kg4, Kthl ; 8 Kf3, K~; 9 Kg2. Added from AE.);
6 Kte4 (AH 57 and AE). By ‘Adll RumI (RAS).
50. 1 Rg6 + ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 Rh6 + ; 4 Qf6 + ; 5 R m.
(51-180 are described as problems from a*- Suits v'ork, which are not in al-Adll.
A few are not in as-Suli.)
51. 1 Kte6 + , Kg6; 2 KtxQ + , Kf 7 ; 3 Kth7, Kte4 and wins the Kt. In
opposition to the heading to this section in AH, H states definitely that this problem
is from al-'Adll. The idea of the problem was a favourite one, and other Muslim
settings are : AE 86 (Red, Ke4, Kth4, Qh3 ; BL, Khl, Ktel. Red plays and wins) ;
F81, R57 (Red, Ka8, Ktd8, Qb7 ; Bl., Kd5, Kta5, Qc6 and f6. Black plays and
wins); BM 178 (Red, Kh8, Kth4 ; Bl., Kd4, Rg7, Kte8. Red plays and wins);
Alf. 93 (Red, Kd5, Kta5, Pb6 ; BL, Ka8, Ktd8. Red plays and wins). A modern
setting is Oxf. 163 : Red, Ka8, Ktd8, Bb7 ; BL, Kd5, Kta5, Qc6. Black plays
and wins.
52. 1 Ktg5 + , Kd5 ! ; 2 Rd8 + , Kc4 ! ; 3 Rc8 + , Kb3 ; 4 R x Kt, K x R ;
5 Kte4 + ; 6 KtxR,PxKt + ; 7 K x P wins. From a game al-Khath'ami (Bl.) v.
ar-Rlahl, AH, Y. From al-'Adll, H.
53. 1 Kth5 + ; 2 R x Kt + ; 3 Re6 m. 4 This happened to Abu’n-Na'am, and he
used to boast of it/ AH. From both al-‘AdlI and as-»Sull, H. As already stated
on p. 274, I accept the evidence of H as to the origin of this and the two preceding
problems in preference to that of AH.
The claim that this position represents the termination of an actual game must
be qualified. The position has clearly been edited to satisfy the artistic canons
of Muslim chess, for Red’s attack is so strong that he must have had a mating attack
the preceding move. The problem supplies a good example of this embellishment. It
has been a favourite, both in West and East : see Ber. ff. 3a(l), 4a(2), 12a(2), 14a(2),
and 18b(l).
54. 1 Kt(e5)f7 + ; 2 Kte6 + ; 3 Pg5 + ; 4 Bd3 + ; 5 Kte5 + , Kh4; 6 Re4 + ,
Kh3 or g3 ; 7Re3 + ,Kg2; 8RxQ + ,KxR; 9Ktg4 + ,Kgl!; 10Rg3 + ; llRh3 + ,
Kgl ; 12 Be 3 + ; 13 Ktf4 m. From as-Sull, H.
Digitized by Google
310
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
• 55. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Ktc6 + ; 3 Pd6 + ; 4 Bb5 + ; 5 P15 + ; 6 Rd2 + ; 7 Rcl + , Kb3!;
8 Ktd4 + , Ka3 (or Kb4 ; 9Rb2 + ,Ka3; 10Rb3 + ,Ka2; HRc2 + ; 12Ra3+;
13 Bd3 m.} ; 9 Bc5 + ,Ka4; 10Ra2 + ; llRb2 + ,Ka5; 12Ktc6 + ; 13Bd3m. From
a$-SulT, H.
56. 1 Pb5 + , Kb7 ! ; 2 Qc6 + ; 3 Ktc8 + ; 4 KtxP(b6) + d; 5Ra8 + ; 6R&6 + ;
7Ba3 + ; 8 Pb3 + ; 9Bf5 + ; 10Bcl+; 11 Rh3 m. From As-Sult, H. The diagram
in AH and C is badly disarranged.
57. 1 Rg2 + , Kf7 ; 2 Rg7 + ,Ke6; 3 Ktd4 + ; 4 Ktf4 + ; 5 PxP+; 6 Kte2 + ;
7 Pd4 + ; 8 Ktf4 m. From a$-Sull, H.
58. 1 Kth5 + ; 2 KtxP + ; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 Ktf7 + ; 5 Kte8 + ,Kc6; 6 Ktd8 + ,
Kc5; 7 Be3 + , Kc4 ; 8Qb3 + ; 9Ktc7 + ; 10Ktb7m.
59. 1 Re7 + , QxR; 2 Pf7 + ; 3 Kte6 + ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Pa7+; 6 Pb8 - Q + ;
7 Ktc7 + ; 8 Rb5 + ; 9 Ktb2 + ; 10 Ktc4 + , Ka2 (or Ka4; 11 Ra5 + ; 12 Ra3 + ;
13 Pd3 m.); 11 Ra5 + ; 12 Bd3 + ; 13 Ral m. From as-SulI, H.
60. 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 Bc5 + ; 3 Ktd5 + ; 4 Bd7 + , Kc4; 5 Kte3 + ; 6 Bb5 + ;
7 Ktf6 + ; 8 Kt(e3)d5 + ; 9 Be3 + , Kh6; 10Rhl+; 11 Rh7 + ; 12Ktd7 + ,Ke8;
13 Kt(d5)c7 + ; 14 Kte6 + ; 15 Ktb6 m.
61. 1 Rb3 + , Kc7 ; 2 Ktb5 + , Kb7 ; 3 Kt(b5)d4 + d, Kc7 ; 4 Kte6 + ; 5 Ktd8 + ,
Kc7 ; 6 Rb7 + ; 7 Rd7 + ; 8 Pf7 m.
62. AH 70 : C 146 : AE 77. Red, Kf7, Ktd5, Qf3 ; Bl., Kb7, Ktli5. Red
plays and wins. 1 Kg6, Ktg3; 2 Kte3, Kthll; 3 Kf5, Ktf2 ; 4 Qe2, Kth3;
5 Ktdl, Ktgl ; 6 Ktc3, Kth3 ; 7 Kg4, Ktf2 + ; 8 Kg3, Kthl + ; 9 Kg2 wins Kt.
63. AH 71 : C 147: V 64. Red, Kh4, Rh3, Bh2; Bl., Ke2, Rb6, Bb5 and cl.
Black plays and wins. 1 Rh6 + ; 2 R x R, KxR; 3 Kf3 ; 4 Bd3 ; 5 Be3 ; 6 Bfl ;
7 Kg3 wins the B.
64. lKtxP + ; 2 Kt x Q, Kt x Q + ; 3 Qx Kt, Kt x Q + ; 4 Kt x Kt, K x Kt ;
5 Pe2, Ke3 ; 6 Pel = Q, Ke2 ; 7 Kc4, K x Q ; 8 Kc3, Kdl ; 9 Kb2, Bc5; 10 Pb3,
Ph4 ; 11 Kal, Ph5; 12 Pb2, Kc2; 13 Pbl = Q + , Kc3; and Red, confining the
Bl. K in the corner, queens his P and brings it across and mates (AE). AH
concludes with the personal note (? by as-SulI) : ‘ This happened to me when playing
a man at odds. Abti’n-Na'am boasted that he had played a similar game. There is
not, however, one in the least like it among the problems of Abu’n-Naam.’
65. 1 PxP + ,QxP; 2 PxQ + ,KxP; 3 Rg2 + , Kh7 ; 4 Bgl, Kh6 (position
is now AE 96, cf. BM 156); 5 Kg3, Kg6 (or Kh5 ; 6 Bfl, Kg5 or g6!; 7 Rh2,
R x B+ ; 8 Kf2, Rg4 ; 9 Rg2) ; 6 Kf2 + d, Kh5 ; 7 Rg5 + , Kh4 ; 8 Kg2, R x B
(h3) ; 9 Rh5 wins. BM only gives 7 . . , KxR; 8 Kg2 ; 9 K x R wins.
66. AH 74 : C 160 : V 68 : AE 98 : BM 47. Red, Ka8, Rh8 ; BL, Ke4, Rd3,
Kta4, Be3. Red plays and Black wins. 1 Rh4 + , Kd5 ; 2 R x Kt, Kc6 ; 3 if Kb8,
Rd8 + wins ; if Ka7, Ra3 ; 4 R x R, Bc5 + wins R ; and if Ra6 + , Kc7 ; 4 Ra7 + ,
Kb6 wins.
67. AH 75 : C 151 : V 65. Red, Ke8, Rh5, Ba6, Pg3 ; Bl., Kd4, Kte6, Qe7,
Pf6 and g7. Red plays and Black wins. 1 R x Kt, KxR; 2 Kf7, Kf5 ; 3 ~,
Pg8 — Q+ ; if4 KxQ, Kg6 ; 6 -, Pf7 + and m. in two more.
68. AH 76 : C 152 : Man. 22 : AE 67 : BM 191 : RA8 24 : V 70. Red, Kc6,
Rhl, Ktd6 ; BL, Ka7, Rh6. Red plays and wins. AH solves 1 Rb4, Rg6 ; 2 Rh4,
Re6 ; 3 Ra4 + , Kb8; 4 Re4, R- ; 5 Re7, R-; 6Re8 + ,Ka7; 7Ktb5 + ,Ka6;
8 Ra8 m. AE solves 1 Rgl, Kb8; 2 Rg7, Ka8 (Rh8; 3 Rd7, Rh6; 4 Kb6, Rh8;
6 Re7) ; 3 Rd7, Rh8; 4 Kb6, Rb8+ (or Kb8; 6 Ktb7 ; 6 Rd8 + ); 5 Ktb7;
6 Rd8 + . By Surkh ShatranjI, RAS (absurd).
69. Two solutions : (aj 1 Ktd5, R x P ; 2 Kc6, Kb8 ; 3 Rb7 + , Kc8 ; 4 Ktb6 + ;
6 Rb8 + ; 6 Ktd5 + . (b) 1 Ktb5, Rx P+ ; 2 Kc6, Kd8 ; 3 Rh7, Ke81; 4 Pe7,
Rd7 ; 5 Ktc7+ or Rh8 + .
70. 1 Ph5, if Kth4 or e7 ; 2Ktg4+; 3Rh8+; 4 Pf8 = Q + , Kf61; 5RI16 + ,
Kf5 ; 6 Pe4+ ; 7 Kth3 m. AH overlooks the defence 1 . . , Rf6 +. Alf. 45 gives
the position after move 1, omitting the Bl. Kt.
71. 1 Re8 + ; 2 Ktc5 + , Kc6; 3 Re6 + ; 4 Ktc7 + ; 5 Qb3 m.
72. AH 81 : C 157 : AE 111 : V 24. Red, Kb6 Pa7 and c6 ; Bl., Ka8, Be6
Digitized by t^oosle
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
311
and h6. Red plays and Black wins. 1 Pc7, Be8 ; 2 Kc6, KxP; 3 Kd7, Ba6 ;
4 Kc6, Bf8 ; 5 Kd7, Kb7 ; 6 Kd8, Kc6. Or 1 Ka6, Bc8 + ; 2 Kb6, Bf8 ; 3 Kc7.
Or 1 Kc5 or c7, K x P; 2 Kd6, Kb6; 3 Kd5, Kb5 ; 4 Pc7, Kb6.
73. 1 Ktb7+; 2 Re8+; 3 Rc8 + ; 4 Bg5+; 5 Re8 + , Re7; 6 RxR+;
7 Bh3 + ; 8 Qg3 m. From as-Sull, H. By ‘Adll Rumi, RAS. By substituting
Bl. Q for Pe5, AE 132 makes 7 Bh3 m., and converts the problem into a conditional
one, 4 mate with B ’.
74. lKtxB+; 2Rb8 + ; 3 R (b8)b7 + , Kt x R ; 4 R x Kt + , Kd8 (or Kc8 ;
5 Qd7 + ; 6 Ktc6 m.) ; 5 Ktc6 + ; 6 R or Q m. accordingly. From a§-Suli, H.
75. 1 Kf6, Bd6 ; 2 Qc6, Kf8 ; 3 Qd7, Kg8 ; 4 Qe6, Bc4 ; 5 Qfir + , Kh7!;
6 Pg5 ; 7 Bd3 ; 8 Bf5 + ; 9 Pg6; 10 Pg7 m.
76. 1 Kte4 + ; 2 Kt x Q, K x Kt ; 3 Kg3, Ktfl + ; 4 Kf2, Kth2 ; 5 Qf5 wins.
77. 1 Rb7 + ; 2 Pc5 + ; 3 Qc4 + ; 4 Ktf3 + ; 5 Rb3 + ; 6 Kte3 m. From
as-§ull, H.
78. 1 R x B + , Kb4 ; 2Rc8,Ka3; 3Ra8 + ,Qa4; 4Rb8,Qb2 + ; 5RxQ,Q(a4)b3
and wins the R 4 This is ar-R&zfs ; he took it from al-Adli’s maosuba AH.
Al-Adli’s problem is No. 26 above.
79. 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 Pa6 + , Kc8 ; 3 Rf8 + , K x Kt ; 4 Rh7 + ; 5 Rd8 + ; 6 Re7 + ,
Kf5; 7 Rd5 + , Kg4 ; 8 RxP+; 9 Rf7+ ; 10 Re5 + , Kd3 ; 11 Rd7+ (Bd6 ;
12RxB+ omitted); 13Rd4 + ; 14 Rb4 m.
80. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2 Kte8 + ; 3 Rf7 + , Ke6 ; 4 Re7 + ; 5 KtfB + , Kc5 ; 6 Be3 + ,
Kc4 ; 7 Re4 + ; 8Rb4 + ,Ka2; 9Rb2 + ,Kal; 10Rbl+; llKtb4 + ; 12Ktc2 + .
Ka4 ; 13 Ral + ; AE continues 14 Ktd4 + ; 15 Ra4 m. ; AH, 14 Ra3 + ; 15 Ra4 + ;
16 Rb4 + ; 17 Rb2 m.
81. AH 90: C 166: RAS 8 : V 73. Red, Ke6, Ktd5, Qd3 ; Bl., Kc8, Kte8.
Red plays and wins. 1 Ke7, Ktg7 ; 2 K£6, Kth5 + ; 3 Kg6, Ktg3 ; 4 Ktb6 + ,
Kb7 ; 5 Ktc4, Kc6; 6 Kg5, Kthl ; 7 Kf4, Ktf2; 8 Ktb2 wins. The solution is
a long one in AH. Cf. No. 62 above, which it resembles closely. By Rabrab
Khat&’I, RAS.
82. 1 Kth5 + ; 2 Kth4 + ; 3 Ktg3 + ; 4 Ktg2 + ; 5 Ktfl + ; 6 Ktel + ;
7 Ktd2 + ; 8 Ktc2 + ; 9Ktb3 + ; 10Ktb4 + ; 11 Ktc5 + ; 12Ktc6 + ; 13Ktd7 + ;
14 Kt (c6) xQ + ; 15 Ktf6 + ; 16 Ktg6 + ; 17-32 repeat, playing 18 Kt(g6) xR+;
33 Kth5 + ; 34 Kth4 + ; 35 Ktg3 + ; 36 Kt x P m. AH and C have only the end
of the text, owing to the lacuna in the MSS. The problem is given at the end of L
with the following text : 4 This is the mansuba mentioned by Abu 1-Muzaffar al-Lajlftj
which is known by the name ad-dulablya (the water-wheel), because the K is driven
round three times by the Kts, and is conquered on his own square, and because the
player of the Kts can, if he likes, drive him round for ever. This problem is of
marvellous skill, and the win is on the original square after seventy-one moves.
Wherefore know it. My solution was found carved on a stone of the time of the
Greeks, and was then translated into Arabic/ Oxf. has also a mythical composer in
the person of the Imam ShAfi‘1. None of the MSS. gives the diagram correctly.
Cf. No. 388.
83. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Bf5 + d, Rh2 ; 3 RxR+; 4 Rh8+; 5 Pg7+; 6 Kth6 m.
From a$-§ull, H. The problem appears without any story in AH, C, H, AE and
Man. In S it is called mansuba al-j&riya (the maiden’s problem). In F it is called
the problem of Dilar&m chengT, and the following story is told, as from al-Lajl5j. M
Dilirftm was the favourite wife of a certain npbleman, who had given her this name
because his heart knew no peace without her, the name Dil&r&m meaning 4 heart’s
ease ’. Once he was playing chess with a very strong player, and finally staked
DilftrSm on the game. The game went badly for him, and he found himself in such
a position that his opponent appeared to have a certain mate on the next move. At
this moment Dilar&m cried out in distress, 4 Sacrifice your two Rooks, and not me.’
Her lover saw the line of play that she meant, and won the game. With ever-
increasing embellishment this story is given in all the later MSS., and reaches its
** No importance can be attached to this use of al-Lajlij’a name, for he plays an entirely
mythical part in this work.
Digitized by
312
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
most ornate form in Durg&prasada’s Urdu work. Here the hero of the game is the
Moghul Emperor Sh&h Jahau, and his four wives all advise him, but Dilaram alone
sees how to save the game. This problem was one of the most popular of all the
Muslim problems. It occurs in Ber. in its old-chess form, among problems with the
modern moves." In Europe it was the origin of nearly 200 wager-positions in the
Middle Ages.
84. 1 Rf7 + , Ke8 ; 2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Rf8 + ; 4 Ktd5 + , Kb7 ; 5 Rf7 + . Kc8 ;
6 Rc7 + ; 7 Rd7 + , Ke8 ; 8 Ktf6 + ; 9 Rf7 m. From a game of as-SulI, playing
blindfold, AH.
85. 1 Bd2, R x B ; 2 Qe2, Rd4 !; 3RxR+,RxR; 4 Q x R wins.
86. 1 Qg7 + d ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 RI8 + ; 4 Rf6 + ; 5 Rd6 + ; 6 Rd4 + ; 7 Rf4 + ;
8 Rf2+ ; 9 Bfl + ; 10Rf4+; 11 Rd4+ ; 12Rd6+; 13Rf6+; 14Rf8+;
15 Rh8 in. From aj-Sulf, who said that it was composed by Muhammad b. az-
Zayyat (the vizier of the caliph iil-Mu'tasim), 40 H. The problem ad-dulablya, Man.
(cf. No. 82 above). By Rabrab, S. With the substitution of a Bl. B for Qh6, to
adapt it to the modern moves, it occurs in Ber. f. 18 (2), whence it is given in
G. Walker’s Philidor, London, 1832, p. 157.
87. 1 Kt x P + ; 2 Bf5 + ; 3Rd8 + ; 4Rf8 + ; 5RxP + ; 6Pe4 + ; 7Rd6 + :
8 Rd3 + ; 9 Qb3 + ; 10 Be3 m.
88. The diagram in the MSS. is quite corrupt, and I have reconstructed it with
the help of the solution. 1 Be3 ; 2 Bd3 ; 3 Pg5, Kh5 ; 4 Bb5 ; 5 Kf4, Bd6 + ;
6 Ke5, Bb4 ; 7 Kf6 ; 8 Kg7 ; 9 Kh7 ; 10-12 P to g8 = Q ; 13 Qf7; 14 Qg6 m.
89. 1 R(f6)g6 + ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 Rli7 + , Kf8; 4 Rf7 + ; 5 Rg8 m.
90. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rh5 + ; 3 Kf6 ; 4 Q or B + ; 5 B or Q m.
91. 1 R(a7) x Kt + ; 2Rc8 + ,Ka7; 3Ktb5 + ; 4Rc6 + ; 5Bd7+; 6 Rb6 + ;
7 Rb5 + ; 8 Pe3 + ; 9 Rb3 + ; 10 Bb5 m. By the caliph al-Mu'tasim, RAS, an
ascription which is too late to carry any weight.
92. 1 Rd6, Bf8 ; 2 Be3 + ; 3 Qg4 + , Ke4 ; 4 Qf3 + , Kf5 (or K x B ; 5 Rd3 m.);
5 Bd3 m. From al-'Adll, H.
93. 1 Rf8 + ; 2 Bg5 + ; 3 Kt x R + ; 4 Ktb5 + ; 5 Ktd7 + , Ka5 ; 6 Ra8 + ;
7 Qc3 + ; 8 Kt x Q + ; 9 Ra2 + ; 10BorR + ; 11 Rd2 or Be3 m. accordingly.
94. 1 Rg3 + ; 2 Kte6 + ; 3Kte5+; 4Rl)3 + ,Ka6; 5Ktc5+,Ka7; 6 Ktc6 + ;
7 Rb8 m.
95. 1 Bf5 + , Kh6 ; 2 Pg5 + ; 3 Qg4 + ; 4 Kt(gl)f3 + ; 5 Rgl + ; 6 Ktd3 + ;
7 Rel m.
96. 1 Ra5 + ; 2 Bd6 + ; 3Ktc5 + ; 4Ktc4 + ; 5Ktb3 + ; 6 Ktb2 + ; 7 Re5 + ;
8 Kt x P + ; 9 Rel + ; 10Ktl3 + ; 11 Rhl + ; 12 Rx R m.
97. 1 Bc4 + ; 2 Ktf3 + ; 3 Bd6 + ; 4 Re2 m.
98. 1 Bd3 + ; 2 Ktf3 + ; 3 Rd6 + ; 4 Kte4 + ; 5 Pa3 + , Kb3 (or Ka5 ; 6 Qb6 + ;
7 Ktc3 + ; 8 Kt m.) ; 6 Kl(f3)d2 + , Ka2 ; 7 Ktc3 + ; 8 Ktb3 m.
99. 1 Kte5 + ; 2 Re2 + ; 3 Ktb6 + ; 4 Ktc6 + d, Kte4; 5 R x Kt + ; 6 Ktd5 + ;
7 Re5 + ; 8 Kte3 + ; 9 Ktd4 m.
100. 1 Bh3 + ; 2 Ktd3+ ; 3 Rd6+ ,BxR; 4 RxB+ ; 6 Rd4+ ; 6 Rb4+ ;
7 Ktel + ; 8 Rbl + ; 9 Ktd4 + ; 10 Kte3 + ; 1 1 Rgl + ; 12 Kt m.
101. 1 Kte3 + ; 2Qc3 + ; 3 Bfl + ; 4Rg2 + ; 5Kte5 + ; 6Rf2 + ; 7Ktc4+;
8 Rd2 m. V. d. Linde shortened by 3 Kte5 + ; 4 Rg2+ ; 5 Qd2 m. {Qst-, 377,
no. 103).
102. 1 Pg6 + ; 2 Bg5 + ; 3 Ktf8+; 4 Kte6 + , Kb6 ; 5 Pc4+ ; 6 Ktd6+ ;
7 Ra4 + ; 8 Kte4 + ; 9 Rd4 + ; 10 Ktc3+; 11 Rdl m.
103. 1 Ktf2 + ; 2 Kth3 + , Kfl ; 3 Pg2 + ; 4 Ktf3 + ; 5 Ktf2 + ; 6 Ktel + ,
Kc3; 7 Ktdl + ; 8Ktc2+; 9Re6 + ; 10Bh6 + ; 1 1 Rg6 + , Kh2 (or Kh4 ; 12
Rg4 + ; 1 3 Ktf2 + ; 14 Pgl «= Q m.) ; 12 Pgl = Q + , Kh2; 13Ktf2 + ; 14 Rg4 m.
The MSS. miss the fact that 8 Ktf3 is mate, and also overlook the shorter solution
1 Pg2 + , Kh2 ; 2 Pgl = Q + , Kh3 ; 3 Ktf2 ; 4 Rg4 m.
89 A modernized version is Oxf. 152, mnnsuba Dilaram. Red, Kb8, Qhl, Rg8, Kte8, Pd6,
©5, f4, g5 ; Bl., Kfl, Ral and a4, Ktb4, Ba2 and gl, Pb6, c6, d5, e4, f8, g4. Black mates in V
with Kt. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Bc4 + ; 8 Ra8+ ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Kta6 m. See p. 198.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
313
104. 1 Pc3 + ; 2 Ra2 + ; 3 Rd2 + ; 4 Rd4 + ; 5 Ktg3 + ; 6 Rd6 4- ; 7 Rg6 4- ,
Kf8 ; 8 Bd6 + ; 9 Rg8 m.
105. AH 120: C 195 : BM 80 - 193 : AE 79. Red, Kg2, Bf8, Pc5, d6, and
e5 ; Bl., Kc8, Bf5, Pa4, c4, d3, and e4. Black plays and wins in ‘ 63 * moves. 1 Kd7,
Kg3 ; 2 Ke7, Bh6 ; 3 K x P, Kf4 ; 4 Ke6 !, Bf8 ; 5 Kf7, Bh6 ; 6 Kg6, Bf8 ; 7 Kg7,
Bd6 ; 8 Kf7, Bb4 ; 9Ke6; 10Kd5; 11-14 P toa8 = Q ; 15Bd7; 16Bb5; 17-21
Q to f5 ; 22 Kd6, Bb4 + ; 23 K x cP, Bd2 ; 24 Kd5, Bb4 ; 25 Pc5, Bd2 ; 26 Kd6,
Bb4 + ; 27 Ke6, Bd2 ; 28 Kd5, Bb4 ; 29Pd4,PxPI; 30 Kc4 ; 3lKd3!; 32 K x P
and wins the B. From af-SulI, who gave this as the best play on either side. There is
some variation in the order of the moves in the different MSS., but the method is the
same in all.
106. AH 121: C 107: V 63. Red, Kb3, Pa6 and b5 ; Bl., Kal, Qa5, Pb4,
going to b8. Black plays and wins. The solution is only sketched. Black, with
care, easily wins the Pawns.
107. 1 Qf6, if Kt(g3)f5 ; 2 Kte5 + , Kb6 (or Kd6 ; 3 Kte4 + , Ke6 ; 4 Ktc5 + ) ;
3 Kta4 + , Ka74; R x Kt, Kt x R; 5 Q x Kt, R x Q ; 6 Ktc6 4- r. If 1 . . , Kt(e7)f5 ;
2 Kte5 + , Kb6 ; 3 Kta4 + ; 4 Ktc6 + ; 5 Ktb6 + ; 6 Ra7 m. By *Adli Rumi, RAS.
108. AH 123 : C 109: Man. 23 : V 9 = 11. Red, Kb8, Kte6; Bl., Kb6, Rcl.
Black plays and wins. 1 Kc6, Ktd8 + ; 2 Kd7, Ktb7; 3 Ral, Ktc5 + ; 4 Kc6,
Kte6 ; 5 Ra5, Ktc7 (or Ktd8 + ; 6 Kd7, Ktb7 ; 7 Rb5 ; 8 Kc7 ; 9 R x Kt) ; 6 Re5,
Kta6 ; 7 Re8 4- ; 8 Re7 + ; 9 Kb6 ; 10 R wins Kt or mates.
109. 1 Qc3, Rcl (orRxQ; 2 Rb8 4- ; 3 Ktb5 4- r) ; 2 Kc6, Kte5 4- (or R x Q + ;
3 Kb6, Be6 ; 4 Rb7 + ; 5 Ktb5 wins); 3 Kb6, Rbl + ; 4 Qb4, RxQ + ; 5PxR wins.
110. The solution to this position is worked out at great length in the MSS
In AH it fills forty-four lines and provides a good example of Muslim End-
game analysis. 1 Bf5, Q x R (or a, 6, to f ) ; 2 Kt x Q m. (a) 1 . . , Q x B ;
2 R(el)e7, Qe6; 3 Kt x Q + , B x Kt (or KtxKt; 4 Rd7+ ; 5 R(f7)e7 m.);
4 Rd7 4- , Kc8 ; 5 R x Kt + ; 6 Ktx P wins, (b) 1 . . , Ph6 ; 2 Rd7 + , Ke8 (or
QxR; 3 Ktf7 m.) ; 3 Kt x P, Kt x Kt (or Kta6 ; 4 Re 7 + ; 5 Ktf7 4- , Q x Kt ;
6 Rd7 m.) ; 4 Kt x Q, Kte7 (or B x Kt ; 5 R x Kt m.) ; 5 Ktc7 4- r ; 6 R x Kt + ;
7 Kt x R wins, (c) 1 . . , Bd6 or h6 ; 2 Rd7 + , Ke8 ; 3 R x Kt wins, (d) 1 . . , Ba6 ;
2 Kt x Q + , Kt x Kt ; 3 R x Kt, Bh6 (or Bd6 ; 4 Rd7 + ; 5 Rh6 wins Kt) ; 4 Rd7 + ;
5 R x B wins Kt. (e) 1 . . , Kte8 ; 2 Kt x P, Kt(e8)f6 "(or QxR; 3 Kt x Q m.
Or Q x Kt ; 3 Rd7 m. Or Ktd6 ; 3 R x Q, B x R ; 4 KtxB + , Kc8 ; 5 Rc7 4- and
m. in two with either Kt) ; 3 R x Q, B x R ; 4 Kt x B 4- , Kc8 ; 5 Rc7 + ; 6 Kte7 ;
7 Ktc6 m. (/) 1 . . , Kta6 ; 2 Kt x P, B(f8)- (or Ktb8 ; 3 RxQ + , BxR;
4 KtxB + ; 5 R m. If 3 any other ; 4 Rd7 4- forces m. with R or Kt) ; 3 Rd7 + ,
Ke8; 4RxQ + ,BxR; 5 Re7 + , Kf8 (or Kd8 ; 6Ktf7 + r; 7 Ktd6 ; 8 R m.) ;
6 Kt x B + ; 7 Ktf6 + , Kt xKt; 8 Rg7 m.
111. 1 R x B + , Kb7 ; 2 Rg7 + , Ka8 (or Kc8 ; 3 Rg8 + ; 4 Rd7 4- ; 5 Rg6 + ;
6 RxR + ,KxR; 7KxR wins) ; 3 Rg8 4- , Ka7 (or Rb8 ; 4RxP+ ; 5 RxR+,
KxR; 6 K or R x R) ; 4Bc5-f- (or Rd7 + , Rb7 ; 5 Bc5 4- ; 6RxR + , KxR;
7 K x R) ; 5 Rd7 ; 6 Rc8 4- ; 7 K x R wins.
112. AH 127: C 113: RAS 38: V42. Red, Kh8, Qal ; Bl., Kf6, Qc3. Black
plays and wins. 1 Kg6, Kg8 ; 2 Qd2, Kf8 ; 3 Qcl, Ke7, &c. The text in AH and
V ends with the note, ‘ There is also a problem without solution of Q v. Q which is
the 10th after this, which resembles this/ See No. 122, which is in the right place
in AH, but occurs nowhere in V. By Abu’l-Fath Hindustani, RAS.
113. 1 Re7 + ; 2Kte6 + ; 3Rc7 + ; 4Pa7 + ; 5Rc8 + ; 6Rb8 + ; 7 Ktc7 ;
8 Ktc4 + ; 9 Pb3m.
114. AH 129: C115: AE78: V51. Red, Ke7, Ktg3; Bl., Ke3, Kta7, Qg4.
Black plays and wins. AH solves : 1 Ktc6 + , Kf8 (or Kd6 ; 2 Kf3, Ktfl ; 3 Kta5,
Ktd2 4- ; 4 Ke3, Ktbl ; 5 Kd4 ; 6 Ktc4 4- wins Kt) ; 2 Ktd4, Ke7 ; 3 Ktf3,
Kf6; 4 Ktd2, Kg5; 5 Kf3, Kh4; 6 Ktc4, Ktfl; 7 Kte5, Kt-; 8 Kf4 wins.
AE solves : 1 Ktc8, Kf6 (or Ke6 ; 2 Ktb6, Ktfl 4- ; 3 Ke2, Ktg3 4- ; 4 Kf3, Ktfl ;
5 Ktc4 wins) ; 2 Ktd6, Kg5 ; 3 Kf3, Ktfl ; 4 Kte4 + , Kh4 ; 5 Kf2, Kth2 ;
6 Qf3 wins.
41 The stronger defence 2 . . , Kt(h5'16 is overlooked.
Digitized by Google
314
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
115. lQf3!,RxB; 2 Bfo, RxP + ; 3Kd2, RxQ; 4Rf7 + ; 5Ph7 + ; 6 R x P,
Ktc3 (or Rg3 ; 7 Rf8 + ; 8 Rg8 + ; 9 R x R) ; 7 Rg6, Kte4 + ; 8 Ke2 and after Red
has exhausted his checks R or Kt mates.
116. AH 131 : C 117: AE 71 : V20. Red, Ke4, Rc4, Ktd4; Bl., Kd2, Ra2.
Red plays and wins. 1 Ktb3 + , Kdl (or Kel ; 2 Kf3, Rf2 + ; 3 Ke3, Re2 + ; 4 Kd3 ;
5 R + ) ; 2 Rcl + ; 3 Ral, Rb2 ; 4 Ra2, R x R ; 5 Ktcl + r wins.
117. 1 RxB, Kd6; 2 Ke8, Ktc7 + ; 3Kf8, Kte6 + ; 4 Kg8, Rg7 + ; 5 Kh8,
Ke7 ; 6 Rc8, Rg5 ; 7 Kh7 or Ra8 both lose. AE gives a fuller analysis. 4 This is
ar-Rjtefs. He took it from al-'Adll’s mansuba,* AH. The problem referred to is
No. 13 above.
118. The solution in all MSS. runs 1 Kc5, Ka8 ; 2 Kc6, Be6 ; 3 Pb7 + , K x P ;
4 Kd6, B~ ; 5 Kc7 ; 6-7 B to c5 ; 8 P m. This does not entirely suit the position
diagrammed, which is probably to be solved by Bare King.
119. 1 Qe7 + ; 2 Pd7 + ; 3 Ktg3, Qe6; 4 Kth5; 5 Ktf6 m.
120. 1 Ktd7 + , Kg8(orKe8; 2Rf8 + ,BxR; 3Ktf6 + ; 4Rd7m.); 2Rg2+,
KxR; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 Rg8 m. Cf. 136.
121. AH 136 : C25 : V 108. Red, Kf2, Qd3, Bfl, Pa6, e3 and h2 ; Bl., Kf7, Bf8,
Pd6 and e6. Red plays and wins. 1 Kf3, Pd5; 2 Qe4, P x Q; 3 Kg4!, Kg6; 4 Pa7, Ac.
122. AH 137 : C 26. Red, Kb3, Qc3 ; BL, Ke4, Q omitted in both MSS. Black
plays ; Red wins. The solution begins : —
4 If Red were to play he would win after three moves. Black has nothing except to
go to his Firz&n’s 4th, a Faras-move from the Red Firz&n, for every square other than
this to which he can move loses. The Red Shah mounts to his Faras 4th. Black has
nothing except his Firzan’s 3rd.’
The solution is then dismissed, partly because it is lengthy, and partly because
a$-§ull was extremely proud of it. He goes on to say : —
4 This is very old, yet neither al-'Adll nor any one else has said whether it is drawn
or can be won. Nor has any one interpreted it, or pointed (diagrammed) it because
of its difficulty. There is no one on earth who has solved it unless he was taught it
by me. I have never learnt that there was any one before, for if any one had solved
it, he would either have written down the solution, or have taught it to some one
else. This is the word of as-SulI.’
123. 1 Pf2 + ; 2 Rd2 + ; 3 RxQ + ; 4 Rdl + ; 5 Bc4 + ; 6 Ral m.
124. lKtb4 + ; 2Rd8+; 3Ktd5 + ; 4Ktg5 + ; 5Rg8 + ,BxR; 6RxB+;
7 Ktf6 + ; 8 Ktf3 + ; 9 Bf 5 m.
125. AH 140 : C 29 : V 98. Red, Ke5, Rd3 ; Bl., Kc5, Kte2. Red plays and
wins. 1 Re3, Ktgl ; 2 Kf5 ; 3 Kg4, Kd4; 4 Kf4; 5 Kg3, Kd4; 6 Kf2 wins the
Kt. ‘This is ar-Razl's,’ AH. He specially pointed out that Red must not play Kf4
at once, but only in reply to Kd4 attacking the Kt.
126. 1 Rc7, Kte6 (or Kte8; 2 Re7 + , Be6; 3 Pd4 + ; 4 R x Kt, RxR;
5 Ktf6 + r) ; 2 Pd4 + , Kd5 (or Kt x P ; 3 Rc5 + ; 4 K x Kt) ; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 Rd7 + ;
5 Pd5 + ; 6 P x Kt.
127. AH 142 : C 31 : AE 75 : V 44. Red, Kb6, Rc5, Qa6 ; Bl., Kb8, Rb8. Red
plays and wins. 1 Qb7, Rh6 + ; 2 Rc6, Rh8 ; 3 Re6, Rg8 ; 4 Re7, Rg6 + (or - ; 5 Qc6,
Kc8 ; 6 Ra7, Kb8 ; 7 Rb7 + , if Kc8 ; 8 Qd7 + ; 9 Rb8 + ; and if Ka8 ; 8 Re7 ;
9 Qd7 wins ) ; 5 Qc6, Rg8 ; 6 Qd7, Rg6 + ; 7 Re6 wins.
128. AH 143 : C 32 : V 45. Red, Kd3, Pc7 and h6 ; Bl., Kf3, Qf4, Bc8. Black
plays and wins. 1 Qe5 !, Kc4 ; 2 Qd6 !, Kd5 ; 3 QxP, Ke5 !; 4 Kg4, Kf6 ; 5 Kh5,
Ph7 (or Kg7 ; 6 Q- wins); 6 Qd6, Ph8 = Q; 7Qe5 + ,Kf7; 8 Kg5wins. Black
has to play carefully to avoid a draw.
129. AH 144 : C 33 : V 46. Red, Kd7, Qd8, Be7 ; Bl., Kb7, Pb4 and d3. Red
plays and wins. 1 Kd6, Kb6 (or Kc8 ; 2 Kc5 !, KxQ; 3 Bg5, Kd7 ; 4 K x P, Ke6 ;
5 Kc3, Kf5 ; 6 Be3, Ke4 ; 7 Bel wins); 2 Kd5, Kb5 ; 3 Kd4, and KxP wins. If
Qd8 were on c7 it is drawn thus : 1 Kd6, Pb3 ; 2 Kco, KxQ; 3 Kc4, Kd6 ; 4 Bg5,
Pd2 ; 5 K x P, Ke5 ; 6 Kc7, Kf4 ; 7 Be7, Ke3.
130. lBg8, KxB; 2Kg6,Kb8; 3Ra8 + ,Pg8 = Q; 4Re8,Qg7; 5RxQwins.
From as-SulT, H.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
815
131. AH 146 : C 35 : V 48 : RAS 44. Red, Kb3, Qcl, Pa6 and b5 ; Bl., Kb7,
Bc5, Pa3, b4 and d6. Black plays and wins. 1 KxP, Ka4 ; 2 Kb6, Qb2 ; 3 Pd7,
Q x P; 4 B x Q, K x P; 5 Bel, Kc4 ; 6 Be3, Pb4 ; 7 Ka5, Kb3 ; &c. By ’Abdallah
Khwarizmi, RAS (probably falsely). ‘ A pretty game,’ AH.
132. 1 Rh4 + , Kg7; 2 R x R, K x R; 3 Kg6, Qh7 + ; 4 Kf7, Qc7 ; 5-10, Qc6
and d5, Q to g7 ; 11 Qc6, Qg6 + ; 1 2 K x Q, Kg8 and gets across in time to save
and queen the cP.
133. 1 K x Kt, R x R ; 2 Bd3, Ra4 ; 3 Bfl + ; 4 Kth6, Ra8! ; 5 Ktg4 + ; 6 Kg3,
Rg8; 7 Bd3, Pc2 ; 8 Bf5, Pci - Q; 9 B x Q, Kgl ; 10Bd3; llBe3 + ; 12 Bf5,
and Bl. must eventually exchange R for Kt to avoid mate. ‘A beautiful game,’ AH.
134. AH 149 : C 38 : BM 69a (text only) = 77. Red, Kd6, Qal, Pb2 ; Bl., Kd3,
Qd5 and e6, Bbl and e3. Black plays and wins. He stales the K by means of K,
Qs and Be3.
135. Black takes the B and advances the P, winning. If Red had the move, he
wonld draw by 1 B~, or Kg3. AE, as usual, gives full solution.
136. 1 Kt x P + ; 2 Ktd7 + , Kg8 ; 3 Rg2 + ; 4 Ktf6 + ; 5 Rg8m. Cf. 120.
137. 1 Pd5, Kt x P ; 2 Rf7 + ; 3RxP,RxKt;4RxR,RxR;5KxR. Or 3..,
Kte7 ; 4 Ktd4 + ; 5 Kt x R, Kt x R (or Rx Kt; 6 Rf7; 7 R x Kt + ) ; 6 Bx Kt + ;
7 Kt~. Or 3 . . , Rd2 ; 4 Ktd4 + ; 5 Rf7 + , Kd8 ; 6 Ktc6 + ; 7 Re8 m. Or 3 . . ,
Rc5; 4 Ktc3 + ; 5 Ktx Kt, R(c5)c2; 6 Kte3. By Farazdaq YunanI, RAS.
138. AH 153 : C 66 : BM 70 : V 69. Red, Kb6, Bf4, Pd6 ; BL, Kc4, Qa8 and
e6, Bel, Pe4. Black plays and wins. The solution is only sketched. The K attacks
the B until Red K is in g5, Bl. B in h6, and K in h7 ; he then brings his Qs to f7
and g6, and K via e6, d7 (if necessary), and KxP; next Be3, K to f5, Pe5. If Bl.
B is in h6, P~; but if it is in fl, Ke5 and f5. Finally Bl. has to play Bb6, and
Pe7 wins.
139. 1 R x Kt+ (if 1 Bx Kt, Bc5 + ; 2 Ka8, Kc7; 3 Rg8, Rb7; 4Rc8 + ,
K x R ; 5-, R m. Ifl Rg6 + , Kc7 ; 2 R x R, Bc5 + ; 3 Ka8, Kt x R ml P x R ;
2 Rg6 + , Kc7 ; 3 R x R, Bc5 + ; 4 Ka8, K x R ; 5 Kb8 (or BxP, Kc7 ; 6-, Pe8 = Q,
&c.), K x B ; 6~ , Pe8 = Q, &c.
140. 1 Rd8 + , Ktd6 ! ; 2RxKt + ,KxR; 3 K x P, Pe5 + ; 4 Kc4! , Pe4; 5Bc51.
141. lRd7 + ; 2 Ktd5, Rc2; 3 Ktc7 + , RxKt; 4 R x R, Kd8 ; 5 Rc2, Rh7 ;
6 Bg5, Rh6 ; 7 Rc3, Rg6 ; 8 Rh3, Rg8 ; 9 Kf7, Re8 ; 10 Rd3 + wins R.
142. 1 Rg8 + , KxB (or Kf7; 2 RxR wins. Or KxKt; 2 Rhl+, &c.);
2 Rg5 + , R x R ; 3 Kth4 + ; 4 Ktf6 + ; 5 R m. By Khalil MisrI, RAS.
143. 1 Ktd6! , Ra7 ; 2 Kt x Kt, R(a7) x Kt (or R(d7) x Kt ; 3 Ktb7 + ; 4 R x R) ;
3 RxR, KxR (or Rx R1; 4 Ktb7 + ; 5Rd8 + ; 6 Ktd6 + ; 7Kte8 + r); 4Kte8 + ;
6RxR; 6KtxfP and wins hP and eP. From a game b. Hassan (Abu’l Hasan 'All
b. WahshuzSn) v. Abu’l Mughith (BL).
144. 1 RxQ, Rx P; 2 Rg8 + ; 3 Kc2, Rb4; 4 Rgl, Ra4; 5 Qb5, Ra5; 6 Rg4,
Pf6 ; 7 Ra4, R x R ; 8 Q x R, Ka6 ; 9 Kc6, Ka5 ; 10 Qb5, Kb4 ; 1 1 Qa6, Pf5; 12 Kd5,
Pf4 ; 13 Qb7, Ka5 ; 14 Qc6, Kb6 ; 15 Qd7, Pf3 ; 16 Ke4, Pf2 ; 17 Kf3, Pfl - Q;
18 Kf2, Kc7; 19 Qe6, Kd6 ; 20 Qf5, Ke5 ; 21 Qg4, Kf4 ; 22 Qf3 ; 23 K x Q. Bare
King. ‘ This game is deceptive, but beautiful,’ AH. From as-SulI, H.
145. 1 Kf5, Bh6 ; 2 Kg6, Bf4!; 3 Qd5, Kd7 ; 4 Kf5, Bh6 ; 5 Kg5, Bf8 ; 6 Kg6,
Ke8 ; 7 Qc6, Ke7 ; 8 Kg7, Ke8 ; 9 Kf6, Kd8!; 10 Kf7, Bh6; 13 Kg7, Bf4 ; 12 Kg6,
Kc7; 13 Qb5; 14 Kg5 wins. In correction of al-'Adll, who gave the game as
drawn, AH.
146. AH 161 : C 74 : BM 79 : AE 116. Red, Ka4, Ph3 and h5 ; Bl., Kc4, Bf8.
Black plays and wins (AH), but draws only(AE). AH solves 1 Bh6, Ka4I; 2 Kd5,
Kb5; 3 Ke5, Kc4; 4 Ke4, Kc5 ; 5 Kf5, Kd4; 6 Kf4, Kd5; 7 Kg5, Ke4 (or Ke5;
8 K x P) ; 8 Kh4 ! , Kf5 ; 9 K x P(h5). The solution in AE fills 8 pages. Al-’Adli
gave the position with the B on h3 as drawn (Bl. playing), but gave no solution.
‘This is correct,’ AH. Al-'Adll’s position is BM 174 : V 92.
147. 1 Kt x B, Bd6 ; 2 Ktf4, B x Kt (or 2 Qc4 + ; 3 K x Q, Rg4 ; 4 Qb4 wins) ;
3 Pa5 + ; 4 Qb4 + ; 5 Qc5 + ; 6 Ra7 m. (really after Red has sacrificed the R).
148. !Bf8!,Ph3; 2 K x P, Kf4; 3 Kg2 (or Kh2, Kt x P; 4 Bh6 + , Kf5 ; 5 B~,
Digitized by Google
316
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Ke5; 6~,Ktg6. If 4 Bd6 + , Kf3), Kt x P + ; 4 Kh3, Ktg6 ; 5 Bd6 + , Ke5 ; 6 Bb4,
Ktf4 + ; 7 K-, Ktd3 ; 8 Bd2 loses. *1 have been asked to solve this. The result is
clear y though it is obscure in parts/ AH. I have not given all the variations worked
out in the MS.
149. 1 Rg2, Bli2 (or Pc3 ; 2 Pg5, Kh4 ; 3 P x fP, Pc7 ; 4 Rel, Rc4 + ; 5 Ka5, Bh2;
6 R(el)gl, Kh5 ; 7 R x B + ; 8 Qg4 -f . Or 1 . . , Kh4 ; 2 Pg5, hP x P; 3 Qg4, Pf5 ;
4 Rel); 2 Pg5,Pf5 (orhPx P; 3 R(e4)g4, Bf4 ; 4R(g4)g3 + , Kh4; 5Qg4); 3 Rel;
4 Rhl ; 5 Pg6 ; 6 R x B m.
150. AH 165 : C 78: AE 167. Red, Kb3, Bh6, Pa2 and f4 ; Bl., Ke7, Bfl, Pe5,
g3, and g5. Black plays and wins. 1 Pg4 ! , Bf8 ; 2 Pg6!, Bh6 ; 3 Pg5, Bf8 ; 4 Pg7,
Pal = Q; 5 PxB«Q wins.
151. 1 Ktf4 + , KxP; 2 Kt x B, Kte6 ; 3 Kb3, Qd4; 4 Kc2, Kf3 ; 5 Kd3,
Kg2 ; 6 Ktf4, Kt x Kt + ; 7 Ke4, Qc3 ; 8 K x Kt loses. Or 4 Pc3, Kf3 ; 5 Pc2,
Kg2 ; 6 Kc4, K x Kt; 7 Kd5, Qc3 ; 8 K x Kt, Qb2 ; 9 Kd5, Kg3 ; 10 Kd4, Kf2 ;
11 Kd3, Qcl wins.
152. 1 Kt x Q, Ba6! ; 2 Ktb7, R x Kt ; 3 Pa3 + , Ka4 ; 4 Ra5 + ,PxR; 5 Bd3 ;
6 Ktc5 m. By the caliph al-Mu*ta§im, RAS, too late to carry any weight.
153. AH 168: C81: AE91: BM86: Y 35. Red, Kgl, Ktd7 and e5, Bfl,
Pf6 ; Bl., Kh8, Rg8, Pe4 and g4. Red plays and wins. 1 Ktf8, Rx Kt!; 2 Ktg6 + ,
Kg8 ; 3 Kt x R, K x Kt; 4 Kf2, Kf7; 5 Ke3, KxP; 6 Kf4. If 6 . . , Ke6;
7 K x eP wins. If 6 . . , Kg6 ; 7 KxgP wins. If 6 . . , Pg3 ; 7 Bh3. If 6 . . ,
Pe3 ; 7 Bd3, Pe2 ; 8 K x P wins.
154. AH 169: C82 : V 83. Red, Kg8, Qal ; Bl., Ke6, Pg6 and h6 going to
h8. Black plays and wins. The solution requires Kg8 on f8. 1 Kd5, Ke7 ; 2 Ke5,
Kf8 ; 3 Kd4, Ke7; 4 Kc3, Kf6 ; 5 Pg7, Kf7 ; 6 Kc2, Kg6 ; 7 Pg8 = Q,KxP;
8-13 Q to a2; 14 Kbl ; 15 K x Q. Cf. 48 above. Tlie problem is drawn (a) if
Kg8 is on h8, (6) if Qal is on a2 (AH gives the solution of this last, on exactly
similar lines to the text solution).
155. 1 Ktf7, Kth4 + ; 2 Kg3, Ktg6 ; 3 Bf5, Rc2 ; 4 Rd7, Bc81; 5 Ktg5, Kth8
(or Bh6; 6 Pf 7 + ; 7 Kth7 + ; 8 Pf8 = Q + ; 9 Rg7 + ; 10Ktf6; 11 Rm.); 6 Pf7+,
Kt x P ; 7 Kt x Kt wins.
156. 1 Pa4, Qb6; 2-5 K to c4; 6 Kb5, Qc5 ; 7-10 aP queens; 11 Kc6; 12-20
Qa8 to h5 ; 21 Q(h5)g6 + ; 22 Qe6, Kg8 ; 23-4 K to e8 ; 25 Qh7 + , K x Q ; 26 Kf7 ;
27 Kth4 ; 28 Qf5; 29 Qg6 + , Kh8; 30 Bf5 ; 31 Qh7 ; 32 Ktg5 m.
157. 1 Ra5 + ; 2 Ra7 + ; 3 Ktb5 -f , Kb6 ; 4 Ktd7 + ; 5 Ktc7 + ; 6 Bc5 m. From
as-SQlf, H.
158. 1 Qc6 + ; 2Rd7+,KxKt; 3Rb7 + ; 4Rb5+; 5Pb3+ ; 6Ra5 + ; 7Ra4 + ;
8 Kte4 + ; 9 Rb4 + , Kc7; 10 Rb7 + , Kd8 ; 11 Rd7 + ; 12 Ktd6 + ; 13 Rb7 m.
159. AH 174 : C 99 : V 101. Red, Kf5, Bc4 and d6, Pd4 and h3 ; Bl., Kd7,
Pb5 and c6. Red plays and wins. 1 Ke5, Pb6 ; 2 Kd5, Pb7 ; 3 Kc5, Pc7 ; 4 Ba6,
Pb8 - Q ; 5 P~ ! , Qh7 ; 6 Bc8 ! , K x B ; 7 Kc6 wins.
160. 1 Rg8 + ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Kte8 + , Kg6 ; 4 Kte5 + , Kh5 ; 5 Ktg7 + ; 6 Ktf3 + ;
7 Qf5 + ; 8 Pg3 m.
161. 1 Rg8+; 2 Pe6 + ; 3Ktd4 + ,Kc5; 4Rc8+; 5 Rc4+ ; 6 Ktb4+ ;
7 Rc2 + ; 8 Ktd3 m. By Jalaladdin NakhjawanI, RAS.
162. 1 Bfl + ; 2 Pd3 + ; 3 Bh3 + , Kg5 ; 4 Be3 + ; 5 Kte5 + ; 6 Bf5 + ; 7 Ktm.
163. I give the text in AH in full : —
A?-Suli says : ‘ This happened to me when playing against a man who thought
himself a good player. I checked him with the Faras, saying, “ You lose your Firzan
or your Faras.” But he did not see what I meant and did not expose himself to
the tra (check by discovery), or play Shah to Faras’s square, when the Firz&n
would be. taken, nor did he see how the Faras was threatened. So when I said
check, he moved his Shah to Rukh's second. Then I pushed the Baidaq against
his Faras, saying, “ You lose it.” He laughed, saying, “ How, by Allah 1 ” and he
removed his Faras to the corner. So I developed my Rukh to Faras’s square, saying,
“Now you lose both Rukh and Faras.” But lie did not see the continuation and
descended with his Rukh to his Shah's second to avoid checkmate. Then I played my
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
317
Faras in his FirzSn’s second, sacrificing it in order to mate with the Fil. He played
Faras to Faras’s third, and I checked with the Fil. If he goes to the corner, I take Faras
with Faras, checking, and then Rukh with Ftl ; and if he exposes himself to i'ra, I take
Rukh with Fil, keeping the Faras opposite the i'ra. He did not see my move sacrificing
the Faras.’
That is, 1 Ktc5 + , Ka7 ; 2 Pa5, Kta8 ; 3 Rbl, Re7 ; 4 Ktd7, Ktb6 ; 5 Bc5 + ,
Ka8 (or Kb7 or 8 ; 6 B x R wins) ; 6 Kt x Kt + ; 7 BxE wins.
Despite all this, RAS attributes the problem to 'Othman Dimashqi.
164. 1 Rd6 + , Ke8 ; 2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Rd8+; 4 RxR+; 5 Pe5 + ; 6 Rg5 + ;
7 R x bP + , Kf3 ; 8Qg2+; 9RxP+; 10Kte4 + ,Kdl; llRd3 + ; 12Rc3 + ;
13 Rbl m.
165. 1 Ra7 + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Rh8 + , (Bf8 ; 4 R x B + omitted) Bc8 ; 5 Kta6 + ;
6 R x B+ ; 7 Ktc7 + ; 8Bc5+; 9RxQ+; 10Ra8 + ,Kb4; llPa3 + ,Kb3;
12 Rb8 + , Ktb5; 13 R x Kt + ; 14 Rb4 + ; 15 Bfl m. From as-Suli, H. By
Farazdaq Yun&nl, RAS.
166. 1 Qc4, BxQ; 2 P x B, Ra5 + ; 3 Kb4, R(d5) x cP ; 4 Bd3, R x P; 5 Bb5
wins the R.
167. lRxR, PxR + ; 2KxP, Kd7; 3 Kc5, Kc7; 4 Kb5, Kb8; 5 Kb6,Ka8;
6 Pa6, Be2 ; 7 Pa7, Bg4 ; 8-12 Q to b8, B to e2; 13-15 K to e5, B to c4 ; 16 K x P,
Kb7 ; 17 Ke5, Ka8; 18Pf5,Kb7; 1 9-2 1 K to b5, Ba6 and K to b7 ; 22Pa8 = Q+,
K x Q ; 23 K x B, Bare King.
168. AH 183 : C 90: Y 40: BM 83 : AE 107. Red, Kd4, Pa6 and c6; Bl. f
Kb4, Qc7, Bc5, Pc4. Red plays and Black wins. 1 Pa5 + , K x P ; 2 K x B, Qd6 + ;
3 K x P, Kb6 ; 4 Kd5, Qc5 wins. Or 3 K x Q, Kb6; 4 Kd7 (or Pc5, Kb5), Pc5
wins. By an -N a am, who was proud of it, AH.
169. 1 Kt x Q, Ke5 ! ; 2 Qe3, R x Kt + ; 3 Qd4 + , K- (if Kd5 ; 4 Rc5 m.) ;
4 R x R wins.
170. 1 Ktg7 + ; 2 Rfl + , Kg8 ; 3RxKt + ,KxR; 4 Kt(g7)e6 + , Kg8 ;
5 Rg2 + , Kf7 ; 6 Rg7 + ; 7 Ktc7 + , Kd8 ; 8 Kt(c5) e6 + ; and m. with Bf5 and Pb7.
171. 1 Pd5 + ; 2 Bc5 + , Kf8 ; 3 Ra8 + , Kte8 ; 4 R x Kt+ , Kg7 ; 5 Rh7 + ;
6 Ktf6 + , Kg7 ; 7 Rg8 + ,KxKt; 8 Pg5 + ; 9 B m.
172. 1 Kta5 + , Kd6 ; 2 Rc6 + , Ke5 ; 3Pf4 + ; 4Qf3 + ; 5Bfl+; 6Ktb3 + ;
7 Rcl or Qe2 m.
173. 1 Ktc7+ ; 2 Ktd6+ ; 3Pb6+,PxP; 4aPxP + ; 5Bf5 + ;6Bg5 + ; 7Pg7+;
8 Be3 + d, B x R; 9RxB + ,Kf8; 10Rg8 + ; llBg5 + ; 12Rg6m. From a?-Sali, H.
174. 1 Kte7 + , K x Kt; 2 Rf7 + ; 3 Rf8 + , Kg7; 4 Rg8 + ; 5 Pg6+;
6 Rh8 + ; 7 Rh7 + ; 8 Pg7 + ; 9 Rh8 m. From a?-SulI, H.
175. 1 Pc6 + , Kd6 ; 2R(f3)f6 + ; 3Ktf3 + ; 4Rf4 + ; 5Bc5 + ,Kf2; 6Ktel + ,
Kgl ; 7 Rg4 + ; 8 Rfl + ; 9 Rg2 + ; 10 Rhl m.
176. 1 Ktf5 + ; 2 Rg7 + ; 3 Pg5+; 4 Re7 + ; 5 Kte3 + ; 6 Re4 + ; 7 B+;
8 Rd4 + , Rd3 ; 9 R x R + ; 10 Rdl m.
177. 1 Kte6 + , Kf7; 2 Rg7 + , K x Kt ; 3Ktc7+; 4 Kte8 + ; 5Pd5+;
6 Ktc7 m.
178. AH 193 : C 106 : V 52. Red, Kf7, Re8, Pg5 and h6; Bl., Kd4, Rh8, Q18,
Bc5. Black plays and wins. 1 Qg7, R x R (or R-; 2 Q x P, Pg4 ; 3 Qg5; 4 Be3
wins) ; 2 Q x R, Kg8 ; 3 Ke5, K x Q ; 4 Kf6, KU7 ; 5 Be3, Pg4 ; 6 Bgl wins.
179. 1 Qf7 ; 2 Ph8 = Q + , K x Q; 3 Kf6 ; 4 Q x P, B x Q (or Kg8; 5 Qf7 + ;
6 Bf5 ; 7 Pg7 m.) ; 5 Kf7 ; 6 Bf5 ; 7 Pg7 in.
180. 1 Rfl + , Rf5 ; 2 Rgl, Kf7 ; 3 Rg7 + , Ke6 (or Ke8 ; 4 R x Q, Rf7 ;
' 5 Rh8 + , Rf8 ; 6 Rh7, Rg8 ; 7 Kh5, Rgl ; 8 Rh8 + , Qf8 wins) ; 4 R x Q, Rf7 (or
Kf6 ; 5 Rh8, Rfl wins) ; 5 Rh8, Rf8 ; 6 Rh7, Rg8 ; 7 Kh5, Rgl wins.
II. Problems from V.
181. 1 Kte2 + , Khl ; 2 Rfl + ; 3Rf2 + ,KxP; 4Ktf4 + ; 5Rg2 + ; 6Ktd4 +
7 Ktc2 + ; 8 Ktel + ; 9Re2 + ; 10Ktf3 + ; 11 Rc 2 + ; 12 Ktd4 + ; 13Pb5 +
14 Ktc6 + ; 15 Rb2 + , Kc5 ; 16KtxP+; 17Rb5 + ; 18Bc8 + ; 19 Kt(d3)e5 +
Digitized by
318
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
20 Be6 + ,* 21 Ktg6 m. From as-Sull, H. ‘ Al-Mahdi (the father of HSrun ar-
Rashid) made this ; it did not occur in a game,’ V.
182. V 30. Red, Kf3, Qc3, Bd3 and e3, Pe4 ; Bl. f Ke6, Bd6, Pe5. Either
plays. Drawn. No eolation. * This is al-Lajl&j’s,* V.
183. Y 61 : BM 170 : Man. 63. Red, Kd6, Rdl, Qel and d3 ; Bl., Ke3, Rc8.
Red plays. Drawu. 1 Kd5 or d7, Rc7 or c5, never leaving the c-file.
184. Y 76: Man. 53. Red, Kg2, Qg3, Bf 1 ; BL, Ke5, Ktf6, Bd6 and e6.
Drawn. No solution. As-Sull gave it as a test for a player’s fitness to be placed in
the class nmtaqfiriba (the second class), Man., Y.
185. V 77 : BM 117. Red, Ke6, Ra8 ; Bl., Ke3, Qf3, Bd3. Drawn. No
solution.
186. V 80: AE 114: Man. 4. Red, Kal, Ph4; Bl., Ka8, Ph5. Drawn.
187. V 81 : BM 111 : AE 113. Red, Kel, Pe4 ; Bl., Ke8, Pe5. Drawn.
188. V 82 : BM 177. Red, Kc6, Ktb7 ; Bl., Kc4, Qb4 and e7, Bb5 and c5.
Drawn.
189. V 84. Red,Ke8, Ktb8; Bl., Kel, Rhl. Drawn.
190. V 85. Red, Ke8, Rh8, Qd8 ; Bl., Kdl, Qel, Ktgl. Drawn.
191. V 87 : Man. 58. Red, Ke5, Qe6, Pf6; Bl., Kg8, Bh6. Black plays. Drawn.
1 Kh8 ! * As-Sull says in his book that some people think it can be won,’ Man.
192. V 88. Red, Kd8, Qc7, c8 and e8; Bl., Kdl, Rhl. Drawn.
193. V 90. Red, Kd4, Bd3; Bl., Ke6, Qd5, Bd6. Drawn.
194. V 91. Red, Kc2, Qb2 ; Bl., Ke2, Qd2, Be3. Drawn.
195. 1 R x Q + , Ke8 ; 2RxQ + ,Kd8; 3Rh8 + ,Kc7; 4Re7 + ,Kc6; 5Rc8 + ,
Kb6 ; 6 R x B + , Kc6 ; 7 R x R, Kt x R ; 8 Kt x Kt, R x R ; 9 K x Kt wins.
196. V 109: BM 67. Red, Ke8, Rh8; Bl., Kdl, Ktbl and gl, Qel. Drawn.
III. Problems from H.
197. 1 Ktf7 + , R x Kt; 2 Re8 + , Kt x R ; 3 Kte6 m. From al-'Adli, H.
198. 1 Rgl + ; 2 Ktf5 + d ; 3 Rgl + ; 4 Pf2 + ; 5 Ktg3 m. From al- f Adli, H.
In S called al marimba al-jdrlya (the maiden’s problem) from its close resemblance to
the Dilarfcm problem, No. 83 above.
199. 1 R x B + ; 2 Re7 + ,QxR; 3 Pf7 + ; 4 Kte6 m. From al-'Adli, H.
200. 1 Rc7 + , Q x R ; 2 Pa6 + , Ka8 (or Kb8 ; 3Ktc6 + ; 4Pb7m.); 3 Pb7 + ;
4 Ktc6 m. From as-Sull, H.
201. 1 Rbl + , Kc7 ; 2 Kte6 + ; 3 Ktd8 + ; 4 Rb7 + ; 5 Rd7 + ; 6 Pf7 m. From
a$-§ull, H. But the solution in the MS. forgets the possibility of Red’s playing 1 . . ,
Rb2, which spoils the mate entirely. It can be made sound by moving Pd 3 to a5,
and Rdl to d3, but this is a more drastic reconstruction than usuaL Probably the
possibility of interposition was ignored, as is the case in other problems.
202. H 67: Oxf. 168. Red, Ka7, Ktg3, Qb4 and c3, Pb2 going to b8 ; Bl.,
Ke5, Ktd4, Qe2. Black plays. Drawn. 1 Kf4, Kth5 + ; 2 Kg5, Ktg7 ; 3 Kg6,
Kte8 ; 4 Ktb5 + , Kb6 ; 5 Kf7, Kx Kt; 6 K x Kt, Kc4; 7 Kf7, Kd4 ; 8 Qf3 and
unites with K, drawing. From as-SulT, H.
203. H 69 : BM 196 : AE 92. Red, Ke5, Ktc5 and f6, Be3 ; Bl., Ke7, Rh6, Qf7.
Red plays and wins. 1 Kte6, R x Kt (or Q x Kt ; 2 Ktg8 + wins R.) ; 2 Bg5 + ;
3 Ktc5 (or c7) + ; 4 K x R wins. From as-SulT, H.
204. 1 Rb8 + , Ka2 ; 2 Rb2 + ; 3 Ktc3 m.
205. H 72. Red, Kd8, Ra8, Bc8 and f8, Pe5 and f6; Bl., Kf2, Be3 and h3,
Pe4, f3 and g 3. Drawn. No solution.
IV. Problems from BM.
206. 1 R(b6)b7 + ; 2 Pb5 + ; 3 Rb6 + ; 4Ra6 + ; 5PxP + ; 6Pb6 + ; 7Ra8 + ;
8 Pc6 + ; 9 Pb7 + ; 10 Ktb5 + ; 11 Ktc7 + ; 12 Bc5 m. ‘ This problem is hard.’
207. 1-5 K to f7, K to h8 ! ; 6Rg8 + ; 7 Bf 1 ; 8 Rg7 ; 9Rg6; 10-14 K to
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
319
f3; 15 Qf7 ; 16Rh6+; 17 Rh8, KxP; 18Re8; 19 Bd3, Pf5 ; 20Re6,Pf4;
21 Rg6 + . Kh4 ; 22 Bfl ; 23 Rg4; 24 Ke4, Kh5 ; 25 Kf5, Pf3; 26 Qe8, Pf2 ;
27 Qf7 ; 28 Rg5 ; 29 Rg6 ; 30 Kf6 ; 31 Kg5 ; 32 Rg8 + ; 33 B~, Pfl-Q; 34 Bf5 m.
208. ‘ The conditions are that Red mate in the corner, without taking the B or
discovering check. This problem is good and clever.’ BM. 1 Kc5, Ba6 ; 2 Kd6,
Bc8 ; 3 Ke7, Ba6 ; 4 cRb7 + , Kc8 ; 5 Ke8, B~ ; 6 Rc7 + ; 7 aRb7 + ; 8 Rc8 m.
209. 1 R x Q + , K x R; 2 Pc3 + , K x P j 3 Ra3 + , Kd4 j 4 Ra4 + , Ke5 j
5 Re4+ ; 6 Ktg4 + , Kf5; 7 Bd3+; 8 Be3 + , Kh5; 9 Ktf6+; 10 Ktg8 + ;
11 Rh4 + ; 12 Pg3 + , Kh5 ; 13Pg4 + ; 14Ktg2 + ; 15 Bfl m.
210. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Rx Kt + ; 3 Pe7 + ; 4 Ktd6 + ; 5 KtxBm.
211. BM 31, with blank diagram. Black wins, playing with the P. The
solution isIPxQ + .BxP; 2QxB + ,KxQ; 3 Kt to Q3 + , K to B3 ; 4 Kt to
middle of the board m.
212. 1 Kt x Q + , B x Kt; 2 Rgl + ; 3 R x B + ; 4 Rhl m.
213. 1 Rb6 + ; 2Rb7 + ,Kd6; 3Rd7 + ; 4Re7 + ; 5 Ktb7 + ; 6Ktd8 + ,Kb6;
7 Rb7 + ; 8 Ktc6 + ; 9 Rb4 m.
214. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2Ktd6 + ; 3Pg7 + ; 4Kte7 + ; 5Pg8=Q+,Kh6; 6Ktf7 + ;
7 Pg4 + ; 8 Ktf5 + ; 9Ktg5 + ; 10Rd2 + ,Kgl; llRg2 + ,Kfl; 12Kte3 + ;
13 Re2 m. By N iz5m Shirazi, RAS.
215. 1 KtxK + ,Bx Kt; 2 Pe4 + ,KxP; 3 Ktf5 + ; 4 Be3 + ,Kb4; 5 Pa3 + ;
6 Ktd4 + ; 7 Qb7 + ; 8 KtxRm.
216. BM 50. Red, Kf3, Rg7, Qfl, Bd3; Bl., Kh3, Pf2. Red plays. Mate
with B. ‘ This problem is difficult.' 1 Rg2 ; 2 Ke4, Kh3 ; 3 Kf4 ; 4 Rg3 ; 5 Rg4 ;
6 Rh4 + . Now drive the K into line 8, then to file a, and secure position Red,
Kc3, Rb3, Qfl, Bf5 ; Bl., Kal, Pf2. Next 1 Rb4 ; 2Ra4 + ; 3Bd3 + ; 4 Rb4 ;
5 Rb5 ; 6 Re5 ; 7 Qe2 + , Kel ; 8 Qf3 ; 9 Bfl. Next drive K to al with R and Q,
the position being Red Kd2, Qb3, Rc2. Now 1 Ra2 + ; 2 Bd3 m.
217. ‘Red may not take either Bl. P.’ Red forces the Bl. K to take one of the
RP’b (in the position Pa4 is the easier). He then compels Bl. to take up the position
Kal, Pa2, his own K being on c2 and Rs on f7 and b4. Now 1 Rg4, P x R ; 2 Ph5,
Pg3 ; 3 Ph6, Pg2 ; 4 Rfl + , P x R = Q ; 5 Ph7. Red queens the hP aud brings it
to b2 mating, playing Kcl if the Bl. Q checks.
218. BM 55. Red, Kbl, Bel ; Bl., Kc4, Qg4, Bg8, Pb4. Black plays and wins.
I Kc3, Be3 ; 2 Qf3, Kcl ; 3 Qe2 ; 4 Pb3 ; 5 Be6, &c.
219. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Pd7 + ; 3 Ktc6m.
220. 1 Ktd2 + ; 2 Pb2 + ; 3 Pb3 + ; 4 Kte4; 5 Ra8m.
221. BM 66. Red, Ke8, Ktg8, Qc8; BL, Kel, Ktgl, Qdl, Bfl. Maqmura
position without solution.
222. BM 84. Red, Kf7, Bc8 and f8, Pc5, d6 and e5 ; Bl., Kc3, Qg7, Ba3, Pb3,
c4, d3, and f5. Black plays and wins. lQxB, KxQ; 2 Kd2, Ke7; 3 Ke3, Kf6
(or Kd7 ; 4 BxP.P xB; 5 Ke4, Kd6 ; 6 Pf6); 4 Ke4, Ba6; 5 Kd5, KxP;
6 KxP, Pe4; 7 Px P + , KxP; 8 Kc7, Kd4 ; 9 Kb7, Bx P; 10PxB, KxP;
II Kc6; 12BxPwins.
223. BM 88. Red, Ka7, Ktb7 ; Bl., Kc6, Rh8. Red plays and Black wins.
1 Kta5 + , Kb5 ; 2 Ktb7, R«8 ; 3 Ktd6 + , Kc6 ; 4 Ktc4, Rd8 ; 5 Kta5 + (or Ktb6,
Rd4 ; 5 Ktc8, Ra4 + ; 6 Kb8, Rb4 + ; 6 K~, Kc7), Kb5; 6 Ktb7, Rd7 ; 7 Kb8,
Kb6 wins.
224. BM 89 : AE170. Red, Ke8, Rf6, Ktc6, Bb8 and c8; Bl., Kh6, Rg4,
Ktg6, Bh7. Red plays and wins. 1 Kte5, Rg5 ; 2 Kt x Kt, R x Kt ; 3 Kf7,
R x R + ; 4 K x R, Kh5 ; 5 Be6, Kh6 ; 6 Bd6, Kh5; 7 Bf8, Kh4; 8 Kg6.
225. 1 K x P, Pb2 ; 2 Kc2, Qbl + ; 3 B x Q, Ka2 ; 4 Bd3, Kal ; 5 Kb3,
Pbl - Q; 6 Bf5, Qa2 + ; 7 Kc2, Qbl + ; 8 Kc3, Ka2l; 9 Bd3, Kal ; 10 Kb3,
Qa2 + ; 1 1 Kc2, Qbl + ; 12 B x Q, Ka2! ; 13 Bd3, Kal ; 14 Kb3, Pa2 ; 15 Kc2 and
the Bl. K is stalemate. Cf. No. 371 below.
226. 1 Rd3, Rc5 (or R x R ; 2 B x R, stalemate) ; 2 Bd7, R~ ; 3 R + ; 4 R m.
227. 1 Ph4, Pg4 (or P x P ; 2 Rg6 + ; 3 Ktgl) ; 2 Ktd2 ; 3 Qe3 wins R.
Digitized by t^oosle
320
CHESS IX ASIA
PART I
228. BM 94. Red, Kel, Bg4, Pb5 ; Bl., Kal, Be3. Red plays and wins. 1 Kd2,
B~ ; 2 Kc2 ; 3 Pb4 ; 4 Be6 ; 5 Bc4 ; 6 Pb3 ; 7 Pb2 m.
229. BM 95. Red, Kd6, Bc8 ; BL, Kd4, Bel, Pa7 and b4. Black plays and
wins. 1 Pb5, Kc7 ; 2 Kd5, Kb6 ; 3 Pa8 = Q, Kc7! ; 4 Kco, Kb8 ; 5 Kc6, KxQ;
6 Kc7 ; 7 Be3 ; 8 Bc5 ; 9-10 P to b7 m. Cf. No. 228.
230. BM 96. Red, Kh2, Rf4, Pg2 and h4 ; Bl., Ke2, Rg8, Qf2, Be3. Black
plays and wins. 1 Qg3 + , P x Q ; 2 Rh8 m. (really only after sacrifice of the Red R).
231. 1 BM 98. Red, Kbl, Qf8 ; Bl., Kd3, Qb3, Ba3. Black plays and wins.
The solution gives the first move to red. 1 Kb2, Kc4 ; 2 K x B, Qc2 ; 3 Kb2, Qd3 ;
4 Kcl, Qe4 ; 5 Kd2, Kd4, and easily reaches the Red Q first, winning.
232. 1 Bh6 + ; 2 Ktd4 + ; 3 Ra2 + , Khl; 4 Ktf3, Rg2 ; 5 Rg8, R(bl)b2 ;
6 R(a2) x R ; 7 R m. (really only after the sacrifice of the Rb2).
233. BM 100. Red, Ka8, Rb6, Kthl, Qh3, Ph6 ; Bl., Ke5, Rc3, Ktc6, Qa6,
Pa2. Black plays and wins. 1 Rb3, R x R! ; 2 P x R and advances this P to b7,
mating.
234. BM 101. Red, Kg7, Qf6, Bf8 ; BL, Kf5, Qf7 and g6, Pc5 and b7. Black
plays and wins. 1 Ph8 = Q + ; 2 K x Q, Bh6 ; 3 Qf5, Kh7 ; 4 Qg8 + , KxQ;
5 Kg6, Bf4 ; 6 Kg5, Bd2 ; 7 Kg4, Kf7 ; 8 Kf3, Kf6 ; 9 Ke3, Bb4 ; 10 Kd3 ; 11 Kc3
wins B.
235. BM 102. Red, Kg7, Bf8 ; Bl , Kg5, Qh5, Bb5 and c5, Pf5. Black plays
and wins. 1 Pf6 + , Kg8 ; 2 Bd3, Kf7 ; 3 Kf5. Black easily qneens the P, winning.
236. BM 103. Red, Kg7, BfB ; BL, Kg5, Qh5, Pa5 and d5. Black plays and
wins. 1 Qg6, Bd6 ; 2 Kf5, Kf8 ; 3 Ke6 ; 4 Qf7 wins.
237. BM 104. Red, Ka3, Kta5, Pd4 going to dl ; BL, Kcl, Qb3, Bbl, Pa2 and
d3. Red plays and wins. 1 Kt x Q + , PxKt; 2 KxP, Kd2 ; 3 Kb2, Ke2 ;
4 K x B, Kf3 ; 5 Kc2, Ke4 ; 6 Kc3 ; 7 K x P.
238. BM 105. Red, Kd3, Kte4, Qg3, Bf4, Ph7 ; BL, Ke5, Kth5, Qb5, Bc5,
Pa4. Black plays and wins. 1 Qc4 + , KxQ; 2 K x Kt, KxB; 3 Kt x Q, Bd2 ;
4 Kd3, Ac.
239. BM108: Al. 19. Red, Kf8, Ra6 ; BL, Kf6, Qe6, Pf7 and g3 going to
eighth line. Red plays. Drawn. 1 Ra4. Qf5 ; 2 Ra6 + , Qe6. Drawn by repetition
of moves.
240. BM 109 : Al. 9 = 15. Red, Kh8, Ra7, Pe5 going to el ; BL, Kh3, Rh4,
Pe4 and h7. Red plays. Drawn. 1 RxP, Kg4! ; 2 R x R, K x R
241. BM 110. Red, Kc5, Rh3, Qb4, Bd6, Pd4 ; Bl., Kh3, Ktc4, Qc2, Pd3, Pa4.
Red plays. Drawn. 1 R~, Bb5 ; 2 R^, Qd3 (with repetition of moves).
242. BM 112. Red, Ke4, Bc8, Ph4 ; BL, Kg6, Bel and 11, Pd4, e3, f4, and h3.
Black plays and wins. No solution.
243. BM 113. Red, Kh8, Bh6, Ph5 ; Bl., Kcl, Ph3. Black plays. Drawn.
1 Kd2, Kg7 ; 2 Ke3, Kg6 ; 3 Kf2, Kg5 ; 4 Kg2, Kh4 ; 5 Kh2, Bf4 + ; 6 Kg2,
Kg5 ; 7 Kg3 draws.
244. BM 1 15. Red, Ke4, Ra2 ; Bl., Ke2, Qd2, Bfl. No text.
245. 42 BM119. Red, Kc4, Qd4 and e4; BL, Kc2, Bbl and cl. Red plays.
Drawn. Solution sketched only. It suggests that the diagram is incomplete, and
that a Red Kt has been omitted.
246. BM 120. Red, Kd4, Kte4, Bc4 and f4; Bl., Kc2, Bbl and cl. Red plays.
Drawn. Solution sketched only. The position is contrasted with No. 245.
247. BM 121. Red, Kal, Qbl and b2 ; BL, Kb3, Ph6 going to h8. Red plays.
Drawn. 1 Qa2 + , Kc2 ; 2 Qbl + , &c.
248. BM 122. Red, Kc3, Rhl, Pa5 ; BL, Ka3, Qb3, Bb5, Pa4. Red plays.
Drawn. 1 Ral + , Qa2.
249. BM 123. Red, Kg6, Qf6, Bg4 and h6, Ph5 ; Bl., Ke4, Ktd4, Be3 and h3,
Pg2, g3, and h4. Black plays. Drawn.
250. BM 125 : Man. 15. Red, Kbl, Ba3 ; Bl., Kd4, Qd3, Bb4, Pc3. Black plays.
Drawn.
* BM 118 with blank diagram, has text, ‘Red plays. Drawn.* The solution is only sketched,
but shows that the game reduced to R r. Q and B.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
321
251. BM 126. Red, Kb5, Ra5, Qc5 ; B!., Kd2, Qc2, d3 and e2. Black plays.
Drawn. 1 Kc3, Qb4 + ; 2 Kb2 ; 3 Ql>3 ; 4 Kc2.
252. BM 127 : BAS 23. Red, Kbl, Qh8 ; Bl., Kd3, Ba3, Pb3. Red plays.
Drawn. 1 Kb2, B~ ; 2 KxP; 3 Qg7, &c. By Mahmud KarmanT, RAS.
253. BM 128. Red, Ke8, Qd7 and f7 ; Bl., Kf6, Qd6, e7, and f5, Bg5. Black
plays. Drawn.
254. BM 129. Red, Ke8, Re2 and f2, Qb3, Pb2 and c3 going to first line. Bl.,
Kbl, Re6, Kte7 and e5. Black plays. Drawn. 1 Ktd5 + d, Kf8 ; 2 Rf6 + , R x R ;
3 Kt x R, R x Kt ; 4 Ktd7 + r.
255. BM 135 (corr.). Red, Ke8, Rgl, Qb5,Bc8, Ph7; Bl., Kf5, Kte7 and g5, Qh8,
Pf6, g7, h3 and h4. Red plays and Black wins. 1 Qg6 + , Kt x Q ; 2 P x Kt + ,
KxP; 3RxKt, + ,KxR; 4 Kf7, Pg8 = Q + ; 5 K x Q, Kg6 and wins.
256. BM 137. Red, Kc2, Qal and d2, Ph2 ; Bl., Kc4, Rfl, Ba3 and h3. Black
plays and wins. 1 Rbl, K x R ; 2 K!>3 ; 3 Bfl ; 4 Bd3 m.
257. 1 Rcl + , Kb2 ; 2 Qc3 + , QxQ; 3 Rbl+, Ka2 (or Ka3 ; 4 Rb3 + ;
5 Kt x Q m.) ; 4 Kt x Q + ; 5 Rb3 m.
258. 1 Ra7 + ; 2RxQ + ; 3 Pb6 + ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Bc5 m.
259. BM 157 (corr.). Red, Ke6, Rcl, Bg4 ; Bl., Kg8, Ra8. Red plays and wins.
1 Kf6, Rf8 + (or Ra6 + ; 2 Be6 + ; 3 R in.) ; 2 Kg6, R- ; 3 Rc8 + ,RxR; 4 Be6 + r.
260. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Qf6 + , Kg6 ; 3 Kte5 + , Kh5 ; 4 Kt x P + ; 5 Qg5 + ; 6 Ktg6 + ;
7 Rh8 m.
261. 1 Re8 + ; 2 Ktc5 + , Kc6 ; 3 Re6 + ; 4 Qe4 + ; 5 Rc2 m.
262. BM 161 : AE 87. Red, Ka8, Bh6 ; Bl., Ka6, Ktg6. Black plays and wins.
1-4 K to e6, K to e8 ; 5 Kte7, Kf8 (or Bfl ; 6 Ktf5, Kd8 ; 7 Kf7. Or 5 . . , Kd8 ;
6 Ktf5) ; 6 Ktf5, Bf4 ; 7 Ke5, Bd2 ; 8 Ktd6, Bb4 ; 9 Ktc4 ; 10 Kd5 ; 11 Kc5.
Cf. No. 418 below.
263. BM 162. Red, Kg5, Pf5 ; Bl., Khl, Ph2, Bd6. Black plays and wins.
The solution does not agree with the diagram. It runs, 1 K makes a Q move; K to B4,
K to B3, K makes a Q move attacking the B ; 3 B to R3, K to B3 ; 4 K to B4,
K to Kt3 ; 5 B to Bsq, K to Kt2 ; 6 B to K3, K to B3 ; 7 P advances.
264. BM 163. Red, Kd8, Qe4 and f3, Bb4 ; Bl., Ke6, Qd7 and f7. Red plays
and wins. 1 Qd5 + , KxQ; 2 KxQ, Qe6 + ; 3 Ke7, &c.
265. BM 164. Red, Kc7, Qa6, Bc8, Pe6 ; Bl., Kb4, Bfl, Pa5, b5, c5, and e5.
Black plays and wins. lPxQ, BxP; 2 Kb5, Bc8 ; 3 Pa6, B x P ; 4 K x B, Kc6 ;
5 Ka5, KxP, &c.
266. 1 Pg5, Bf4 ; 2PxP,RxP1 (Kt(e7)c6!); 3 Bc5, PxB; 4 Kt x eP, and
wins the Bf4.
267. BM 171. Red, Kc8, Bg8; Bl., Kc6, Ktc4, Qe7, Bc5. BM 173 has Bg8
on f8 and Ktc4 on d5. Black mates with B. The two solutions are practically
identical in the MS., viz., 1 Kt + , Kb8 ; 2 Q to c7 + , Ka8 ; 3 K to c8 ; 4 Q to a5 ;
5 Kte8 (BM 173 has e4, probably in error); 6 Ba3 ; 7 Ktc7 + ; 8 Bc5 m. Ido
not see how in 171 the Bl. K can retain his position on c8, while in 173 1 Ktb6 + ;
2 Qd8 ; 3 Qc7 is mate, and if ever Red plays Ktd6, B x Kt is possible. The solution
seems unsound.
268. BM 172. Red, Kb6, Rg4 ; Bl., Kb8, Rh5, Qb5 and c8. Drawn.
269. BM175. Red, Ka5, Ph4 and h6 going to hi; Bl., Kc5, Qd4. Black
plays; drawn.
270. 48 1 Rg4 ; 2 Rg3 ; 3 Bc5, Kh2 ; 4 Re3, Kg2 ; 5 Re2 + , Kfl ; 6 Ke3 ;
7 Rf2 ; 8 Kf4, Kgl ; 9 Kg3, Pe3 ; 10 Re2, Kfl; 11 Kf3 ; 12 Bd3 ; 13 Kg3 ;
14 Rg2 + ; 15 Kh3 ; 16 Bbl ; 17 Rh2 + ; 18 Be3 + ; 19 Bd3 m.
271. BM 189 : AE 81 (after Red's 2nd move). Red, Kf8, Bc8 ; Bl., Kf6, Qc6.
Pf7. Red plays and Black wins. 1 Ba6, Qd5 ; 2 Bc8, Qe6 ; 3 Ba6, Ke5 (so AE ;
BM plays Qf5*; 4 Bc8, Qg6 ; 5 Ba6, Qh7 ; 6 Bc8, Q«8, &c.) ; 4 Bc8 (or Ke7, Kd5 ;
5 Bc8, Pf8 = Q + ; 6 KxQ, Qd7; 7 Ba6, Qc6; 8-, Qb7), Qd7 ; 5 Ba6, Ke6 ;
13 BM 181 with blank diagram is 1 Black plays. Drawn. 1 BP queens, K to P ; 2 K to Q8,
K to Kt sq ; 3 K to B2, Q + ; 4 K to Kt2, K to Q2 ; 5 K to Kt sq. Drawn. Or 1 K to K sq,
K to Kt sq ; 2 K to Q sq, K to R sq ; 3 K to Q2, K to R2 ; 4 K to K3, K to Kt3. Drawn/
1170 X
Digitized by Google
322
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
6 Bc4 + , Kf6 ; 7 Ba6, Qc6 ; 8 Bc4, Qb5 ; 9 Be2, Kf5 ; 10 K x P, Kf4 and
Kf3 wine.
272. BM 190. Red, Ka5, Ktb8 ; Bl., Kd6, Ktc2, Qd4. Black plays and wins.
1 Kc7, Kta6 + ; 2 Kb7, Kb5 ; 3 Kta3 + , Ka5 ; 4 Kfcc4 + , Kb5 ; 5 Ktd6 + , Ka5 ;
6 Qc3, Ktc5 + ; 7 Kc6 ; 8 Ktb7 + ; 9 Ktc5 wins. 4 This problem is excellent,’ BM.
273. BM 192. 44 Red, Kd3, Pg6 ; Bl., Kf3, Be3. Red plays and Black wine.
1 Kd4, Kf4 ; 2 Kd3, Bgl ; 3 Ke2, Kg3 ; 4 Ktl, Be3 ; 5 Ke2, Bel ; 6 Kdl or d2 ;
Bu3 ; 7 Kc2, Kf3 ; 8 Kb3, Bel ; 9Kc2,Be3; 10K~,Bgl; 11 Kd2, Ke4 ; 12 Ke2,
Be3. 4 This is difficult,’ BM.
274. BM 204. 46 Red, Kh8, Qe7, f6, and g5 ; Bl., Kte6, Qf7, g6, and h5. Either
plays. Drawn. The diagram is defective (it wants Bl. K).
275. BM 205. Red, Ke6, Rbl, Ktb6, Bc4 and h6, Pa6, b5, d5, f5, h4 ; Bl., Ka3,
Kte5 and h5, Qf3, Bc5, Pd4, e3, h3. Black plays; drawn. 1 Ktg7 + , Kd6 ; 2 Kte8 + ,
Ke6 ; 3 Ktg7 + , Kf6 ; 4 Kth5 + , Ke6, drawn. If 4 . . , Kg5 ; 5 Be7 + ; 6 Qg4 + ;
7 P x P m.
276. BM 206 (corr.). Red, Kb2, Qc3, Bel ; Bl., Kc4, Qb3, Pa2, f4 and h2. Black
plays ; drawn. 1 Pal = Q + , Kbl ; 2 K x Q, K x Q ; 3 Phi = Q, Ba3 ; 4-8
Q(hl)-c2, Bel ; 9 Qc4, Ka2 ; 10 Q(c2)d3, Ba3 ; 1 1 Kc2, Bc5; 12 Qb3 + , Kal draws.
277. BM 207. Red, Kf6, Qal ; Bl., Ke3, Qe4, Red plays ; drawn. 1 Ke5, Qf3 !.
278. BM208. Red, Kel,Pe3; Bl., Ke8, Pe6. Black plays; drawn. ‘This
problem is good.’ There is a full analysis in the MS.
279. BM209. Red, Ke8, Qc8 and d7 ; Bl., Kdl, Ktbl, Qel. Red plays;
drawn. Red K plays to centre of board with his Qs behind him, and if checked plays
to f5 and back to e5 as soon as possible.
280. BM210. Red, Kdl, Ktbl, Bel and fl ; Bl., Kd8, Ra8, Bc8. Black playB:
drawn. Red posts K in f2, Bs in fl, gl, and Kt in e3. If Bl. had had Bc8 on f8,
he would have posted them similarly on the left wing.
281. 44 BM 211. Red, Ke8, Ra8, Qc8 ; Bl., Kel, Rhl, Qdl and e2. Black plays ;
drawn. No solution.
V. Problems from AE.
282. 1 Rh7 + ; 2 Kte7 + ; 3 Ktd7 + ; 4 Ktf6 + , Kd8 ; 5 Ktc6 + ; 6 Kt x P+ ,
Kb8 ; 7 Ktc6 + , Kc8 ; 8 Rli8 + , Kc7 ; 9 Pd6 + , Kb6 ; 10 Ktd7 + ; 1 1 Rb8 + , Ka4 ;
12 Ktc5 + ; 13 Rb3 + ; 14 Ktb4 + ; 15 Ra3 + , Kb2 ; 16 Ra2 + , Kcl ; 17 Ktb3+,
Kdl ; 18 Ral + ; 19 Ktd4 + ; 20 Ktd3 + ; 21 Ktf3 + ; 22 R x Q + ; 23 Ktf2 m.
283. lRbl+; 2Ktb3 + ; 3Ktd4 + ,Kc3; 4Rb3 + ,KxKt; 5 KtxP+;
6 Pf6 4- , K x P ; 7 Rf3 + , Ke7 ; 8 Rf7 + , Kd8 ; 9 Rd7 + , Ke8 ; 10 KtxP+;
11 Rd8 + ; 12 Re8 + ; 13Rl8 + ,Ke5; 14Rf5 + ; 15Ktb5 + ; 16Rf3 + ; 17Rd3 + ,
Kc2 ; 18 Ktd4 + ; 19Rb3 + ; 20 Ktc2m.
284. 1 Ra2 + ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Qb2 + ; 4 Kt(a4)c3 + ; 5 Ktd4 + ; 6 Bb4 + ; 7 Ktc2 + ;
8 Ktdl + ; 9 Ktel + , Kh3 ; 10 Ktf2 + ; 11 Ktg2 + ; 12 Kth3 + ; 13 Kth4 + ;
14 Ktg5 + ; 15 Ktg6m.
285. 1 Ra2 + , Kb3; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 Ra4 + ; 4 Pb6 + ; 5Ba2 + d; 6 Re4 + :
7 Re6 + ; 8 Rg6 + ; 9 RxQ + ; 10 Ktf3 m.
286. 1 Kta4 + , Kc2 ; 2 Rb2 + ; 3 Ktc3 + ; 4 Re2 + ; 5 Qg2 + ; 6 Rel + ; 7 Rfl + ,
Kg3 ; 8 Kte2 + ; 9 Rhl +; 10 Ph6 + ; 11 Rx Kt + ; 12 KtxP + ; 13 Re5 m.
287. lKtb5 + ; 2Rd4 + ; 3 Pf4 + ; 4RxQ + ; 5Ktc3 + ,Kel; 6 Rdl + :
7 Rd2 + ; 8 Re2 m. By Khattab 'Iraqi, RAS.
288. 1 Rf8 + ; 2 Rc8 + , KxKt; 3 Rc6 + ; 4 Bd7 + ; 5 Ra6 + ; 6 Ra3 + :
7 Kte3 + ; 8 Qd2 + d ; 9 Ktc2 + ; 10 Rc3 m.
44 BM 195 t 199, 200 are blank without text ; 201-2 are mikhdriq.
48 BM 203 is text only. * Black plays. Drawn. 1 R + , Red has only four sqs. safe. viz.
R &q, Kt t>q, B sq, and B2 ; if K to one of these, drawn ; if K to Q2 ; 2 Kt to K5 + , K to K2 ;
3 other Kt + . 4 R m.’
48 BM 212 is blank (text describes decimal chess), 213 shows the ordinary arrangement
of the men, 214-6 are mikhdriq .
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
323
289. 1 Re8 + ; 2Rg7 + ,KxR; 3 Kt(c4)e6 + , Kf6 ; 4RxB+; 5 Rf7 + ; Ke8 ;
6 Ktg7 + ; 7 Kt(g5)e6 + ; 8 Rc7 m.
290. 1 R x Kt + , RxR; 2 Qd6 + , K x Q ; 3 Kt x Q + ; 4 Kt x R, K x Kt ;
5 Kc3, Kb5 ; 6-11 P to h8 = Q, Kc5 and b5 ; 12-14 Q to g5 ; 15 Qf4, Kd5 ;
16-20 Q to a3, Kc5 ; 21 Kd3, Kd5 ; 22 Qb4, Kc-6 ; 23 Kc4, Kb3 ; 24 Qa3, Ka5 ;
25 Kc5 wins.
291. 1 Bc4 + , Kfl; 2 Rdl+, Kg2 ; 3 Rd2 + , Khl; 4 RxR + , KxR;
5 Ktf3 + ; 6 Ktd4, Ph8 = Q ; 7 Bf4 ; 8 Bd6 wins Kt.
292. 1 Ktc5 + , Kc2 ; 2 Kte3 + , Kd2 ; 3 Ktb3 + ; 4 Qe4 + ; 5 Ktc5 + , Kd4 ;
6 Kt x B+ ; 7 Pb5 + ; 8 Bd6 + ; 9 Ktb3 m.
293. 1 Kta5 + ; 2 Pd5 + , P or Kt x P ; 3 Ktd4 + ; 4 Ba3m.
294. 1 Rc7 + , K x R ; 2 Ktd5 + ; 3 Rc8 + ; 4 Bd7 + ; 5 Ra8 in.
295. 1 Ktg5 + ; 2 Rf6 + ; 3 Ktg7 m.
296. 1 Rf7 + ; 2 Kt x Q + ; 3 Rd7 + ; 4 Bf5 + ; 5 Rd7m.
297. 1 Rg4 + , R x R ; 2 ' Rf4 + , Kt x R (or R x R ; 3 Ktg3 + ; 4 Bb5 m.) ;
3 Ktc3 + ; 4 Bb5 m. (RW says from a game Wazir Mihmundl r. ‘Adll Shakir (Bl.).)
298. 1 Rdl + ; 2 Rgl + ; 3 Rg3 + ; 4 Rg4 + , Kd5 ; 5 Rd4 + ; 6 Rd6 + ;
7 Rb6 + ; 8 Rb8 m.
299. 1 Ktf3 + , Kfl; 2 Qg2 + ; 3 Ra2 + , Kdl ; 4 Ktc3 + ; 5 Rd2 m.
300. 1 Rh7 + ; 2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Pe7 + ; 4 (the position is now that of a favourite
European problem, CB 1, &c.) Rf7 + ; 5 Kte6 m.
301. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Kt x B + ; 3Ktf6 + ; 4Ktg7 + ; 5Rd7 + ; 6Pb7 + ; 7Rd8 + ; 8Rm.
302. lRxKt + ,KxR; 2 Rbl + , Ke2 ; 3 Bg4 + ; 4 Rf 1 + ; 5Pd5 + ; 6Rf5m.
303. 1 Rh2 + ; 2 Rg2 + , Kfl ; 3 Rf2 + , Kel ; 4 Ktd3 + ; 5 Rd2 + ; 6 Ra2 + ,
Rb2 ; 7 R x R + ; 8 Kt(g4)f2 m.
304. 1 RxQ + ; 2 Ktc7 + d; 3 Rb7 + ; 4 Rd7 + ; 5 Re7 + ; 6 Pc7m.
305. lKth4 + ; 2 Pg4 + ; 3Ktf3 + ; 4Bf5 + ; 5RxP + ,Kf4; 6Ktd2 + ;
7 Rf3 + ; 8 Rg2 + ; 9 Rfl m.
306. 1 Re5 + ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 Ktg3 + ; 4 Rh5 + ; 5 Ktf5 m.
307. 1 Ktb3 + ; 2 Kte3 + ; 3 Ktd4 + ; 4 Ktd5 + ; 5 Ph5 + ; 6 Pg5 + ; 7 Rhl + ,
Kg4; 8 Kte3 + ; 9Rh4 + ; 10Rc5 + ; 11 Rd5 m.
308. 1 RxP + ,BxR; 2RxB+; 3KtxPm.
309. 1 Ktb6 + , Q x Kt ; 2 Ra3 + , Kb7 ; 3RxQ + ; 4 R x Bm.
310. 1 Ktb5 + ; 2 Kta5 + ; 3 Ba3 + ; 4 Ktc3 + , K x Kt(c3) ; 5 Rb3 + ; 6 Rd3 m.
311. 1 R(f7)e7 + ; 2 Pe4 + ; 3 Ba3 + ; 4 Ktc8 + , K«5 ; 5 R x B + ; 6 Ra7 in.
312. 1 Pe2 + , Kgl ; 2 Qh2 + , Kf2 ; 3 Qgl + ; 4 Ktf3 + , Kf2 ; 5 Pel = Q + ;
6 Ktg3 m.
313. 1 Bf4 + , Kgl ; 2Rdl + ; 3Rg2 + ,Kfl; 4 Rf2 + ; 5 Rfl + ; 6Qg2 + ;
7 Pf2or Ktli3 m. accordingly.
314. 1 R(c2)d2 + , KtxR; 2RxKt+; 3 Pf2 + ; 4 Ktg3 + ; 5 Pf 1 = Q + ;
6 Rg2 ra.
315. 1 Re8 + ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 Kte7 + ; 4 Rb8 + ; 5 Ktg6 + ; 6 Bf5 + ; 7 Pg5 + ;
8 Be7 + ; 9 Ktg4 m. By Farazdaq Yuuani, RAS.
316. AE66. Red, Ka8, Pc5 ; Bl., Khl, Pc4. Black plays and wins. 1 Kg2,
Kb7 ; 2 Kf3, Kc6 (or Ka6 ; 3 Ke4, Ka5 ; 4 Ke5, Ka4 ; 5 Kd6, Kb4 ; 6 Kd5) ;
3 Ke4, Kd6 ; 4 Kf5, Kc6 ; 5 Ke5, Kb6.
317. AE 68 : RAS 19. Red, Kg8, Ra5 ; Bl., Kh5, Rd7, Ktb5. Black plays and
wins. 1 Kg6, Ra6 + (or Kf8 ; 2 Rf7 + , Ke8 ; 3 Ktd6 + ; 4 Ktb7 + r) ; 2 Rd6,
Ra8 ; 3 Ktc7, Rc8 ; 4 Ra6. By ‘Adli Ruml, RAS.
318. AE69: RAS 51. Red, Ke8, Rh5 ; Bl., Kd5, Rg7, Kte5. Black plays and
wins. 1 Ke6, Kd8 ; 2 Kd6, Kc8 ; 3 Rc7 + , Kd8 ; 4 Ktf7 + ; 5 Ke6, Kf8 ; 6 Kf6,
Ke8 ; 7 Re7 + ; 8 Rd7, &c. By Surkh ShatranjI, RAS.
319. AE 74. Red, Kc3, Rh8, Qc2 ; Bl., Kc5, Rcl. Red plays and wins. 1 Rc8 + ,
Kd6 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Rdl wins R.
320. AE80. Red, Kd5, Bd7 and e7 ; Bl., Kcl, Qb4. Red plays and wins.
1 Kc4, Qa3 ; 2 Kc3, Qb2+ (or Kbl ; 3 Bc5, Qb2 + ; 4 Kb3, Q-; 5 B»3, Q~ ;
6 Bb5) : 3 Kb3, Qal ; 4 Bc5, Qb2 ; 5 Be3 + , Kbl ; 6 Bl>5, Kal ; 7 Bd3.
x 2
Digitized by
324
CHESS IN ASIA
PABT 1
321. 1 Kta5, Ktf7 ; 2 Ktb7, Kf2 (or Kth6 + ; 3 Ke6, Ke4 ; 4 Ktd6 + , Kf4 ;
5 Bd3, Kg5 ; 6 Ktf7 + ) ; 3 Kf6, Kth6 ; 4 Ktd6, Ktg8 + ; 5 Kf7, Kth6 + ; 6 Kg7.
By Shams Karmanl, RAS.
322. 1 Kf7, Kh7 ; 2 Ktf6 + , Kh8 ; 3 Kg6, Qg7 ; 4 Kth5, Qf8 ; 5 Kf7, &c.
323. 1 Ra8 + , Ke7 ; 2 Ra7, R x R ; 3 Bc5 + r.
324. 1 Kte6, K x Kt (or R x Kt ; 2 Ba6 in. Or R - ; 2 Ktb6 m.) ;
2 Ktf8 + r.
325. 1 Be3 (or Rh2, Rh7), Rdl + ; 2 Bgl, Rbl ; 3 R~, R x Kt ; 4 Rh2, Rbl ;
5 R~, Rel ; 6 R~, Re8 ; 7 Be3, R x B wins.
326. 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 Kt x R, K x Kt ; 3 Kc4, Pc6 ; 4 K x B, Pc7 ; 5 Kc6, Pc8 = Q ;
6 Kc7, Qd7 ; 7 Pg5, Qe8 ; 8 Kd8, Qf7 ; 9 Pg4, Qg6 ; 10 Pg3, Kf5 ; 11 Ke7, Kg4 ;
12 Kf6, Qh5; 13 Pg2, Kg3 ; 14 Kg5, Qg4 ; 15 Pgl = Q, Qh3; 16 K-, Qg2 ;
17 K-, Qhl wins.
327. 1 R x Kt, Q x R ; 2 Kt x Q + , Kd6 ; 3 Kt x R, Pg4 ; 4 Kte8 + , Ke7. Or
4 Kb3, Ke7 ; 5 Kb4, Kf7. Or 4 Kc2, Pli5 ; 5 Kd3, Ph6.
328. 1 Kt x Q + , Kt x Kt ; 2 Q x Kt, Pb8 = Q ; 3 Bd6 + , Ke5 ; 4 B x Q, Pa7 ;
5 K x P, K x Q ; 6 Kb6, Kd7 ; 7 Kb7, Qc4 ; 8 Kb6, Qd5 ; 9 Kb7, Qc6 + ; 10 Kb6,
Bel ; 11 Kc5, Kc7 ; 12 Bd6, Be3 + wins.
329. 1 Rc2 + , Kd3 ; 2 R x Kt, R x R + ; 3 K x R, Ke2 ; 4 Kc3, Kf2 ; 5 Kd4,
K x B ; 6 Ph4, Kli2 wins..
330. 1 Ktc5 + , Kc6 ; 2 Kt x R, Bf4 + ; 3 Kg3, Bd6 ; 4 K-, Kb6 wins.
331. 1 R x Kt, Kh4 ; 2 Kf7 (or Pe4, RxP + ), RxR+; 3 K x R, Kg5 wins.
Cf. No. 240 for a somewhat similar game.
332. AE 112. Red, Kb2, Ph2 (going to h8) ; Bl., Kb8, Pa5. Red plays;
drawn.
333. AE 117. Red, Ke7, Bf8 ; Bl., Kg7, Pf7 and h5. Black plavs; drawn.
1 Kg8 (or Kg6, Ke6 ; 2 Kg7, Ke7), Bd6 ; 2 Ph6, Kf6 ; 3 Pf 8 = Q, Bf4'; 4 Kh7 or
Qg7 + or Ph7 all draw.
334. AE 118. Red, Ka7, Pb7 (going to bl); Bl., Kc7, Ph7. Black plays;
drawn. 1 Pli8 = Q, Ka6 ; 2 Qg7, Pb6 ; 3 Kc6, Ka5 ; 4 Qf6, Pb5 ; 5 Kc5, Ka4 ;
6 Qe5, Pb4 ; 7 Kc4, Ka3 ; 8 Qd4, Pb3 ; 9 Kc3, Pb2 ; 10 Kc2, Ka2 ; 11 Qc3,
Pbl =Q+; 12 Kcl, Kb3.
335. AE 121. Red, Kf8, Qg8 and h8 ; Bl., Kg6, QfB and d7. Red plays;
drawn. 1 Qf7 + , Kb7 ; 2 Qg7, Q x Q + (or Qg5 ; 3 Qg8 + ) ; 3 Ke7, Qc6 ; 4 Kd6,
Qb5 ; 5 Kc5, Qa4 ; 6 Kb4 wins Q and draws.
336. 1 Pd7 + , Kd8 ; 2 Kd6, Rf6 ; 3 Pg3, Pg6 ; 4 Pg4, Pg5 ; 5 Bc5, Rh6 ;
6 Be3, Rg6; 7 BxP, Rf6 ; 8 Be3, Rg6; 9 Pg5 (Bc5 is a transposition), Rg7 ;
10 Bc5, Rg6 ; 11 Be3, Rg7 ; 12 Bc5, Rg6.
337. 1 Kt(h2)f3 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 Kt x Kt + , Ke3 ; 3 Kt x R, Ke2 ; 4 Ktg2, Kf3 ;
5 Kth4 + , Kg4 ; 6 Ktg6, Kf5 ; 7 Ktli8, Kf6 wins Kt and draws.
338. 1 Rg7 + , Kfl ; 2 Rh7, Kel ; 3 Ke3, Kdl ; 4 Kd3, Kcl ; 5 K x P, Kdl ;
6 Kd3, Kel ; 7 Ke3, Kfl ; 8 Kf3, &e.
339. 1 Kf3, Ra7 ; 2 Kg3, Rg7 + ; 3 Kf2, Rf7 + ; 4 Kg3, RfB ; 5 Bc5, Kgl ;
6 Be3 + , Khl. Drawn. B. abi Hajala describes this problem as difficult. His
attention was drawn to it by Shihabaddin Ahmad al-Mitarjim, who had won money
from an-Nizam al-'Ajaml at Damascus for solving it.
340. 1 Pc3, Rhl + ; 2 Kc2, Pa4; 3 Bb5, Rh2 + ; 4Kcl,Rh5; 5 Bd3. Man.
54 adds Red Ktel, gives Bl. the move and plays 1 . . , Rhl ; 2 Pc3, R x Kt, and the
position is that of AE 128 after the first move.
341. 1 Qb3 + , Kbl ; 2 Rh8, R x R ; 3 Qc2 + , Ka2 ; 4 Qb3 + , Kbl ; 5 Qc2 + , &c.
342. 1 Rh2 + ; 2 Qg7 + ; 3 Bd3 ; 4 Bf5 m.
343. 1 Kta5 + , Kb4 ; 2 Ktc6 + , Kb5 ; 3 R x P(f5) + , P x R ; 4 Rd5 + ; 5 B m.
344. lRxKt + ,QxR; 2 Rb7 + ; 3KtxP+; 4RxQ + ; 5Pg7 + ; 6 Kth6 + ;
7 Bf5 ni.
345. 1 Rh2 + ; 2 Rg2 + ; 3 Rgl + ; 4 Qf2 + ; 5 Pg2 + ; 6 Bf4 m.
346. 1 Rg8 + ; 2 Ktf8 + ; 3 Rg6 + ; 4 Pg4 + ; 5 Rh6 + ; 6 Kte6 + ; 7 Ktg8 + ;
8 KtfB + ; 9 Ktg6 + ; 10 Bf5 m.
Digitized by t^oosle
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
325
347. 1 Rf6 ; 2 Kte5 ; 3 Ktd7 ; 4 Ktb6 ; 5 Ktd5 ; 6 Ktc7 ; 7 Kte8 ; 8 Ra6 ;
9 Re6 ; 10Ktg7 + ; 11 Be3in.
348. 1 Kf5, Qf4 ; 2 Ke6, Qe5 ; 3 Bb4, Qd6 ; 4 Qe7 + , Q x Q(e7) ; 5 Bd2 ;
6 Bf4 ; 7 B m.
349. 1 Ra2 + ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Qb2 + ; 4 Rel + ; 5 Ktd2 + ; 6 Qc2 + ; 7 Bd3 m.
350. 1 Ka8, Ra2 + ; 2 Kb8, Be6 ; 3 Pc8 = Q, Bc4 ; 4 Qb7, Ra7 ; 5 Qc8 or c6,
Qe8 ; 6 Qd7, Qc7 + ; 7 Kc8, B m.
351. 1 Ka2, Pb4 ; 2 Kal, Pb5 ; 3-5 ~, bP queens ; 6-9 ~, Q to b4 ; 10-16 ~,
K to a4 ; 17 Ka2, Qc3 ; 18 Kal, Ka3 ; 19 P x Q, Kb4 ; 20 Ka2, Pd4 ; 21-4
dP queens; 25-8 ~, Q to d4 ; 29 Kal, Bd3 ; 30 Ka2, Qbl + ; 31 Kal, Kta5 ;
32 Pc2, Ktb3 + ; 33 Kb2, Qc3 ra. By Farazdaq YunanT, BAS.
352. 1 Qd5 ; 2 Qg5 ; 3 Rh3 ; 4 Rg3 ; 5 Rg5m.
353. 1 Rg7 + , Kh8 ; 2 Ef7 ; 3 Rf8 + ; 4 Qf7, Ph8 = Q ; 5 Bd6 m.
354. AE 148 and 158a. Bed, Kc5, Rh7, Pg2 (going to g8) ; Bl., Kc8, Pc6.
Bed plays. Mate on c4. The text is not clear but Bed first queens P and secures
the position Qc4, B on e-file, Bl. Kd8. Now 1 Kd6, Pc5 ; 2 R~ ; 3 Kc6, Kd8 ;
4 Be2 ; 5 Bd2 ; 6 Qb3, Pc4; 7 Qc2, Pc3; 8 Bd7 ; 9Bd8 + ; 10Be8; llRe7;
12 Ba7 + ; 13 Ra8, Kc4 ; 14Ba4m.
355. 1 Ka7, Ktb6 ; 2 Ka6, Ktc6 ; 3 Kb5, Kb7 ; 4 Kc5, Ktc4 ; 5 K~, Ktd4 ;
6-13 K to d5, K to d3 ; 14 Kc5, Qd6 + ; 15 Kd5, Qa4 ; 16 Pb3, Qb5; 17 Pb2,
Qc6 m. (H.J.B.M.)
356. 1 Rc2 ; 2 Rcl + ; 3 Qf2, Pgl = Q (or Kd3 ; 4 Qel, Kd4 ; 5 Rc5 ; Kd3 ;
6 Bf5 + ; 7 Qd2, Pgl =Q ; 8 Qc3 m.) ; 4 Qel + ; 5 Bfl + ; 6 Rc5, Qf2 ; 7 Qd2,
Qe3 ; 8 Qc3 m.
357. 1 Rf8 + ; 2Bg8 + ; 3 Bg6 + ; 4Be6 + ; 5Be4 + ; 6BxP+; 7Bc2 + ;
8 Eel + ; 9 Rbl + ; 10Rb3 + ; llRd3 + ; 12 Pc6 + d, Qc5; 13RxQ + ; 14Rd6 + ;
15 Rg6 + ; 16 Rg8 m. MS. has 12 Rd5 + ; 13 R x Q + , &c., but 13 . . , Ke5 is now
possible, upsetting the solution.
358. 1 Rb8 + , Ktc8 ; 2 R(c7) x Kt + ; 3 Rc7 + ; 4 Rd8 + , K x Kt ; 5 Rc5 + ;
6 Bf5 + ; 7 Rf3 + ; 8Kte2 + d; 9Qb3+; 10Ktc3+; llRa8+; 12Ra2 + ;
13 Kt x B + d, Kb4 ; 14 Ra4 m.
359. 1 Bg8 + ; 2 Ktf8 + ; 3 Pg5 + ; 4 Pg4 + ; 5 Ktf5 + ; 6 Bfl + ; 7 Rh8 + ;
8 Be3 + ; 9Ktg3 + ; 10Rhl+; 11 Kte4 + ; 12Rdl+; 13Ktd6 + ; 14Rbl + ;
15 B + R m.
360. 1 Ka7, Kc7 ; 2 Ka6, Ba8 + ; 3 Kb5, Kd6 ; 4 Kc4, Rb8 ; 5 K x P, Rb4 m.
361. 1 Ktd4 ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Kc4 ; 4 Ra2 ; 5 Re2 m. Cf. No. 360.
362. 1 Pg2 + ; 2 Rel + ; 3 Pgl = Q + ; 4 Qf2 + ; 5 Bgl ; 6 Rg3 ; 7 Qgl + ;
8 Rg2 ; 9 Qf2 ; 10Qg3; llBh2+; 12Rh4; 13Qf2 + ; 14 Bhl m. (H.J.R.M.)
363. AE 158. Red, Kh6, Pf2 ; Bl., Kf6, Rg8, Qf3. Black plays. Mate on 13.
1 Rg5 ; 2 Rg6 ; 3 Qe4, Pf 3 ; 4 Qf5, Pf4 ; 5 Rg3 ; 6 Rg4, Kh8 ; 7 Kf7 ; 8 Rg8 ;
9 Rg7 ; 10 Rg6 ; 1 1—14 K to h6 ; 15 Rg4 ; 16 &c., K to fl when Red Kh2 ; now
(1) Rh4 + ; (2) Rh8 ; (3) Bh3 m.
364. 1 Rel + ; 2 Ktc3 ; 3 Rd2 + ; 4 Qc2 + ; 5 Ktgl + ; 6 Qf4 + ; 7 Qc5 m.
365. 1 Qf6 ; 2 Rd7 ; 3 Qe5, Kc8 ; 4 Qd6 ; 5 Rd8 + ; 6 Re8 ; 7 Rel ; 8 Ral + ;
9 Qc7 + ; 1 0 Ra4, P x R ; 11-13 P to b7 m.
366. 1 Rdl + ; 2 Rbl + ; 3 Bc4 + ; 4 Pe5 m. with P. Or 4 R x B + , Rf2 ;
5 Fe5 + ; 6 Kte3 + ; 7 Qg4 m. with Q. Or 7 Pg4 + ; 8 Rhl, Rh2 ; 9 Ktg2 m. with
Kt. Or 1 Rbl + ; 2 Rdl + ; 3 Bc4 + ; 4 Ral + ; 5 R x R m. with R. Or 4 Qb4 + ;
5 Ral + , Ra2 ; 6RxR+; 7Ra5 + ; 8Rc5 + ; 9Rc7 + ; 10Ktf6 + ; llBd6m.
with B.
367. 1 . . , Ke8 ; 2 Ke6 ; 3 Rd7, Ke8 ; 4 Qf4 ; 5 Re7 ; 6 Rf7 ; 7 K1'6 ; 8 Qg5 ;
9Kg6; 10 Qf6 ; llQe7; 12 Rfl ; 13 Kh6 ; 14Rf4; 15 Rg4, PxR; 16 Kg6,
Pg3 ; 17-19 P to h7 ; 20-21 Q to g7 in.
368. 1 Ktb5 + d ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Ktc5 + d; 4P+; 5 P m.
369. 1 Re2 ; 2 Rel + ; 3 Rfl ; 4 Rf2 ; 5 Rg2, Kh3 ; 6 Pa5 ; 7 Rg3 ; 8 Rg4 ;
9 Kf4, Kho ; 10 Kf5 ; HRg5; 12Rg6; 13 Kf6; 14 Pa6 ; !5Rh6 + ; 16Rh5;
17 Rh7, Kg8 ; 18 Kg6; 19 Rg7 ; 20 Rf7; 21 Kf6, Ke8 ; 22 Ke6 ; 23 Re7 ;
Digitized by
326
CHESS IN ASIA
PAST I
24 Rd7 ; 25 Kd6, Kc8 ; 26 Kc6 ; 27 Rc7 ; 28 Kb6 ; 29 Pa7 + ; 30 Rc3, P x R ;
31 Ka6 ; 32-35 P to l>7 m.
370. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Qd7+; 3 KtxKt+; 4 Kte6+; 5 Ktg5 + ; 6 Kth7 + ;
7 Pe6 m.
371. 1 Be3, Qh2+; 2 Kf2, Qgl + (or Pgl =Q+; 3 Kf3, Qg3 ; 4 KxQ,
Qh2 + ; 5 Kf2 = position after Red’s 1 1th move in main play) ; 3 B x Q, Kh2 ;
4 Be3, Khl ; 5 Kg3, Pgl = Q ; 6 Bg5, Qh2 + ; 7 Kf2, Qgl + ; 8 Kf3, Qh2 ; 9 Be3,
Qgl ; 10 Kg3, Qh2 + ; 11 Kf2, Qgl + ; 12 B x Q, Kh2 (or Ph2 ; 13 Be3 stalemate);
13 Be3, Khl; 14 Kg3, Ph2 ; 15 Kf2 stalemate. Cf. No. 225 above. These positions
are important for the history of stalemate.
372. AE 168. Red. Kcl, Bd6 ; Bl., Kal, Pb7. Red plays and wins. 1 Kc2,
Ka2 ; 2 Kc3, Ka3 ; 3 Kd4, Ka4 ; 4 Kc4, Ka5 ; 5 Kc5, Ka6 ; 6 Kc6, Ka7 ; 7 Kb5,
Ka8 (or Pb8 - Q ; 8 Kc6, Ka8 ; 9 Kb6, Qa7 + ; 10 Kc7) ; 8 Ka6, Pb8 = Q; 9 Kb6,
Qa7 + ; 10 Kc7.
373. AE 169 ; Oxf. 164. Red, Kf5, Pc5 and e5 ; Bl., Ke7, Bf8. Red plays
and wins. 1 Kg6, Kd7 ; 2 Kf6, Ke8 (or Bh6 ; 3 Pe6 + , Kc6 ; 4 Kg5, Bf8 ; 5 Pe7) ;
3 Pe6, Bh6 (or Kd8 ; 4 Pe7 + ) ; 4 Pe7, Kd7 (or Bf4 ; 5 Ke6 and cP queens) ;
5 Kg5.
374. 1 R x Kt + , KxR; 2 Pe3 + , K x P ; 3 Ktg4 + ; 4 Kt x R, K x Kt ;
5 Kh6 wins.
375. 1 RxQ + ; 2 Bg5 + , Kd7 ; 3 Rb7 + , Ktc7 ; 4 KtxKt+; 5 Pc5 m.
376. 1 R x Q + ; 2 Rd7 + ; 3 Pf4 + ; 4 Kth4 m.
377. 1 Re7 + , Kt x R ; 2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Pc7 m.
378. 1 Ra8 + , Rb8 ; 2 RxR+; 3 RxB + ; 4 Ph5 + ; 5 Be3+; 6 Rh4+;
7 Rh3 + , Kg2 ; 8 Qf3 + ; 9 Rhl m.
379. 1 Kth6 + ; 2 Rc6, Bd6 (or Ke5 ; 3 Ktg4 + , Kd4 ; 4 Rc4 + ; 5 Rd8 + ;
6 R x R + ; 7 R x B m.) ; 3Rg6 + ; 4Ktg4 + ,Kd4; 5Rc4 + ; 6 Rx Bm. By
Jamal addin Shiraz?, RAS.
380. 1 Rc3 + ; 2 Pd5 + , P x P ; 3 P x P+ ; 4 Bd6 + ; 5 Rg2 + ; 6 R x P+ ;
7 Ktg2 m.
381. 1 R x B + ; 2 Rg8 + ; 3 Bf5 + , Ke6 ; 4 Ktc7 + , Kf7 ; 5 Rg7 + ; 6 Kte6 + ;
7 Ktf6 m.
382. 1 Rh8 + , KxR; 2RxKt + ; 3 Bf5 + ; 4Pg6 + ; 5Rh8 + ; 6Rh5 + ;
7 Qe7m.
383. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Ra7 + , K x P ; 3 Rb4 + ; 4 Ktc6 + ; 5 R or Kt m. accordingly.
384. 1 Qb4 + ; 2 Rb5 + ; 3 Kt x Q+ ; 4 Rf7 + ; 5 Rb8 + ; 6 Ktc6 + ; 7 Ra7 in.
385. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2 Rh7+ (Ktg7 ; 3 R x Kt + ) ; 4 Pd5 + ; 5 Ba3 + , Kb4 ;
6 Qc3 + ; 7 R x P + ; 8 Pb4 + ; 9 R x B m.
386. 1 R x B + ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Kt x Q + ; 4 Kth5 + ; 5 Rg8 + , Kh6 (or Kh7 ;
6 Ktf6 + ; 7 Pg5 m.) ; 6 Pg5 + ; 7 Kt m.
387. 1 Bd3 + ; 2 R x P + ; 3 Re7 + ; 4 Ktb5 + , Kc5 ; 5 Rc7 + ; 6 Qc3 + , K x P;
7 Ktd4 + ; 8 Ra7 m.
VI. Problems from Alf.
388. 1 Kt(b6)c4 + , Kcl ; 2Ktb3 + ; 3Ktb2 + ; 4Ktcl + ; 5Ktdl+,Kg3;
6 Kte2 + ; 7Ktf2 + ,Kf5; 8Ktg3 + ; 9Ktg4 + ; 10Ktf5 + ; llKtf6 + ; 12Kte7+;
13 Kt(f6)d5+ ; 14 Ktc6+ ; 15 Ktb6 + ; 16 Kta5 + . Drawn, by repetition of
moves. Cf. No. 82.
389. 1 Rgl + ; 2 Rg3 + ; 3 Re3 + ; 4 Rel + ; 5 Rcl + ; 6 Rc3 + ; 7 Ra3 + ;
8 Ra5 + ; 9 Rc5 + ; 10 Rc7 + ; 11 Ra7 + ; 12 Raa + . Drawn, by repetition of
moves.
390. 1 Ktf6+ ; 2 Rd4+; 3 Rd7+; 4 Rb7+ ; 5 Kte4 + , Kd5 ; 6 Rd7 + ;
7 Ktf3 + ; 8 Rd5 + ; 9 Ktf6 + ; 10 Rhl + ; 11 Rh2 m.
391. 1 R x Q + ; 2 Ktd5 + ; 3 Pd4 + ; 4 Kte3 m. Cf. No. 23 above.
392. 1 Pf2 + ; 2 Kte3 + ; 3Pb2 + ; 4Pa2 + ; 5Pbl=Q + ; 6Ktc2 + ; 7 Rb4 + ;
8 Ktb7 + ; 9 Ktc5 + , Ka7 ; 10 Ra4 + ; 11 Ra6 + ; 12 Pd6 m.
393. 1 Rf2 + , K x P ; 2 Ktf4 + ; 3 Rg2 + ; 4 Ktd4 + ; 5 Ktc2 + ; 6 Ktel + ;
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
327
7 Re2 + ; 8 Ktf3 + ; 9 Rc2 + ; 10Ktd4 + ; 11 Pb5 + ; 12 Ktc6 + ; 13Rb2 + ,
Kc5 ; 1 4 Kte6 + ; 15Rb5 + ; 16 Bc8 + ; 17Kte5 + ; 18Be6m.
394. 1 Kt x cP+ ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 Pb5 + ; 4 Be3 + ; 5 Ktd5 + ; 6 Rd4 m.
395. 1 Rel + ; 2 Rel + ; 3 Kt x fP + ; 4 Kte3 m. The first move is unnecessary.
396. 1 Rel + ; 2 Ktc4 + , Kc3 ; 3 Re3 + ; 4 Ktc2 + ; 5 Qb6 + ; 6 Rc7 m.
397. 1 Rel + ; 2 Ktf3 + , Kdl ; 3 Kte3 + ; 4 Pb2 + ; 5 Ktd2 + ; 6 Pbl = Q + ,
B x Q ; 7 Rb2 + , K x P ; 8 KtxB + ; 9 Ktc3 + , Ka5 ; 1 0 Ktc4 + ; 11 Ra2 m.
398. 1 Re3 + ; 2 Re2 + , K x Kt ; 3 Rg2 + ; 4 Rg4 + ; 5 Pg6 + ; 6 Rh4 m.
399. 1 R x P+ , Kb8 ; 2 Pc7 + ; 3 Ra7 + ; 4 Pa5 m.
400. 1 Re7 + , QxR; 2 Pf7 + ; 3 Kte6 m. According to F, this was the
termination of a game between Mahmud Fudil Pasha, the vizier of Muhammad II,
the conqueror of Constantinople, and an ambassador from the Persian shah, Gzun
Hasan. The latter had sent the ambassador with a jewelled chessboard and h
demand for the surrender of certain lands in Asia Minor, basing his demand upon
the envoy's invincible skill at chess. The vizier won the game, and the ambassador
was expelled the court in ignominy. In revenge, Czun Hasan laid waste the
province of Takat. Pure romance this, so far as the present problem is concerned.
401. Alf. 56. Red, Kg8, Rb3 and b8, Ktb7 and e5 ; Bl., Ka6, Re8 and g3,
Ktd8 and e6, Qf8, Pg4. Black plays. Mate in VI on d5. 1 Qg7 + d; 2 Rh8 + ;
3 Rh6 + ; 4 Rf6 + ; 5 Rf4 + ; 6 Rd4 m.
402. Alf. 61 = 66. Red, Kg2, Ra6 and b7, Kte5 ; Bl., Ke8, Rf3, Qg3, Pf4, g4,
and h4 going to 1st line. Black plays. Mate in V. 1 Ph3 + , Kgl ; 2 Ph2 + ,
Kg2 ; 3 Rf2 + ; 4 Rfl + ; 5 Rgl m.
403. Alf. 62. Red, Ka8, Rg2 and h2, Pg3 and h3 (going to 8th line) ; Bl., Kdl,
Rb3 and h8, Ktd6, Bg8. Black plays. Mate in III on a6. 1 Be6 + d ; 2 Rb7 + ;
3 Ra8 m.
404. Alf. 67. Red, Kh6, Rh7, Kta4 and c4, Pc6 (going to c8); Bl., Kc8, Rfl
and g2. Red plays. Mate in III. 1 Ktd6 + , Kb8 ; 2 Rb7 + ; 3 Ktb6 m.
405. Alf. 68. Red, Kfl, Re7 and f8, Ktf5 ; Bl., Kf3, Ra2 and h2. Red plays.
Mate in III. 1 Ktd4 + ; 2 Rg7 + ; 3 Rb8 m.
406. 1 Re8 + ; 2 Rg6 + ; 3 Kta6 + ; 4 Rb8 + ; 5 Ktc6 m.
407. Alf. 103 : RW 18. Position in RW : Red, Ke8, Rf5, Pa5, f6, and h6 ; Bl.,
Kg8, Pa6. Red plays and mates with P. 1 Pf7 + ; 2 Pf8 = Q ; 3 Ke7 4- ; 4 Qg7 + ;
5 Bd3 ; 6 Kf6; 7 Ke6 ; 8 Kf5 ; 9 Kf6 ; 10 Bf5 + ; 11 Ph7 m. The solution in Alf.
follows European rules.
VII. Problems from Man.
408. Man. 3. Red, Kg7, Kth6 ; Bl., Kg5, Ktf4, Pa3 (going to a8). Black
plays and wins. 1 Kth5 + , Kh7 ; 2 Ktf6 + , Kg7 ; 3 Kte8 + , Kh7 ; 4 Ktd6, Ktg8 ;
5 Ktf5, Kh8 ; 6 Kg6 wins.
409. 1 Bc4 + d ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Rdl m.
410. 1 Ra8 + , Ra7 ; 2 R x R + , Ba3 ; 3 R x B + ; 4 Pb2 + ; 5 Bc4 m.
411. 1 Rel + ; 2 R(e4)e2 + ; 3Pc4 + ; 4 Pc5 + ; 6Ktb6 + ; 6 Re6 + ; 7 R x Kt + ;
8 Bc8 + ; 9 Bf4 m.
412. Man. 14. Red, Kh8, Kte4, Pf5, f6, h7 ; Bl., Kf8, Pa4 (going to al),
Drawn.
413. Man. 59. Red, Kc2, Bbl and gl, Pb3 ; Bl., Ke4, Bf4 and g4, Pa5, b4,
and d4. Red plays ; drawn. 1 Bd3, Pu4 ; 2 Bbl ! , P x P + ; 3 Kdl, Kf3 ; 4 Kel,
Ke4 ; 5 Kf2 draws.
414. Man. 61. Red, Ka6, Rel, Ktg4 ; Bl., Kd7, Rg7. Red plays and wins.
1 Ktf6 + , Kc8 or d8 ; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Rg8, Rf7 ; 4 Rg7, RxR; 5 Kte8 + r.
415. Man. 65. Red, Kbl, Rf4 ; Bl., Kc4, Re8, Qd4. No text.
VIII. Problems from Al.
416. 1 R x Kt+ ; 2 Rdl + ; 3 Pe2 + ; 4 Kt x Pm. Cf. No. 18 above.
4 1 7. 47 1 Rh8 + , Bf8 ; 2 Qd7 + ; 3RxB + ; 4 Kte6 m.
47 Al. 21 is text only. 1 Black plays; drawn.’ The solution is 1 K to Bsq or B2, Kt
2 draws.
Digitized by google
328
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
IX. Problems from RAS.
(In the MS. diagrams the A-file is the 1st line. There are no solutions in the MS.)
418. EAS 10. Eed, Kf2, Bgl ; Bl., Kd3, Kte5. Black plays and wins. From
a blindfold play of *Ali ShatranjT.
419. EAS 11. Eed, Kdl, Ktd8, Qd4 and el, Bd7, Pb7, c5, f2, g3 ; Bl., Kh8,
Ec3, Ktb6, Qb3 and d3, Bg4, Pa6, c4, c6, e6. Black plays and wins. 1 Qe2 + ;
2 Rd3 + ; 3 Edl + ; 4 Kta4 + ; 5 Pa5, Ktf7 + ; 6 Kg7; 7 Eal m. (H.J.R.M.)
From a blindfold play of ‘All ShatranjT.
420. EAS 12. Red, Kc3, Rd2, Qc4 and e4, Ba3 and fl ; Bl., Kbl, Pa4. Eed
plays. Mate with a B. 1 Q(e4)d3, Kal ; 2 Edl 4 - ; 3 Bc5 ; 4 Ed2 4 - , Kal :
5 Qb3, Kbl (or Pa2 ; 6 Kc4 ; 7 Edl 4 ; 8 Q(d3)c2 ; 9 Be3 ; 10 Ebl , 1 1 Bc5 m.) ;
6 Q(d3)c2 -I- , Kal ; 7 Kc4, Kb2 ; 8 Kdl ; 9 Be3 and m. in two more with Bc5.
(H.J.R.M.) By Surkh ShatranjT.
421. EAS 13. Eed, Kb8, Kfl and f2 ; Bl., Ke8, Eg7 and h7, Ktc5 and d6,
Qc6 and d8, Bc4 and f8. Black plays. Mate with a B. 1 Kb7 4 - ; 2 Kb8 + ;
3 Kta6 + ; 4 Ea7 4 - ; 5 Ktc8 4 - ; 6 Ktc7 4 * ; 7 Bd6 4 - ; 8 B m. (Forbes.)
422. EAS 14. Eed, Ke3, Eal, Ktc2, Bg5, h7, Pa2, b3, c3, d4, e4, f3, g2, h4 ;
Bl., Ke6, Ka8, b7, Ktf7, Qe8, Bc8, f8, Pa7, b6, c6, d6, e5, f6, g6. Eed plays and
wins. By 'All Shatranji (giving odds of K).
423. EAS 15. Eed, Kh8, Kd6. g3, Kte3, Qc7, Ba6, f8, Pa4 (Black in MS.), b6,
c5, f4, g6, h4 ; Bl., Ke2, Eel, f7, Ktd7, Qdl, Bfl, g5, Pc3, d5, e4, e7, f3,f6, sr4, li3.
Eed plays and wins. 1 Kg2 + ; 2 Pc4 4 - ; 3 Kd2 4 - ; 4 Ke6 + , KxE; 5 Bc8 4 - ;
6 Qd6 4 - ; 7 Ktg2 m. (Forbes.) By ‘AlT ShatranjT.
424. EAS 17. Eed, Kdl, Ke7, f7, Ktf6, Qb6, Pc5, f5 ; BL, Kc8, Ka2, e2, Qh5,
Ba6, d6, Pa3, b3, e4, h4. Black plays and wins. 1 B(a2)d2 4 - ; 2 Pb2 + ; 3 Edl 4 - ;
4 Pbl =» Q + ; 5 Ed3 m. (Forbes.) By Farazdaq YunanT.
425. EAS 18. Eed, Kf7, Rc7, c8, Kte6, e7, Qd6, Bb4, g4, Pa5, b6, c5, d5, e4.
f5, g6, h5 ; Bl., Kel, Rb2, f2, Ktc2, g 3, Ql>3, Bel, h3, Pa4, b5, c3, d4, e3, f4, g5,
h4. Eed plays and wins. By Mas'ud. (This looks like an early game position
— each has played twenty-nine moves.)
426. EAS 20. Eed, Kf3, Ke4, h4, Qg2, Ba7, h3, Pb6, 12, h5 ; BL, Kf7, Rg4.
Qdl, e7, Bc8, d6 ; Black plavs and wins. By *AlT ShatranjT.
427. EAS 21. Eed, Kd6, Ka8, e8, Qf7, Be6. h6, Pa6, c6, g7, h7 ; BL, Kf2,
Eb7, Qc3, Be3, fl, Pa2, b2, e4, f4, g3, h3. Black plays and wins. 1 Pe5 4 - ;
2 Rd7 4 - , Kc4 ; 3 Kd4 4 - ; 4 Eb4 + ; 5 Eb7, Pc5 ; 6 B x P, Ka4 ; 7 Qb4 ; 8 Pb3 m!
(Forbes.) By ‘AlT ShatranjT (giving odds of E).
428. EAS 22. Eed, Kd2, Pd5, e4, f7, h5 ; Bl., Ke5, Bf8, Pd6, h6. Bed plays :
drawn. By ’AdlT Euml.
429. EAS 25. Eed, Kf4, Qel, f2, f3, Bgl ; Bl„ Kk3, Pg2. Bed plays. Mate
with B. 1 Kg5 ; 2 Kh4 ; 3 Be3, Kh2 (Pgl = Q leads to a similar solution) ;
4 Qg3 4 - ; 5 Kh3 ; 6 Bg5, Qf2 ; 7 Qh4 ; 8 Be3 m. (H.J.E.M. This may involve
the capture of the Q on the last move, but I see no other way.) By Mahmud
KarmfinT. Cf. 350.
430. EAS 30. Bed, Ke6, Ke2, g2, Ktf3, Qh2, Ba6, Pd6 ; BL, Kfl, Rf4, f7.
Kte4, f2, Bd3. Pd4, e3. Eed plays and wins. 1 K(e2) x Kt 4- ; 2 Egl 4 - ; 3 Bc4 4- :
4 Bg3 4 - ; 5 Pd5 m. (Forbes.) By Farazdaq YunanT.
431. EAS 31. Bed, Kc6, Ef8, Ktb4, c8, Qc7, Pb6, c5, d4, e6, g6 ; BL, Ke4.
Eal, e2, Kta3, d2, Qb2, Bd3, g5, Pa4, b3, c4, e5, f4. Eed plays and wins. By
'All ShatranjT (playing blindfold).
432. EAS 32. Bed, Kel, Kd7, Ktf3, Qd6, Be7, h3, Pa3 ; BL, Kb8, Eal, b6,
Ktcl, e8, Bg4, Pb7, c3, c6, d5, f5. Eed plays and wins. 1 Bd8 -4 ; 2 Bc5 + ;
3 RaS 4 - ; 4 Ktd4 + ; 5 Ea4 4 , Kd3 ; 6 Bfl 4- ; 7 Kte2 + d, Eb4 ; 8RxR + , Pd4 ;
9 RxP+ ; 10 E14 4 -; 11 Ki2-f,Khl; 12 Ktg3 + ; 13 Be3 m. (Forbes.) By
Muhammad KazrunT.
433. EAS 34: Oxf. 10: KW14. Red, Kd3, Ec4, f2, Kte4, 16, Pa3, b3 ; BL.
Kdl, Re5, 17, Ktc6, Qd2, Be7, h3. Black plays and wins. 1 Rd5 + , Kt x R ;
2 Rf3 + , R x li ; 3 Kte5 4 ; 4 Kt x E + ; 5 B m. (Forbes.) By ’Abdallah KhwarizmL
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
329
434. HAS 35. Red, Kc4, Ktc6, Bd6 ; Bl., Ka4, Bc5, Pa3, b4. Red plays and
wins. By Mas'ud Shatranjl Tabriz!.
435. RAS 36. Red, Kh8, Ra4, Qb2, c6, Bd6, g4, Pb5, b7 ; Bl., Rf7, h3, Kth5,
b8, Qf4, f8, Bc5, f5, Pa6, c2, d5, e3, f3, g2. The diagram is much blurred ; there
seem to be Red men (? Kts) at c8 and e8, another Red man (? Q) at d3. The Bl. K is
wanting (1 Kdl). Red plays and wins. By Muhammad Kazrunl.
436. RAS 39. Red, Kdl, Ktd6, Pe7 (going to el); Bl., Kbl, Ktfl. Red
plays and wins. By Abu’l-Fath Hindustani.
437. RAS 40. Red, Ke5, Rel, Be3, h3, Pg3, h4 ; Bl., Kf7, Qe7, Bf8, g8, Pg6,
b5. Black plays ; drawn. By 'All Shatranjl (playing blindfold).
438. RAS 41. Red, Kf5, Rb3, hi’ Ktcl, e2, Bfl, Pa2, d3, f3, h2 ; Bl., Kc8,
Rc2, Ktc6, f6, Qe5, Ba6, h6, Pc5, d6, g7, h7. Black plays and wins. By 'All
Shatranjl (playing blindfold and giving odds of R for P).
439. RAS 42. Red, Rh7, Ktb3, g3, Qb6, Pa2, a4, c5, d3, e4 ; Bl., Ka6, Ktf3,
g4, Qf6, Be 6, Pa5, b4, c6, d5, g5. Diagram omits Red K. Black plays and wins.
From a game 'All Shatranjl (Bl.) v. Tajaddln.
440. RAS 43. Red, Kd3, Ral, Ktbl, hi, Qc2, Bfl, Pa2, b3, c5, e3, f3, g3, h4;
Bl., Kf7, Re7, Ktb5, e4, Qc7, Pa6, b4, c6, e5, f5, g6, h7. Black plays and wins.
By 'All Shatranjl (giving odds of R).
441. RAS 45. Red, Kd5, Re6, Bc4, Pa6, b5 ; Bl., Kb2, Rh2, Qe2, Bel, Pa5.
Red plays and wins. By Far'un MisrI.
442. RAS 46. Red, Kf3, Ral,*gl, Kta2, bl, Qg2, Ba3, f5, Pa5, b3, c5, d3, e4,
g3, h3 ; Bl., Ke7, Rc7, d2, Kta7, Qa6, Be6, f8, Pb5, c6, d4, f7, g5, h5. Black plays
and wins. By 'All Shatranjl (giving odds of Kt for P).
443. RAS 47. Red, Ka4, Rd6, Ktd5, Qg4, Bc4, f4, Pe5, h7 ; Bl., Kdl, Rbl,
b2, Ktb7, e4, Bel, Pc3, d7, f3, g7. Red plays and wins. By 'All Shatranjl.
444. RAS 48. Red, Kb7, Rf3, Qg4, Ph3 (going to hi); Bl., Kb5, Rc5, Qb6,
Pa5, e3, li2. Red plays ; drawn. By Surkh Shatranjl.
445. RAS 50. Red, Ka5, Bc4, Pa2, d5, e6* f5 ; Bl., Kd3, Qe5, Pd4. Red
plays ; drawn. By HajI N izam Shlrazl.
446. RAS 54. Red, Kb7, Rb2, c8, Pa6, b4, g6, h7 ; Bl., Kd6, Re4, Kte6, Bc5,
d3, Pa5, h6. Black plays and wins. By 'All Shatranjl.
447. RAS 55. Red, Kf6, Rc8, f7, Ktc7, Qb2, Bh6, Pa4, b6, c6, e6, 13, g4 ;
Bl., Kfl. Rd2, el, Kta2, bl, Qc2, Bel, Pa3, b5, c3, d3, 12, g3. Red plays and wins.
By 'All Shatranjl.
448. RAS 58. Red, Kb4, Rg7, Ktc4, g4, Qh5, Bc5, fl, Pb5, c3, d2, g2, h4 ;
BL, Kf5, Rc2, f4, Ktal, d6, Qf7, Bf8, Pe2, e6, h6. Red plays and wins. 1 Kt(c4)e3 + ;
2 Pd 3 m. By Baha'addln Shlrazl.
449. RAS 60. Red, Ke2, Rh2, Kte3, g3, Pf3, g4 ; Bl., Kgl, Ra4, e7, Ktg6,
Bd6, e6, Pf4, g5. The leaf has been repaired, and the position is uncertain ; there
appear to be other men. Red plays and wins. By Surkh Shatranjl.
450. RAS 62. Red, Kd2, Rc2, Ktb2, b3, Qel, Bel, d3, Pd4, f3, g3, h2 ;
Bl., Ke7, Rbl, Ktb6, Qb4, Bd6, g4, Pa5, b7, e2, f4. Black plays and wins. By
'All Shatranjl (giving odds of Kt).
451. RAS 63. Red, Kdl, Ral, gl, Ktd2, el, Bel, Pa5, b2, c2, f 3 ; BL, Kf7,
Rh2, Ktb6, c5, Qe6, Bd6, g4, Pa7, c6, e7, f6, g5. Black plays and wins. By
'All Shatranjl.
452. RAS 64. Red, Kd7, Rb8, c6, Kta4, Qa2, Bc8, f4, Pd6, e5, f6, h4, h6 ;
Bl., Kc2, Rel, gl, Ktcl, dl, Qc3, Be3, fl, Pa5, d5, e4, f3, g3, h3. Red plays and
wins. 1 RxQ + ; 2 Rb2 + , Kd3 ; 3 Ktc5 + ; 4 Ba6 m. (Forbes.) The end of a
game played at the odds of Kt for P.
X. Pkoblems feom F.
453. F 1 1 = 74 : R 36 = 46. Red, Kb8, Ktb2, Qg5, Bc8, Pd4, e5, e7, f6 ;
Bl., Kb6, Ra4, Qc6, Bc5, fl, Pf3. Black plays and wins. 1 Ra8-f; 2 Kc7 ;
3 Qb7 m.
Digitized by t^oosle
330
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
454. F 12 = 75 : R 33 = 43 = 66. Red, Kc5, Rbl, Qe6, Bd6, e2, Pf5 ; BL,
Kc2, Ra6, Ktc6, Qc4, Bfl, Pd3. Black plays and wins. 1 Pd4 + ; 2 Ra5 ; 3 Rc5 m.
455. F 16 = 31 = 77 : R 22 = 45. Red, Ke3, Rd4, g3, Bd3, Pe4 ; Bl., Kel,
Ra2, Qg5, Be6. Black plays and wins. 1 Re2 + ; 2 Rf2 + ; 3 Qf4 m.
456. F 18 = 19 : R 11 = 78 : Oxf. 46 = 92 = 145 : RW 2. Red, Kd5, Rb5,
Bd3, Pc5, d6 ; BL, Kd7, Re4, e8, Bc8, Pa7, g6. Red plays and wins. 1 Rb7 + ;
2 Rd7 + ; 3 Pc6 + ; 4 Pc7 + ; 5 Bb5 m. By ‘Adll, RW ; by *Othman Dimasbql.
Oxf.
457. F 21 : R 47. Red, Kh8, Kte5, Bg8, Pg5, h6 ; BL, Kf6, Ra7, Qg6, Bf5,
Pe6. Red plays ; drawn. 1 Ktg4 + .
458. F 66 : R 24. Red, Kd8, Ra8, c5 ; BL, Kd6, Re2, h2. Red plays ; drawn.
1 Rh5, R x R ; 2 Ra6 + ; 3 Ra5 + ; 4 R x R draws.
459. 1 R x Q + , B x R ; 2 Kth5 + ; 3 Re2 + ; 4 Ktf4 + ; 5 Be3 + ; 6 Bd3 + ;
7 Ktc5 m. (3 Ktc5 + ; 4 Rd2 + ; 5 Be3 + ; 6 Bd3 m. saves a move). Cf. No. 23.
460. 1 Ktg3 + ; 2 Bf4 + , Q x B ; 3 Ktg4 + ; 4 Rf3 + ; 5 Be2 + ; 6 Rf5 + ;
7 Qg7 m.
461. 1 R x Kt + , P x R ; 2 Rh4 + , Kg5 ; 3 Rg4 + , Kh6; 4 Kt(e3)f5 + ;
5 Rh4 + ; 6 Rh6 + ; 7 Be3 + , Kf4 ; 8 Rh4 + ; 9 Re4 + ; 10 Ktb5 + ; 11 Rg 4 + ,
Kh7 ; 12 Ktf6 + ; 13 Rh4 + ; 14 Rh6 m. (H. J. R. M.). Cf. the following problem.
462. RxKt-f, PxR; 2 Rd4 + , Kg5 ; 3 Rg4 + ; 4 Kt(e3)f5 + ; 5 Rh4+;
6 Rh6 + ; Kg5 ; 7 Be3 + , Kf4 ; 8 Rh4 + ; 9 Re4 m. (v. d. Linde).
XI. Problems from R.
463. R 82 = 84. Red, Kel, Rh6, b7, Ktc6, Qa4 ; BL, Ka6, Rd2, 12, Kte3, h2,
Pg3, b4. Red plays and wins. 1 Ktd8 + ; 2 Ra6 + ; 3 Qb5 + ; 4 Ktc6 m. Both
diagrams are defective and allow Black pieces to interfere with the intended solution.
464. R 83 : Oxf. 96. Red, Kb8, Ra2, g8, Kth2, Qe5, Ba6, d6, Pf6 : Bl., Kel,
Ra7, h4, Ktb5, c5, Bh3. Black plays and wins. 1 Rb7 + , Kc8 ; 2 Rc7 -f , Kd8 ;
3 Kte6 + ; 4 Re7 + ; 5 Rh7 + , Rg7 ; 6 R x R + ; 7 Kt(b5)c7 m.
XII. Problem from S.
465. S 1. Red, Kf3, Ra2 and b2, Ktf5, g4, Qe3, Bbl, cl, Pe5 ; BL, Kc3, Rbl,
h8, Ktd7, g8, Qc8, Be6, f8, Pe7, g6, h7. Black plays and mates in XVIII.
XIII. Problems from Y.
466. 1 RgS + ; 2 R(g3)g7 + ; 3 Bf8 + ; 4 Rg5 + ; 5 Ktg2 + ; 6 Rg3 + ; 7 Rh8 + ;
8 Kte3 + d; 9 Rg2 + ; 10 Rhl + ; llKtxKt+; 12Kt(c4)e3+; 13RxB+;
14 R x Kt + ; 15 Ktd4 + d; 16Ktb5+; 17 Rbl + ; 18Ktc3+; 19Rb5+;
20 Bc4 + ; 21 Ra5 + ; 22 Bd6 + ; 23 B m.
467. Y 5: Oxf. 43. Red, Kal, Rb8 ; BL, Ka3, Rd3, g2, Bf5. Black plays and
wins (Mate in IV with B, Oxf.). 1 Rdl+; 2 Rcl; 3 lla2 + ; 4 Bd3 m. By
*Adli RumI, Oxf. (which omits the Red men). Y adds two useless BL Kts on e3, d4.
468. 1 RxP + , Ke7 (or B or R x R ; 2 Ktc5 m.).
469. Y 22. Red, Ke7, Rg6, Kte3, Qb6, Pc5 (going to c8); Bl., Kel, Ra8, bo.
Black plays and wins. 1 Re5 + , Re6 ; 2 Re8 + ,KxR; 3RxR + ; 4 Rx Kt.
470. Y 43. Red, Kc8, Rg2, Bb8 ; Bl., Kc6, Rh3, Bc5, Pg3. Red plays ; Black
wins. 1 Rd2.
471. Y 47. Red, Kal, Qb8, Pa7 (going to a8), c5 ; BL, Khl, Ra8, Pc6. Red
plays ; drawn. Cf. No. 38.
XIV. Problems from Oxf.
472. Oxf. 2 = 63. Red, Kf5, Ra6, h2, Ktc6, e5, Be6, f4, Pg6, h5 ; BL, Kdl.
Re3, gl, Ktc2, g2, Qg7, Bel, Pb4, f3. Black mates in V with B. 1 Kth4 + ;
2 Ktd4 + ; 3 Rg5 + ; 4 R x Kt + ; 5 Be3 m.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
331
473. Oxf. 3. Red, Kh8, Rg3, hi, Ktf3, h2, Qg8, Bc5, h7 ; Bl., Kli6, Re4, g7,
Ktg5, Bb4, g4. Black mates in V with B. 1 Ktf7 + ; 2 R x B + ; 3 Re8 + ;
4 Be6 + ; 5 Bd6 m.
474. Oxf. 4. Red, Kf7, Qf6, Bd3, Pg3 ; Bl., Kh7, Pg4. Red plays and wins.
I Qe7 ; 2 Qf8, Kh7 ; 3 Bf5 + , Kh6 ; 4 Ki6 ; 5 Kg7 ; 6 Bd3 ; 7-10 Q to f4 + ;
II Kf7 ; 12 Bf5 ; 13Kf6; 14Qg5 + ; 15Bh3; 16Kf5; 17Pg4m.
475. Oxf. 5. Red, Ka7, Ra2, b2, Ktb7, Qa8, Bf4, Pd5, f6, h6 ; Bl., Khl, Rh7,
Ktd6, gl, Qh4, Ba3, f5, Pa5, b5, g4, h3. Black mates with B. 1 Bc5 + ; 2 Rh8 + ,
Kc7 ; 3 Rc8 + ; 4 Rc6 + ; 5 Ktf3 + ; 6 Re6 + ; 7 Re3 + ; 8 Qg3 + ; 9 Bd3m.
476. Oxf. 6 = 81. Red, Kb5, Ra5, Qc7, Bc5, Pb6, c4 ; Bl., Kb7, Ra8, h4, Ph5.
Red mates in HI. IRxR, KxR; 2 Ka6 ; 3 Pb7 m.
477. Oxf. 8. Red, Kc8, Rd3, Ktc7, Qfl, Bg5, h3, Pa2, f3, g2 ; Bl. Ka5, Rcl,
f2, Ktf4, Qd2, Bb4, Pd4, f7, g7. Red mates in VI with Bs. 1 Ra3 + ; 2 Ra6 + ;
3 Be7 + ; 4 Rc6 + ; 5 Bf5 + ; 6 Bg5 m. Said to be by Khw&ja Hafiz Shirazi.
478. Oxf. 12 = 86. Red, Ke4, Rg4, Ktc4, h5, Bc5, Pa3, b3, d4, f5 ; Bl., Kf7,
Rb8, h8, Ktb7, c8, Qf6, Bf8, g8, Pa4, b6, d7, e5, h6. Red mates in VIII. 1 Rg7 + ;
QxR; 2KtxP+; 3KtxQ + ; 4 Ktf7 + ; 5 Kte8 + ; 6 Ktd8 + ; 7 Ktc7 + ;
8 Pb4 m.
479. Oxf. 13. Red, Kh8, Ph3 (going to hi'); Bl., Kg6, Rf2, Qf8, Ph2. Black
mates in VII with P. 1 Qg7 + ; 2 Rg2 ; 3-7 P to h7 m.
480. Oxf. 14. Red, Kb8, Re2, g2, Ktd6, d8, Qb7, Bh6, Pg4, h2 ; BL, Khl,
Ra7, c7, Ktb4, d5, Qe8, Bf5, Pa5, b5. Black plays and wins. 1 R(c7) x Q + ,
Kt(d6) x R ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Ktc7 + , Ka7 ; 4 Pb6 + ; 5 Kta6 + ; 6 Qd7 m. This and
the following are said to be by J&linus, i. e. Qalen !
481. Oxf. 15. Red, Kb2, Rg4, h4, Ktbl, d8, Qd7, Pb3, c3, e2 ; Bl., Kd5, Rf2,
h2, Kta6, c6, Qb5, Bc8, d6, Pb6, c7, e5, f3, b3. Red plays and wins. 1 Pc4 + ,
Kc5 ; 2 Ktb7 + ; 3Pc5 + d,Bf4; 4RxB + ,PxR; 5RxP+,Ktd4; 6RxKt + ,
Qc4 ; 7 R X Q + ; 8 Kta3 m.
482. Oxf. 16 = 146. Red, Kf7, Rd6, g6, Bd7, Pg5 ; BL, Kh7, Rel, e8, Bg4,
Pg7. Red mates with B. 1 Rh6 + ; 2 Pg6 + ; 3 Pg7 + ; 4 Bf5 m. Said to be by
Saqrat Hakim, i. e. Socrates !
483. Oxf. 17. Red Ka3, Rc2, f4, Bf5, g5, Pd2 ; BL, Kal, Rc5. Red mates
with Bs. 1 Ra2 + ; 2 Rfl + ; 3 Rdl ; 4 Bd3 + ; 5 Be3 m. This and the two
following are said to be by Lilaj (the mythical Lajlaj).
484. 1 Kt(h7)f8+; 2Ktf6 + d; 3 Rd7 + ; 4 Kte6 + d, R x R; 5Rc7+;
6 Ktd7 + ; 7 Rc8 + ; 8 Ktc7 + ; 9 Qb7 + ; 10 P x R m.
485. Oxf. 19. Red, Kg3, Rd8, gl, Kta2, h4, Qc3, Ba3, h3; BL, Ke3, Rb5,
Ktf4, g4, Qd6, Be2, Pc4, e4, e6, g5. Red mates in V. I do not follow the solution
in the US. There is a solution in III — 1 Ktg2 + , Kt x Kt (or Kd3 ; 2 Ktel + ;
3 Bel m.) ; 2 Rdl ; 3 Bel or Qd4 m.
486. Oxf. 21. Red, Kal, Rf7, g7, Kte5, Qg6; BL, Kh8, Rb3, d7, Ktc3, dl,
Qe6, Ba6, h6. Red mates in III with Kt. 1 Rg8 + ; 2 Qh7 + ; 3 Ktg6 m. This
and the following are said to be by Amir Timur !
487. Oxf. 22. Red, Ke6, Ra8, f7, Kte7, f6, Qd6, Bc8, f8, Pa6, c6, e5, f4, g5, h6;
B1., Kel, Rb6, d7, Kte4, gl, Bel, f5, Pa5, c3, d3, f3, g2, g4, h5. Black plays and
wins. 1 R x Q + ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 Pc4 + , K x Kt ; 4 Ba3 + ; 5 Kte2 + ; 6 Bm.
488. Oxf. 23. Red, Kc3, Ra8, b8, Ktc2, Bg5; Bl., .Ka2, Ra4, gl, Ktb2, g3,
Qdl, Pa3. Red mates in VI with B. 1 R x Kt + ; 2 R x R + ; 3 Kta3 + , Kal ;
4 Ktc4 + ; 5 Ktd2 + ; 6 Be3 m.
489. Oxf. 24. Red, Ka4, Rg7, Kte3, e5, Ba3, Pb5, d4, e6, f6, h6 ; BL, Ke8,
Rb8, h8, Ktg4, h4, Qf8, Bc8, d6, Pc4, d5, b5. Red plays and wins. 1 Re7 + .
QxR; 2 Pf7 + , Kd8 ; 3Ktc6 + ; 4KtxP+; 5Kta5 + ,Ka8; 6Ktc7 + ; 7Bc5 + ;
8 Ktd5 m. Said to be by Shih Jahan.
490. 1 Ktc4 + , Ka2 ; 2 Qbl + ; 3 Qa2 + d ; 4 Ktcl + ; 5 Rbl + ; 6 Ktd2 + ;
7 Ktd3 + d ; 8 Ktb4 + ; 9 Ktc4 + ; 10 Ral + ; 11 Bd3 + ; 12 Be3 m.
491. Oxf. 26. Red, Ka7, Rgl, g3, Ktd5, g5, Ba2, h6, Pd4 ; Bl., Kf2, Rb3, b8,
Digitized by Google
332
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
Kta6, e8, Ba3, Pc2. Black mates with B. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Ktc7 + , Kt x Kt ; 3 Kt x Kt + ;
4 Bc5 m.
492. Oxf. 27 = 50 : RW 25. Red, Kf7, Rhl, Qf6, Pb5, h6 (going to h8) ; BL,
Kh8, Kta8, Pb6, h7. Red mates with P. 1 Rel, Ktc7 ; 2 Re8 + , Kt x R ; 3 Qg7’ + ,
Kt x Q ; 4 P x Kt m.
493. 1 Kte3 + ; 2 Ktd3 + ; 3 Rel + ; 4 Ktb4 + ; 5 Ktc4 + ; 6 Ral + ; 7 Bd3
or d7 + ; 8 Bm. Cf. No. 490 above.
494. Oxf. 29. Red, Ke5, Rg4, h7, Ktd5, e4, Qa7, h8, Bc5, Pc6, e7, g3, go ;
Bl., Kf7, Rel, g6, Ktc7, d6, Qd8, g2, g7, Bf4, g8, Pa6, b3, b7. Red plays and
wins. 1 RxQ + ,RxR; 2RxB + ,Kg6; 3Rf6 + ,Kh5; 4Rh6 + ; 5 Rh4 + ;
6 Rf4 + ; 7 Rf2 + , Kd3 ; 8 Rd2 + ; 9 Rd4 + ; 10 Rb4 + , KxP; 11 Rb6 + ;
12RxKt + ,Ke8; 13RxQ + ; 14Rf8 + ; 15-24 repeat moves 3-12; 25 Kt x Kt + ;
26 Rf6 m. Contrast with Noe. 82 and 388 above.
495. Oxf. 30. Red, Kfl, Ktf8, Qf7, g6, Ba3, f5, Pc3, h2; Bl., Kg5, Rb2, c2, i
Ktal, h6, Qdl, Bc4, f4, Pa2, b5, e5, g3, h4. Red mates in VI with B. 1 Kth7 + ;
2 Ph3 + ; 3 Ktg5 + ; 4 Bc5 + ; 5 Kte4 + ; 6 Be3 + ; 7 Bd3 m.
496. Oxf. 31 : RW 15. Red, Kd3, Rc2, c3, Be3, fl ; Bl., Kd5, Ra4, f4, Bd6,
e6. Black plays and wins. 1 R(a4)d4 -f ; 2 Bg4 + ; 3 Rdl + ; 4 R x B + ; 5 Bf4 + ;
6 Rdl +; 7 R x Rm.
497. Oxf. 32. Red, Kc7, Pli4 ; Bl., Kc2, Rc3, Kte3, Bg5, Pa5, b5, c4, g2, h3.
Black mates with Ps. Said to be by Shah A'zam (D. 1707).
498. Oxf. 33. Red, Kal, Rg5, g7, Ktc7, e7, Qg4, Be3, f5, Ph4; BL, Kh8, Ra7,
b4, Ktf6, f7, Qe8, Be6, h6, Pa2, b7, c4, e5, h7. Red mates in V with P. 1 RxP+;
2 Rg8 + ; 3 Ktg6 + ; 4 Kt x Q + ; 5 Ph5 m.
499. Oxf. 34. Red, Kf4, Rg8, Ktb7, d7, Qc7, Ba6, Pa5, b6, d6, f5, h6 ; Bl.,
Kf2, Rb2, Ktgl, Qf3, Pa4, b4, c3, d3, g5. Black mates in X with P. 1 Kth3 + ;
2 Re2 + ; 3 Ktf4 + ; 4 Pb5 + ; 5 Kte6 + ; 6 Kt x Q + ; 7 KtxB + ; 8 Ktc7 + ;
9 Kte6 + ; 10 Pc4 m.
500. Oxf. 37. Red, Kal, Rg5, Kth4, Bf5, Pa5, f6 ; Bl., Kh8, Rb7, f7, Ktc3, h6,
Qcl, Ba6, 18. Red mates in IV with Kt. 1 Ktg6 + ; 2 Kte7 + ; 3 Rg8 + ;
4 Ktg6 m.
501. Oxf. 39 (corr.). Red, Ka4, Rdl,d3, Kte2, Pd6 ; Bl., Kc2, Rg5, Ktd7, Qc6,
Be3. Black plays and wins. 1 Ktb6 + ; Kb4 ; 2 Rb5 + ; 3 Ra5 + ; 4 Ra4 m.
502. 1 Ktd4 + ; 2 PxP+; 3 Pc4 + , Kt x P ; 4 PxKt + ; 5 Ktd3 m.
503. Oxf. 41. Red, Kh8, Pa5 (going to al); BL, Kf6, Qe7, Pa4, g5, h5.
Black mates with P. 1 Qf8, Kg8 ; 2 Qg7 ; 3 Ph6 ; 4 Ke6 ; 5 K15 ; 6 Kf6 ; 7 Pg6,
Kg8 ; 8 Ph7 in. Said to be by Sheikh ‘All Shatranji (showing that his fame was
not confined to his own day).
504. Oxf. 42. Red, Kal, Ph3 (going to 111); BL, Khl, Rh2. Black mates
with the R’s first move. 1 Kgl ; 2 Kfl ; 3 Kel ; 4 Kdl ; 5 Kc2 ; 6 Kc3, Kbl ;
7 Kc4, Kcl ; 8 Kd3, Kbl; 9 Kc3, Kal; 10 Kb3; 11 Rhl m. Called mansuba
musumlya.
505. Oxf. 44 (coir.): RW 24 (in X). Red, Kb3, Qc3, d2; BL, Kal, Pa2, b4
(going to 1st line). Red mates in VIII. 1 Qb2 + ; 2 Qal ; 3 Kc2, Pb3 + ; 4 Kcl,
Pb2 + ; 5 Kc2, Pbl = Q + ; 6 Kcl ; 7 Qc3 ; 8 Qb2 m.«
506. Oxf. 52 = 93. Red, Kg7, Re2, g5, Ktb2, c3, Qd3, Bf8, g8, Pa6, c6, e6, g6;
Bl., Kcl, Rf4, h3, Ktc8, Qb8, Ba3, Pb6, d4, e5. Black mates in IX with R.
1 Rf7 + ; 2 Rh7 + ; 3 Re7 + ; 4 Qc 7 + ; 5 Re8 + , Kd7 ; 6 Rd8 + ; 7 Bc5 + ;
8 Rd7 + ; 9 Re7 m.
507. Oxf. 53. Red, Ke8, Rh2, Kta3, c4, Qf3, Bf4, Pb7, c3, d2, e7, f6; BL,
Kdl, Rh5, Kte6, Qc2, Bg5, h3, Pa4, a5, eo, f5, g3. Black mates with P. 1 Rh8 -f ,
Kd7; 2 Rd8 + ; 3Rc8 + ,Kd5; 4Rc5 + ; 5 Qd3 + ; 6Rd5 + ; 7Rd4 + ; 8P+Bm.
508. Oxf. 55. Red, Kd3, Ra2, b2, Ktd5, Qe6, Pf5, g4 ; Bl., Kel, Rc4, 11,
Ktd6, Qe5, Bh3. Black plays and wins. 1 Rf3 + , PxB; 2 Bf 1 + ; 3 Re4 + ;
4 Kt m.
509. Oxf. 56. Red, Ke2, Re8, h6, Ktc7, g4, Qg7, Ba6, d6 ; Bl., Kc3, Rel,
. 48 Oxf. 48, 49, 51 are of Feringlii (i. e. modern European) chess.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
333
Ktc6, Qf4, Bb5, e3. Black plays and wins. 1 Ktd4 + ; 2 Rc2 + , Kfl ; 3 Bd3 + ;
4 Ktf3 + ; 5 Rd2 m. (H.J.R.M.).
510. Oxf. 59. Red, Ka4, Rb8, h2, Ktcl, b5, Qg2, Bb6, Pa3, c6, e7, f3, g3, h3 ;
Bl., Kgl, Rb2, f5, Ktd2, £7, Qc5, Bd3, g5, Pb6, do, e5, Black mates in V with R.
1 Rb4 + ; 2 Ktc4 + ; 3 Ra4 + ; 4 Ra7 + ; 5 Rc7 m.
511. Oxf. 60. Red, Kc3, Ktd5, d7, Bel, Pa3, e4 ; Bl., Ka4, Rb5, d2, Ktc6, e7,
Qel, Bd6, e6, Pa5. Red mates in IV with B. 1 Kt(d5)b6 + ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 Pa4 + ;
4 Bm.
512. 1 Pc4 + ; 2 Pd3 + ; 3 Bfl + ; 4 Ktd2 + ; 5 Bh3 + ; 6 Kte4 + ; 7 B x P+ ;
8 Bf5 m. (Bv *Othm5n Dimashql).
513. Oxf. 62 (no Bl.) : RVV 3. Red, Kf2, Rg6, Ktf6, g3, Qfl ; Bl., Kh4, Rd6, f7,
Ktd5, h6, Bf4. Red plays and wins. 1 Ktf5 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 Rg4 + ; 3 Qg2 + ;
4 Rh4 + ; 5 Ktg4 m. (By *AlI Shatranjf, Oxf. ; from a game, Sa'Id Khatib v. Ahmad
Baghdadi, RW.)
514. 1 Rg8 + ; 2 Ktg6 + ; 3 Kte8 + ; 4 Ph5 + ; 5 Be3 + ; 6 Ktf6 + ; 7 Rh3 + ;
8 Ktg4 + ; 9 Kth2 + ; 10 RxPm.
515. 1 RxP + ; 2 Pe8 = Q + ; 3 Kte7 + , Kh7; 4 Bf5 + ; 5 Pg5 + ; 6 Qg4 + ;
7 Ktg6 4- ; 8 Kte4 + ; 9 Ktf4 + ; 10 Ktg3 or Bd3 m. according as Black plays.
516. Oxf. 68. Red, Kdl, Rfl, Ktc6, Qe7, Bel, h3, Pb3, c4, d2, g3, h4 ;
Bl., Kd3, Rg2, g8, Ktc2, e6, Qe4, Bg4, h6, Pa2, f3, g7, h5. Red mates in VII with
Kt. 1 R x P + , Q x R ; 2 Bfl + ; 3 Pd3 + ; 4 Bh3 + ; 5 Kte5 + ; 6 Bf5 + ; 7 Kt m.
517. 1 KtxP + ; 2 Rt7 + ; 2RxP + ; 4 Ktc6 + ; 5 Qb8 + ; 6Rb3 + ; 7Ba3 + ;
8 Rb4 + ; 9 Bfl +; 10 Bel m.
518. Oxf. 70. Red, Ke8, Rd7, f7, Kta7, hi, Qe7, gl, Bf8 ; Bl., Ke5, Rb2, d2,
Ktel, e6, Qc5, Ba3, Pe2. Black mates with B. 1 Iib8 + , Ktc8 ; 2 R x Kt + , Qd8 ;
3 R x Q + , R x R + ; 4 RxR + ; 5 Qd6 + ; 6 Bc5 m. (H.J.R.M.).
519. Oxf. 71 = 127. Red, Kh8, Pa3 ; Bl., Kh6, Re5, Ktf3, Pa2, e4. Black
mates in VI with P. 1 Re7 ; 2 Ktli4 ; 3 Ktf5 ; 4 Re8 + ; 5 Ktd6 + ; 6 Pe5 m. (By
HajI *AlI Tirhazl). Cf. No. 538.
520. Oxf.* 72. Red, Kg8, Rbl, b8, Ktb6, e5, Qc3, Bd6, e6 ; Bl.; Ka7, Ra2, g5,
Ktc6, f5, Qb7, Be7, h3, Pf6, g7. Red mates in VI. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Ktc8 + ; 3 Bc4 + ;
4 Kt x Kt + ; 5 Ktb6 + ; 6 Qb4 m.
521. Oxf. 74 = 87. Red, Kg4, Rb8, Kta5, c6, Qbl, e6, Bc8, f4, Pd4, d7, g3, h4;
Bl., Kfl, Rc4, e8, Ktg8, Qh6, Bd3, Pe2. Black mates in V. 1 Ktf6 + ; 2 Kgl,
Pg2 ; 3 Bf5 + , Q x B ; 4 Rc3 + ; 5 Re3 m. (By Khalil MisrI.)
522. Oxf. 75. Red, Kg7, Rg6, Qf5, Bc5, Pg3 ; Bl., *Kh5, Rg2, Be2, Pf4, h4.
Black plays and wins. 1 Qg4 + ; 2 Be7 ; 4 R m.
523. Oxf. 76 = 125. Red, Kg4, Rb2, g6, Ph4, h5 (going to h8); Bl., Kh8,
Pb3, b4. Red mates in VI with P. 1 Rf2 ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 R(g6)g8 ; 4 Rh8 + ;
5 Ph6 + ; 6 Ph5 m.
524. Oxf. 77. Red, Ka4, Re2, f2, Ktf4, g4, Qc6, Bh6, Pb3 ; Bl., Kc3, Re4, hi,
Ktb4, f5, Qd4, Be3, h3, Pb2, e6. Black mates in VI. 1 Ral + ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 Qc5 + ;
4 Kta6 + ; Pe7 + ; 6 Bf5 m.
525. Oxf. 78 = 84. Red, Ka8, Rb7, cl, Ktc5, dl, Qd4, Pa7, d5 ; Bl., Ka3, Rc6,
Kte8, f7, Qb5, Pb3. Black mates in V with P. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ktd6 + ;
4 Kt x P + ; 5 Pb4 m.
526. Oxf. 79. Red, Ka2, Ral, g5, Ktd8, Bel, d7, Pb2, c2 ; Bl., Kh8, Rh3,
Ktc4, Pa4, b4. Black mates with Kt. 1 Pb3 + , PxP; 2 PxP + ; 3 Ktd2 m.
527. 1 Qf7, Kd7 ; 2 Re8 ; 3 Ke6; 4 Kd6 ; 5Rd8; 6 Qe8 ; 7 Qd7 ; 8 Rc8 ;
9 Kte6 ; 10Ktc7; llKe6; 12 Kf5; 13Ihi8 + ; 14Pa6 + ; 15Pb6 + ; 16Pc6 + ;
17 Pd6 + ; 18 Pe6m.
528. Oxf. 85. Red, Ka7, Rgl, g3, Ktd5, g5, Pa2, h6, Pd4 ; Bl., Kf2, Rb3, b8,
Kta6, e8, Ba3, Pc2. Either mates with B. Red by 1 Kth3 + ; 2 Bc4 + ; 3 Bf4 m.
Black by 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Kt x Kt + ; 4 Bc5 m.
529. Oxf. 90. Red, Kf7, Pb7 ; Bl., Kf2, Re3, Bfl, Pb6. Black mates with B.
The solution is only sketched.
530. 1 Ktf7 + , Kg7 ; 2 Kt x gP + d ; 3 R or Kt m. accordingly.
Digitized by Google
334
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
531. Oxf. 94. Red, Kg8, Rl>7, li2, Ktf3, h3, Qg3 ; Bl., Kh6, Rel, Ktb5, Pf4,
g4, h4 (going to 8tli line). Black mates in V with P. 1 Re8 -f ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 Pg5 + ;
4 P x Kt + ; 5 PxKtm.
532. Oxf. 95. Red, Ka8, Rf2, g2, Kte5, h4, Qb8, Pa7 ; Bl., Kkl, Rb5, e7,
Ktd4, e6, Qf3, Bc5, d3. Red mates in III. 1 Rh2 + ; 2 Kt x Q + ; 3 Kt x Kt m.
533. Oxf. 99. Red, Kh8, Ra2, Qal, Pa3, b2, d5, e6, f7 ; Bl., Kh4, Rg3, Kte5,
Qf6, Pc3. Black mates with P. 49
534. Oxf. 101. Red, Ka8, Pf3, f4 (going to fl) ; Bl., Ka6, Rc6, Ktf2, Pb5.
Black mates on a7 with P. 1 Ka5, Ka7 ; 2 Kte4, Pf2 ; 3 Ktd6, Pfl «Q; 4 Rc7 + ;
5 Rc8 + ; 6 Pb6 m. (By Amir Timur ; ? Feringhi chess.)
535. Oxf. 103. Red, Ke8, Pa3, d3 (going to dl); Bl., Kh6, Ra2, g7, Ktd2,
Pe6, f6, g6. Black mates with Ps. 1 Kte4, Pd2 ; 2 Rc2, Pdl = Q ; 3 Ktd6 + ,
Kf8 ; 4 Rf7 + ; 5 RfB + ; 6 Pe7 + ; 7 Pf7 + ; 8 Pg7 m.
536. Oxf. 121 = 124. Red, Kh6, Re7, Ktc6, Pg6 ; Bl., Kf8, Ktb7. Red mates
in IV with Kt. 1 Pg7 + ; 2 Kg6, Ktd6 ; 3 Re8 + ; 4 Kte7 m.
537. Oxf. 129. Red, Kc6, Rbl, Ktd6 ; Bl., Ka7, Rh7. Red plays and wins.
1 Ktc8 + , Ka8 ; 2 Ktb6 + , Kl>8 ; 3 Ktd7 + ; 4 R m.
538. Oxf. 154: RW 21 = 28. Red, Khl, Pa4 (going to a8); Bl., Kh3, Rb2,
Ktb4, Pa5, e5. Black mates with P. 1 Re2 ; 2 Rel + ; 3 Ktd3 + ; 4 Pe4 m.
Cf. No. 519.
539. Oxf. 160. Red, Kd2, Ktcl ; Bl., Kb2, Kta3, Qe4. Black plays. Burd. 60
1 Ktc4 + , Kdl ; 2 Qf3, Ktd3 + ; 3 Kc3.
540. Oxf. 161. Red, Kc8, Rd8 ; Bl., Kc6, Rhl, Pe6 (going to e8). Black
plays. Burd. 1 Pe7, Rg8 ; 2 Rdl ; 3 Rd6 ; 4 Rf6 ; 5 RfB.
541. Oxf. 162. Red, Kf8, Rg7 ; Bl., Ke5, Rhl, Qe2, Pf7, g6 (going to g8),
Black plays. Burd. 1 Kf6. Cf. No. 26.
542. Oxf. 167. Red, Ka7, Ra6 ; Bl. Kb3, Rb2, Ba3, bl. Black plays. Burd.
1 Bel. (By Sull Mausill, i.e. as-SulI.)
XV. Problems from RW.
543. 1 Ktbl + ; 2 Ra2 + ; 3 Ktd4 + ; 4 Pb6 + ; 5 R x R ; 6 Qd3 + ; 7 Ktc2 + ;
8 Ktd2 + ; 9 Be2 + ; 10Pg5 + ; llPg4 + ; 12Rh5 + ; 13RxB + ; 14Kte4 + ;
15 Ktd4 + ; 16 Pf6 + ; 17 Pc6 m. (Played before Shah Jahan.)
544. RW 6. Red, Kal, Rel, g5, Ktc5, f4, Bb5, e3, Pd6 ; BL, Ke8, Ra8, b4,
Ba6, f8, Pf7. Red plays and wins. 1 Re5 4- ; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Bg5 + d ; 4 Re8 + ;
5 Pd7 + ; 6 Kte6 + ; 7 Kt x Pm.
545. RW 7. Red, Kg2, Ra5, d8, Qa2, Bd7, e7, Pa3, b2, b5, g6 ; BL, Ke3,
Rh3, Ktd2, e4, Qg4, Pf4, g5. Black mates with P. 1 Pf3 + ; 2 Pf2 + ; 3 Pfl = Q + ;
4 Ktf3 + ; 5 Kt(e4)d2 + ; 6 Rh2 + ; 7 Kte4 + ; 8 Rh4 + ; 9 Rf4 + ; 10 Rf6 + ;
11 Rd6+; 12 Rd4+; 13 Kt(f3)d2+; 14 Rc4+; 15 Ktf2+; 16 Ktd3+;
17 KtxP+; 18 Ktf3 + ; 19 Rcl + ; 20 Rgl + ; 21 Pg4 m.
546. RW 10 (corr.). Red, Kc2, Ra7, c7, Qg4, Bbl, cl, Pl>2, c3, e3, h4 ; BL,
Ke8, Rb6, h8, Ktf3, h7, Qe4, Bf8, Pb4. Black plays and wins. 1 Pb3 + ; 2 Rd6 + ,
Bd3 ; 3 R x B+ ; 4 Rd2 + ; 5 Rdl + , Kg2 ; 6 Rgl + ; 7 Kt(h7)g5 ra.
547. RW 17. Red, Kg7, Re4, f2, Qd5, e6, g2, Bc5, fl, Pe2, g3 ; BL, Kg5,
Ra8, h8, Ktg6, h6, Bg4, h2, Phi. Red plays and wins. 1 RxB + , KxR;
2 Qh3 + , Kg 5 ; 3 Be3 + ; 4 Pg4 + ; 5 Rf5 m.
548. RW 19. Red, Kb3, Rf2, g2, Bf5 ; BL, Kal, Rdl, h4. Red plates with B.
1 Ra2 + ; 2 R(g2)l>2 + ; 3 Rc2 + ; 4 R(a2)b2 + ; 5 Rel + ; 6 Ra2 + ; 7 Bd3 m.
549. RW 20. Red, Kel, Rh7, Ktd4, e4, Bg5 ; BL, K18, Rh2, Ktf6, g8, Qh6,
Bf4. Red plays and wins. 1 Kte6 + ; 2 Kt x Kt + ; 3 Re7 in.
550. RW 22. Red, Kel, Pa4; BL, Ke3, Rd2, Pa5. Black plays and wins. 1 Rd5;
2 Rg5 ; 3 Rgl m. Indian influence cut out the solution 1 Rd4 ; 2 R x P. Bare King.
49 Oxf. 100, 102, 104-123, 128, 130-8, 141-4, 147, 151-0 are of Feringhi (i.e. modem
European) chess.
60 i. e. Drawn. See p. 82.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHATRANJ
335
551. RW 26. Red, Kb4, Rb2, Ktd3, Qc2, Pl>3 (going to bl) ; Bl., Kal, Ktc3.
Red plays and wins. 1 Rbl + ; 2 Pb2 4- ; 3 Qb3 m.
552. RW 27. Red, Kd7, Rcl, Bc8 ; Bl., Kb8, Pc7. Red plays and winy.
1 Rbl + ; 2 Kc3 ; 3 Ral + ; 4 Ra2 ; 5 Ra8 m. (But why not 1 Kc6 and m. in III more.)
553. This is really a setting of No. 19 ; but in RW it is called Dilaram's Legacy,
and a story is attached. An epidemic has devastated the Red forces, and the Red
King is reduced to the necessity of approaching the Black King to beg for quarter.
The Black King orders his Vizier to bring the Red King to his presence, but the
Vizier pleads indisposition, and sends two soldiers (QBP and QKtP) forward one
square for the purpose of executing the King’s command. The latter, in a fit of
passion at his Vizier's disobedience, slays him (remove Bl. Q from the board). This
intemperate act shows the Red King that he can expect no clemency, and he resolves
upon a desperate attack. At midnight he sends out his trusty horsemen, they
surprise the sentries, and the Black King seeks safety in flight (1 KtxgP-f;
2 Kt x fP + ). A hot pursuit ensues (3 Kte8 + ; 4 Ktd8 + ; 5 Ktc7 -f ; 6 Ktb7 + ),
in which the Red Vizier joins (7 Qb3 + ), and the Red Elephant tramples the Black
King to death (8 Bel m.).
MlKHAIUQ.
Finally it is necessary to say something about the quasi-mathematical
problems in the Muslim MSS. which are based upon the moves of the chess-
men. The most considerable collection of these is to be found in Man., and
it is from this MS. that I have taken their Arabic name of mikhraq , pi.
wikhariq , lit. ‘ invention, composition ’, which we may conveniently render
Exercise , or Puzzle .
The most important of these Exercises is the Knight's Tour , the treatment
of which in the Arabic MSS. reaches a higher level of achievement than
do the examples of later date which I have quoted elsewhere from Indian
sources. In its earliest form, both in India and among the Muslims, the
Exercise seems to have been confined to the half-board of 4x8 squares.
A player placed the 32 chessmen on the half-board, and then endeavoured
to move one of the Knights from its position by legal moves in such a wav
that it captured one of the remaining 31 men on each of its first 31 moves,
or in other words he endeavoured to visit each
of the other 31 squares in 31 moves of the
Knight. The next step was to extend the tour
to the whole board, either by combining two
half-tours (as in the annexed diagram and also
in No. 555), or independently (as in 554, 556 -7 ) ;
and the third step was to make the tour re-
entrant, i. e. to bring the Knight back to its
starting-point on its 64th move (as in 554-6).
This is as far as the early Muslim masters went. 51
51 Cf. my paper The Knight's Tour , Ancient and Oriented,
BCM, 1902, 1. RAS in its preface undertakes to show
liow to describe tours on the whole, half, and quarter boat'd, but the text was on one of the
lost leaves The last is an impossibility. Both Oxf. (189) and RW l29) have tours. The
former is identical with the tour in Nilakapt-ha (see p. 65) ; the latter is made by the union
0 f two identical lialf-tours and is non-re-entrant.
w
Digitized by
IqqqqqqqqI
BQBBQEllQl
QQQQQQQQ
IqqqqqqqqI
I BEOEI3BB3 1
QBQQQQQB
lflBHBE9E3E3l
i
□□□□□BQQI
I BBBQQDE3QI
ibbbbcibbhI
[nBBEEBPDl
I HHEIBBBBB I
1 02JBE13EIEQ I
1 BDEISIE^SBQ 1
I □□□□□□□□ I
bmb ■
m
CHAP. XV
THE GAME OF SHAfRANJ
337
In AH (and C) we have a further refinement of the Exercise in the form
of two tours (558-9) in which the touring piece moves alternately (a) as
Kt and B, (£) as Kt and CL Both tours are re-entrant, and are capital
performances for the 10th century.
The solutions of these tours are given in the MSS. in various ways.
Sometimes the successive positions of the Knight are indicated by numbering
the squares (AH 91, 95, 197 ; C 20, 22, 167, 169 ; H 75 are all solved thus):
sometimes the algebraical notation is employed, and the solution is given
by the initial letters of the lines of a poem which give the notation of the
successive squares touched by the Knight. In AH there are no less than
four poems, the first by Tahir al-Basrl, the second by b. Duraid (D. 321/934),
which give the solution of AH 92 ; and a fifth by c AlI b. Abl * Abdallah
ash-Shlr&z! solves AH JjM 2 A third method of concealing the solution was
to write words upon the squares which, when read in the order of the tour,
would produce a poem given in the MS. H 73 and 74 are solved thus.
The remaining mikhariq follow. Of less interest in themselves, they are
of considerable importance historically as illustrating the extent of the
indebtedness of the earlier European players to Muslim sources. 53
560. Man. 31 : BM 201. The Kt on g6 undertakes to take the 8 Ps which are
arranged on the diagonal al-h8 in 15 moves. Solution: The Kt moves in succes-
sion to h8 x , f7, e5 x , d3, b2 x , dl, c3 x , e4, f6 x , h5, g7 x , f5, d4 x , c2, al x ,
capturing the Ps at the moves marked x .
561. BM 202. The Kt on g3 undertakes to take the 16 Ps which are arranged
on the two major diagonals in 30 moves. Solution : The Kt moves in succession to
hi x , f2, dl, b2 x , a4, b6, a8 x , c7, e8, g7 x , e8 (h5), f6 x , d5 x , c3 x , e4 x , d6,
b7 x , a5, c6 x , e5 x , £7 (g6), h8 x , g6, f4 (h4), g2 x , el (h4), f3 x , d4 x , c2 (b3),
al x .
562. To interchange the Black and White Kts in 16 moves without going outside
the 9 squares. Solution : Each Kt plays in four moves to the
opposite angle, the respective Kts being played in such a way
that they avoid blocking one another.
563. The mikhrdq of the seven Pawns . To place 7 Ps in
the position of the diagram, each P being a Kt’s move distant
from the one previously placed. To solve it, place the first
P on al or cl.
564. Man. 35. As-tfuti's mikhrdq of the Pawns. The eight Pawns are placed on
the first row, and they are then to be moved to the 8th row, each P making 4 Kt’s
moves. Solution : Phl-g3-f5-g7-e8, &c.
565. Man. 28 : BM 214. Two Books are placed one on al, the other on h8.
Neither may cross a line commanded by the other. Whoever begins, loses.
666. BM 215. One player has 16 Ps arranged on the 7th and 8th rows;
the other has 2 Bs on al and hi. The Ps should win, unless the Bs can get behind
them. Even then the game can be drawn if 4 of the Pawns queen.
567. Man. 34. A similar game. One player has 10 Ps arranged on the 2nd
row and on cl and fl ; the other has one R on a8. Here again the Pawns should
win.
»* V 98 is solved by T&hir al-Basri’s poem, which is also given in this MS. C 21 ** 168 ia
Intended to be solved thus, but the MS. omits the poems.
•* Thus 562, 568, 565, and 568, are all repeated in European MSS of the 14th to 16th cc.
562. 563.
Man. 29. Man. 80.
:
irr#
Y
Digitized by Google
338
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
568. The mikhrdq al-afyal , the Exercise of the Bishops. The 4 Bs take all the
other pieces, each taking 7 in 10 moves; or 40 moves in all.
568.
BM 216 : Man. 88.
A brief note in AH f. 20 a (C f. 28 b : BM f. 127 a : and V) deals with
a use of the chessboard as a kind of abacus for purposes of calculation. The
note is taken from al- c Adll’6 work, and the figure is given as one that could
be conveniently used in cases in which it was inconvenient to do the calcula-
tion mentally or on paper. The calculation was to be carried out by the help
of small stones that were heaped up on the squares as necessary. This is
a parallel use of the chessboard to that which gave a name to the Exchequer
in Norman England.
8
4 mill.
6
6 mill .
4
8 mill.
2
io mill.
400,
OOO
60
600,
OOO
40
800,
OOO
20
i mill.
dOO
60,
OOO
400
80,
OOO
1
200
IOO,
OOO
90
300,
OOO
4000
8000
2000
900
50,
OOO
700
4 0,
OOO
800
20,
OOO
IOOO
9000
3000
7000
5000
80
200,
OOO
IOO
9°,
OOO
300
« 0
0 0
500
50,
OOO
2 mill.
SO
j 900.
OOO
30
700,
OOO
50
300,
OOO
70
D
9 mill.
3
7 mill.
5
5 mill.
n
3 mill.
Al- Adlfs Calculating board.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XVI
GAMES DERIVED FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
I. Arabic games. — Oblong chess. — Decimal chess. — Chess as-su'dlya. — Round chess. —
Astronomical chess. — Limb chess. II. Persian games. — Citadel chess. — Great
chess. — Other modern forms. III. Indian games. IV. Early Spanish games.
Most of our Arabic and Persian authorities devote some space to the
description of various enlarged or modified varieties of chess. These would
seem to have enjoyed a greater popularity in the East than they have
ever obtained in Europe. But even there, these ‘ Bastard games’, as v. d.
Linde has called them, have seldom possessed the elements of vitality,
though the innate conservatism of the Oriental, the want of originality of
the later writers on chess, and the caprice of a monarch, may have given
them the semblance of a longer life, and as a result they are not without
some historical interest.
In dealing with these games I have found it convenient to adopt a
method of grouping which is partly based upon historical and partly upon
geographical considerations. My first group consists of the games that date
back to the palmy days of early Muslim chess. These were so fortunate
as to arouse the interest of the historian al-Mas'udl. My second group
comprises games of a later type, for which the encyclopaedia of al-Amull is
our chief authority, together with the later games which have been invented
in Muslim lands since his time. My third group contains the Indian
varieties, many of which are of quite recent date. And, for convenience of
comparison, I have added a fourth group containing the varieties named in
the Spanish work of Alfonso the Wise of Castile, which are probably
ultimately of Muhammadan, not Christian, origin.
The first group contains six games, of which al-Mas'udi mentions five in
his already quoted Muruj adh-dhahab} Of some of these we possess fuller
descriptions in several of my authorities, and though the texts are often
incomplete and generally obscure, we can learn enough to present a fair
account of nearly all the games. The six games are Oblong chess, Decimal
chess, a variety of the game on the 8-square board called as-su'diya, 2 Circular
chess, Astronomical chess, and Limb chess. I give a table showing where
the accounts are to be found in the various MSS.
1 Ed. cit., viii. 812-15. Cf. Gildemeister's translation in QsU , 251-5.
3 The spelling varies. The later MS. Man. writes a*-»a'idiya (with ' initial fad) with
meaning ‘ belonging to Upper Egypt 4 Egyptian ’. In the text I use the vocalized spelling
given in the MS. AH.
Y 2
Digitized by Google
340
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Name of Game, j Mas'Odi.
AH
C
BM
V
H
Man.
Al-Amuli.
Oblong chess . *
22a
31b
7b
54b
•
Decimal chess . 1 *
21b
29b
127b
19a
54a
I
and
and
i
23 a
31a
As-su'dlya
22 b
29 b
54 b
Round chess . . j *
21a
29a
8a
19b
54b
♦
1
and
and
and
22 h
30 b
20a
Astronomical game •
•
Limb chess . . «
I. (1) Oblong chess, called by al-Ma§udI at-musfafila, by b. 'Arabshah
af-fairtla (long, oblong), by b. Abi Hajala al-mamduda, (lengthened), and by
al-AmulI at-iawila or al-mamduda ,* was played with the help of the dice on
a board of 4 by 16 squares. The pieces employed are those of the ordinary
game, and they have the same powers of move. They are arranged across
the narrow ends of the board, but the MS. diagrams show considerable variety
of arrangement. I have noted the following. The opponent’s arrangement
is similar, but I give in brackets the position of his King.
(а) AH, C. Kcl(cl6); Qbl ; B al, dl ; Ktb2, c2; Ra3, d3 ; Pawns on
lines 5 and 7.
(б) V, Man. As in (a) except Kcl(bl6) ; Pawns on lines 5 and 6.
(c) Al: (India Office). Kbl(bl6) ; Qcl ; Bal, dl ; Ktb3, c3 ; Ra3,d3;
Pawns on lines 2 and 4.
(d) Al. (Elliott 274, and Bland). Kc2(cl5) ; Qb2 ; B a2, d2 ; Kt bl, cl ;
R al, dl ; Pawns on lines 3 and 4.
(e) Al. (Vienna). Kcl(cl6) ; Qbl ; B b3, c3 ; Kt b2, c2 ; Ral, dl ; Pawns
on lines 5 and 6.
if) Al. (Elliott 275, and Bland). As in (e) except Kbl(cl6) ; Qcl.
(g) Al. (BM 16827, Fr. 175). As in (e) except Kcl(bl6) ; Pawns on lines
4 and 5.
The text in AH, C, and V runs as follows :
This is the chess which is lengthened from the Indian chess. It contains 4 rows
of 16 squares. It is played with dice used for nard. It is a rule that the arrangement
is according to the right hand, with the Fils in the corners. It is a rule that 6
moves the Sh&h, 5 the Firzan, 4 the Fll, 3 the Faras, 2 the Rukh, and 1 the Baidaq.
It is a rule that when check happens to either Shah, he must play by the die, and
cannot play at all until the die gives a 6. By this he rescues his Sh&h. 4 The cloth
of this chess is made in two pieces, and the stations for nard are made on the back
of each piece, so that a player can use it for this chess with the dice, or reverse it and
use it for nard, as he likes. The pieces can be used combined or singly.
Since these three MSS. all distinctly state that their account of the
derivative games is taken from al-'Adli, this game was already in existence
by a. d. 850, and it presents the earliest recorded instance of the use of dice
3 V, in error, heads the diagram, ‘ This is the sha{ranj al- kindly o ’ (Indian chess). In the
text, which is identical with AH and C, no distinctive name is used.
4 There is a hiatus here in AH and C. V has ‘ and if it does not give one, he must remain
for two moves \ The next sentence is corrupt.
Digitized by
Google
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
341
to determine the moves of a form of chess. This makes the game one of
considerable importance. Apparently it was played with a single die. It is
described in al-Amuli with the same interpretation of the throws. As a game,
with or without dice, it is quite playable.
I. (2) Decimal chess, called in the MSS. aUtdmma (the complete), was
played with the help of additional men upon a board of 10 by 10 squares.
We have already seen that such a board was in existence for a game called
dasapada (ten-square) long before the Christian era. But no allusion to any
game on a ten-square board has been reported from the later Skr. literature,
and I think it far more likely that we have here an independent Muslim
creation than a survival of the use of the early Indian board. The idea of
enlarging the eight-square board was evidently a favourite one with Arabic
players. Besides the game described in the chess MSS., al-Ma§'udI mentions
a variety that had been attempted by a certain al-Khalll b. Ahmad, who
flourished from 100/718-175/791, and was, although no musician, the author
of a work on harmony.
He also found no pleasure in chess until he had increased the number of pieces
by a jamal (camel). Some of the crowd of chess-players played with it, but after-
wards it was laid aside.®
FirdawsI also describes another variety, in which the new pieces are Camels (Per.
s/iutur), in his account of the invention of chess in the Shahndma. In this game
the Camels were stationed — not at the extremities of the line of pieces, as in
b. Ahmad’s game — but between the Faras and Fll, and their power of move
was the complement of that of the Ffl in Muslim chess, to wit, in the four
rectilineal directions a leap over one square, whether occupied or not, into the
square beyond. It is the move ascribed to the Fll in Indian chess in the early
Arabic account quoted on p. 57.
In the Complete chess of the MSS. the full complement of pieces is
obtained by adding two pieces called Dabbaba (the military instrument called
by the Romans Finea , and in the Middle Ages Sow) and two Pawns to the
forces on either side. The Dabbabas were placed between the Fll and the
Shah and between the Fll and the Firzan. Their move was identical with
that of the Shah, one square in any direction. The 10 Pawns were arranged
on the 3rd line. The MSS.® say :
There is the Complete chess , whose squares are 10 by 10, and it is increased
by 4 pieces of one kind, called dabbaba. Their places are between the Fll and Shah,
and between the Firzftn and Fll. Their figure is fashioned square, the head furrowed,
and of the same height as the Firzan. Their move is the Shah’s move, only they
both take and can be taken. Their value is between that of Rukh and Faras.
£ dirhem. It is a rule that when one of the two Shahs has won his opponent’s
square, it is half the qamar. Also a Baidaq cannot queen while the Firzan is on the
board ; if a player queens one, the other takes it. Also the Sh&h must play when he
has no pieces left. When the game is set up, the pieces are arranged, then a line
is left, and the Baidaqs are set up.
* Also mentioned in b. Nub&ta’s Commentary on b. Zaidun : ‘He has placed two Camels
at the two sides of the board, wherewith people played for a time long, but this was then
abandoned.* B. Nub&ta died 768/1366-7.
9 My translation is derived from a text produced by the collation of the sections in AH,
C, BM, H, and Man.
Digitized by Google
342
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Bland, quoting from RAS, describee the dabbdba as * shaped like an
inkstand, six-sided, and on the top it has a knob as an inkstand has*.
The restriction placed upon Pawn-promotion is interesting, since similar
restrictions have existed from time to time in the ordinary chess. The
half-win is curious, but not described sufficiently explicitly. 7
L (3) AH and Man. conclude their account of the Decimal chess by
a reference to a variety of chess that was played upon the ordinary 8-square
board under the name of ash-shatranj as-sudlya (or a*-midiya). Unfortunately
description in each MS. is defective, breaking off at the same point. The last
quotation continues :
And in like manner the chess as-su'diya is set up, except that its squares are 8
as in the Indian chess. The rule in as-su'diya is as aforesaid in that a Baidaq
cannot be queened, and when one is queened — [here the MSS. break off].
We have therefore (a) the
Pawns arranged on the 3rd
line, (b) only one FirzSn
allowed at a time.
I. (4) Round chess, called
in AH, C, V, and Man. ar-
Rumiya (Byzantine), and in
al-Mas udl 8 and Al. al-mud -
dawara (circular), was played
upon a circular board of 64
squares, arranged in 4 con-
centric rings of 16 squares.
The men of the ordinary
chess are employed and the
arrangement of the earlier
MSS. is shown in the dia-
gram. Most MSS. of Al.
reverse the arrangement of
the pieces entirely, placing
the Shahs and Firzans on the outer ring, and also continue the diagonals
bounding the quadrants in which the men are placed right across the central
space, thus creating four additional squares, which al-Amuli calls husun
(sing, hisn), or citadels. If a player can play his Shah to one of these squares
he cannot lose the game. This is an addition entirely in accordance with
the taste of al-Amuli’s time. The game is thus described in AH and V :
Round or Byzantine chess.
This is the Byzantine chess which Siwar al-Harranl gave to Dhu’l-Yaminain
Tahir b. al- Husain b. Mus'ab, when he resided in Mesopotamia. 9 We see that its
properties, the number of its squares, and its form resemble the Indian chess, except
7 ? Half the stakes. The verb qamara means to gamble, play for a stake.
• * The round board {al-dla al-muddawara ), which is ascribed to the Byzantines (< at- Rum ).*
It is a pity that the MSS. attempt no justification for the name.
9 Tahir was the general who won the crown for al-Ma’mun ; he was at one time Governor
of Mesopotamia. He died 207/822 (B. Khallik&n, ed. cit., i. 649).
Digitized by Google
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
343
that the Indian Baidaq can queen because it has a limit, while the Byzantine Baidaq
cannot queen because it has no limit. The squares of the Byzantine Rukh exceed
those of the Indian Rukh, and the squares of the Indian Faras exceed those of the
Byzantine Faras. The Indian game is longer than the Byzantine, and there is no
difference between them except that the Indian plan is square and the Byzantine
round. The Byzantine Fils are concordant while the Indian are not. It is agreed
that the Byzantine game is more modern than the Indian : the original, as people
agree, is the Indian. It is a rule that when 2 Baidaq s of one species 10 meet, the
player of the other species takes them for nothing.
The game is quite playable, and an attempt was made to revive it in London,
Calcutta, and in Germany in the first half of last century as a result of a
reference to it in Twiss's Chess (London, 1789, ii. 9). u It is mentioned in
the AF. MS. Brit. Mus., Cotton, B. ix, f. 9 a, where there is a diagram of
the board. The explanatory text has been completely erased. 12
I. (5) Only al-Mas'udl and al-Amuli of my Eastern authorities mention
the Astronomical game. Unfortunately only two of the Al. MSS. which I
have seen attempt to diagram the board, and their figures are incomplete and
unintelligible. It is possibly the game of Escaqnes, described below from
Alf. Al-Mas'udf s account runs :
Next, the round Astronomical board which is called aUfalakiya (the celestial).
It has 12 squares, corresponding to the number of the constellations of the zodiac,
divided into two halves. Seven pieces of different colours move on it, in agreement
with the number and colours of the 5 p^uiets and 2 luminaries.
I. (6) Al-Mas'udl is our only authority for Limb chess. He says :
Then there is another board, called that of the limbs ( al-jawarhiya), which has
been discovered iu our time. It contuins 7 by 8 squares. There are 12 pieces,
on each side 6, and each of the 6 is called after a human limb, i.e. the limbs by
which we speak, hear, see, grasp, and move — these are the (five) senses — and the
universal sense belonging to the heart.
As al-Mas'udl gives no diagrams we cannot tell how the board was arranged
or how the game was played. 13 Probably it never really lived.
I commence my second group with the games described by al-Amuli in
the Nafd'is al-funun . These are five in number, but three of them — Oblong,
Round, and Astronomical chess — are practically identical with games which
I have already described. The other two are a new variety of Decimal chess,
called Shafranj al-husun , or Citadel chess, and the Shafranj aUkabir y or Great
chess.
*• By 4 species * we are to understand 4 side 9 or 1 colour \ When two Ps had been played
right round the ring and blocked one another, the opponent simply removed them.
11 Lala Raja Babu gives two varieties in his Mo'allim ul-ihafranj (198), of which the first is
al-AmulI's game, and the second only differs in omitting four of the vacant rows between
the players, two on each side. The India Office MS. Al. arranges the major pieces on the
outer ring, and the Pawns on the next ring, the arrangement of each side being that of the
ordinary chess. This is palpably wrong.
II V. d. Linde, Xeerboek, Utrecht, 1876, p. 266, states that the text begins, 4 Tabula rotunda
greci usi sunt/ When I examined the MS. I could not read even as much as this.
The historian b. 'Arabsh&h saw both the Oblong and the Round games at 'All Shatranjf s
house. See p. 206, above.
M Y. d. Linde (i. 66, 108, and Fig. 118) has fallen into error through relying upon
v. Hammer-PurgstaU’8 mistranslation of the passage from al-Mas'udl in his Literatur- Oe$chichte
der Araber , iv. 687-8.
Digitized by Google
344
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
II. (7) This game is very carelessly diagrammed in all the MSS. that
I have seen, bat the board differs from the earlier board by the addition of
four extra squares, called citadels (hisn, pi. husun), at the four corners of the
board. Elliott 274 places these squares in the 1st and 10th rows, outside
the Rooks’ squares; Elliott 275, Vienna, and B.M. 23555 place them directly
behind the R/Ooks’ squares ; while Fr. 175, India Office, and B.M. 15827 place
them diagonally behind, as if at the angles of a 12 X 12 board. These squares
were privileged, in that a player could at any time draw the game if he
succeeded in playing his King to one of them — probably, though not always
expressly stated, the citadel selected had to be one on the opponent’s side
of the board. The extra pieces are two Pawns and two Dabbabas on each
side. These are placed between Fll and Shah and Fil and Flrzan, arid move
4 like the Rukh but obliquely *, i. e. like the modern European Bishop. The
Pawns are arranged on the 2nd and 9th rows; Elliott 275, Vienna, and
B.M. 23555 have the Ks on el and elO; B.M. 16827 and Fr. 175 have them
on fl and elO. 14
II. (8) Great chess, sha\ranj al-Kabir 9 was played on a board of 11 x 10
squares which had two additional citadels , one at the right-hand extremity
of the 2nd row of 11 squares, the other at the left-hand extremity of the
9th row. Only Elliott 274 of the Al. MSS. attempts to diagram this game,
but RAS gives a full description of it under the name of shatranj kamil ,
perfect or complete chess, and most MSS. of b. 'Arabshah’s * Ajd'ib al-maqdur
ft nawaib Timur give diagrams of it as being the favourite chess of Timur
himself.
Owing partly to Timur’s preference, partly to the lengthy analysis of the
peculiarities of the game in RAS, and partly to Forbes’s lengthy and laudatory
account in his History of Chess (138-154), this variety of chess — obsolete in
the East since Timur’s day — has obtained a notoriety beyond its deserts.
In addition to the pieces of the ordinary chess the game included (1) a
Waztr (vizier), made like the Firzan, and moving one square in the four recti-
lineal directions; (2) two Dabbabas , made like a six-sided inkstand with a
knob on the top, and moving with a leap into the 3rd square in the four recti-
lineal directions; (3) two Tali' as (scouts), made like the Ftt % but with two
faces, and moving like the modern European Bishop except that they could
not move one step only ; (4) two Jamals (camels), made like a camel with
head, neck, and hump, but without fore-paws or hind-feet like the other
pieces, and moving with a slant leap to the opposite corner of a rectangle
2x4; (5) two Zurafas (giraffes), made like the Asp or Faras, but with two faces,
and moving with a slant move compounded of a diagonal move of one square,
followed by a straight move of three or more squares. If any of the squares
it was thus proposed to traverse were occupied, the Zurftfa was debarred from
making that move ; unlike Asp and Jamal, he had no power of leaping.
14 The India Office MS. places tjie Dabbabas on al and jl ; B.M. 16827 substitutes Asps
(Per. asp « hone) for the Dabbabas, and places them on al, jl. As usual, the diagrams are
corrupt.
Digitized by Google
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
345
Ten of the eleven Pawns were allotted, one to each of the ten types of
piece, which not only bore the name of the piece throughout (e. g. in Ar.
baidaq a f- fait a or in Per. piyada abfarzin), but were made to resemble their
allotted piece. The eleventh Pawn was made like an ordinary chess- pawn,
and was called in Per. piyada piyadagan (Pawn of the Pawns) or piyada ad
(Original Pawn) and in Ar. baidaq al-bayadiq, All the Pawns moved and
captured as in the ordinary game, but their promotion was restricted to the
rank with which they were associated by name. The Pawns’ Pawn was
treated in a special way. On reaching the end of the board he remained there
as a ( dummy Pawn ’, immune from capture, until his owner chose to employ
him to * fork ’ two of the opponent’s pieces, or to attack a piece which had no
retreat open, when he could place the Pawns’ Pawn in the necessary position
to make the capture on the following move, and if this square was occupied
by any piece whatever of either colour he could remove it and substitute the
Pawn. After this the Pawns* Pawn continued to advance normally as a Pawn
until he reached the end of the board again. He now became King’s Pawn,
and was placed upon that Pawn’s original square. Finally, on reaching the
end of the board for the third time, he became Shah masuffa (adventitious
King) with the King’s move. The original KP became Shahzada (Prince).
I find considerable variation in the arrangement of the board in the
different authorities. 15
(а) BAS (1).— Kf2, Qe2, Wg2,B al and kl, Jcl and il, Del and gl, Zd2
and h2, Tc2 and i2, Ktb2 and j2, lta2 and k2, PPa3, DPb3, JPc3, BPd3,
QPe3, KPf3, WPg3, ZPh3, TPi3, KtPj3 ; RPK3. The Elm adjoins k2.
(б) RAS (2). — The same, except Kfl, Qel, Wgl, De2 and g2, KPf2.
(c) b. ‘Arabshah, 5 MSS. 16 — Kfl, Qel, Wgl, Bal and kl, Jcl and il, Ze2
and g2, Td2 and h2, Dc2 and i2, Ktb2 and j2, R a2 and k2, PPa3, QPb3,
WPc3, JPd3, BPe3, KPf2, ZPg3, TPh3, DPi3, KtPj3, RPk3.
The conclusion of the game was hedged in with special rules. Shah qdm
could not happen so long as the confined King had any of his own pieces
remaining in his vicinity ; shah mat could not easily be given so long as
other pieces were remaining in the army of the attacked King, for he could
(once only) change places with another of his pieces 17 when so checked or
staled. Finally, if a player could reach the citadel in his opponent’s half
of the board the game was drawn, unless that square were occupied by
the shah mastiff a . Further refinements of vocabulary are to be. found in
shah fat , a check remedied by the above manoeuvre ; shah at , a check that can
be covered; shah tat , one that cannot be covered; and shah qam % when the
King was separated from his men.
18 The opponent's men are arranged precisely similarly from his point of view, e. g.
PPk8, DPj8, Ac.
16 Viz. Oxf. Laud 148 and Digby Or. 16 ; Gotha, Mailer 293 and 466 j and the Vienna Ms.
The diagram in Al. (Elliott 274) is incomplete. It resembles that of ii. 9, below, in that the
vacant squares are filled, but I can only read the names of the pieces added on f 1 (Kashshaf ),
il (Sfotfur, camel), and jl {Shir, lion).
17 The piece so sacrificed was called fidd (victim). This word is still in use in Turkish
chess, in the simple sense of 4 sacrifice'. Several problems in Ber. are headed rukhjida , Ac.
Digitized by
346
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
This clumsy c improvement * of the ordinary game is attributed by the
author of HAS to a Greek philosopher called Hermes, who was a con-
temporary of Moses. It was, so he avers, introduced into India at the time
of Alexander the Great's invasion, and the ordinary chess was abridged from
it by Sassa b. Dabir, and, according to our romancer, the game was com-
pletely spoiled thereby.
II. (9) The copyist of the MS. Brit. Mus. 7322 of b. 'Arabshah found
himself unable to resist the temptation to fill in the vacant squares of the
Great chess with new pieces whose names show a departure from the war-
derived nomenclature of the original Indian chess. He gives no information
as to the moves that his new pieces were to possess. Adopting as the basis
of the arrangement of the pieces that of II. 8 (a) he has added on bl and jl
’ Asads (lions), on dl and hi Thanr % (bulls), on fl a Kashekaf (sentinel), and has
replaced the Wazlr on g2 by a Lukhm (crocodile). The Pawns are arranged
as in the HAS (1) figure, but the Lion’s Pawn is added on c4, the Sentinel’s
Pawn on f4, and the Bull’s Pawn on i4.
II. (10) A more modern Shafranj al-kablr (Great chess) is described in
a Turkish encyclopaedia, the ad-durar al-muntakhabat aUmamhur fl isldh
al-Ghalatat al-ma*hliura y of Amlnallah Abur-Rafid Muhammad IJafid, which
was lithographed at Constantinople in 1221/1805-6. This game is played on
a board of 13 x 13 squares with 26 men on each side. These are the 16 men
of the ordinary chess, 5 extra Pawns, a Great Ferz (Z), and two Karkaddan
(rhinoceros, Rh), and two Ahu (gazelle, G). The Great Ferz has the move
of Zurdfa in II (8) ; the Rhinoceros combines the moves of the modem
Bishop and Knight ; the Gazelle has the move of the Jamal in II (8). The
Pawns occupy the 4th and 10th lines, and the pieces are arranged thus: Ral
and ml, Ktbl and 11, Bel and kl, Rhdl and jl, Gel and il, Zfl, Kgl,
and Qhl.
My third group comprises games from Indian sources, and my oldest
authority is the MS. Oxf., which I have described
in Chapter X. It contains two games.
III. (11) A modem variety of Decimal chess
with 22 men on either side, is described in the fifth
ma'raka of this work, ff. 95 a - 101 b. The first six
leaves contain twelve problems with solutions, 1 *
f. 101 a gives the arrangement of the board, 101 b
the explanation of the algebraical notation used in
the solutions of the problems. The new pieces are
a Wazlr , with the moves of our Bishop and Knight ;
a Zurdfa^ moving as our Queen and our Knight ;
and two Dabbaba* moving as our Rook and Knight. The arrangement of the
board is : Kfl (elO) ; R al and jl ; Kt bl and il ; Bel and hi ; Wdl, Zel,
•
18 These are for the most part incorrect. As a specimen I give one from f. 97 a, to which
the MS. gives the following solution in seven moves : 1 Rj9 + ; 2 Kti8 + ; 8 Wd4 + ;
4 Be6 + ; 6 Zf6 + ; 6 Qj9 + ; 7 P x Z mate.
Black plays and mates with
Pawn (see foot-note).
digitized by CjOCK^Ic
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
347
Qgl (dlO), De2 and f2, Ps on a2, f b2, c2, d2, e3, fB, g2, h2, i2, j2. The
ordinary chessmen move as in the modern game, except that the Pawns have
no initial double step.
III. (12) The same MS. describes a Great chess (shafranj kablr) on
ff. 102 a seq. It is played on a board of 12 by 12 squares, and there are 32
pieces on either side. The new pieces are those of III (11), two Lions [shir),
and other pieces whose names I cannot discover, but which are. designated
on the diagram by the contractions M , Shh , and Wkh. The arrangement of
the board is Kgl (f. 12) ; R al, 11 ; Kt bl, kl ; B cl, jl ; Lion dl (il2) ; Wei ;
Zfl ; Shh hi (el 2) ; Wkh il ; Mf2(gll); Qg2 ; Df3, g3 ; P a2, b2, c2, d2,
e2, e3, e4, f4, g4, h2, h3, h4, i2, j2, k2, 12.
Three other games are supplied by Lala Raja Babu’s Moallim ul shatranj , 19
III. (13) Atranj or Qatranj , a variety of Decimal chess with 22 pieces
a side. Two diagrams are given of this game, one on p. 189 and a corrected
one on p. 340. The only difference consists in the names of the pieces. The
game closely resembles No. 11 above. The arrangement of the board is Shah, fl
(elO): Rukh, al, jl ; Ghora (Kt), bl, il, e3, f3 ; Fl l, cl, hi, with move of our
Bishop ; Bnkhshi , paymaster, dl (glO), with move of modern Bishop + Knight ;
Wazlr , el (flO), with move of our Queen ; Shahzada , prince, gl, with move of
our Queen + Knight ; Qalmaqlni , armed female attendant, e2, f2, with
move ‘ one square towards the opponent’s King ’ ; Paidal (P), a2, b2, c2,
d2, g2, h2, i2, j2. The corrected diagram puts the Wazlr on dl (glO) ;
Shahzada on el (flO) ; Padshah (K) on fl (elO) ; Kdtwal , chief of police, on
gl , with the Bukhshfs move ; and replaces the Qalmaqini by Urdabeglni ,
armed female attendants.
III. (14) A variety, also on a 12 x 12 board, with 24 pieces on either side;
The arrangement of the board is llukh (R), al, 11 ; Ghora (Kt),bl, kl ; Dahja ,
standard, cl, jl, with move of Bishop; Rat’ha , chariot, dl, il, with move of
Rook ; Fll , el, hi ; Wazlr, fl (gl2) ; Padshah , K, gl (f 12). The second row
is occupied by 12 Paidal or Pawns.
III. (15) A third variety, played on a 14 x 14 board, with 28 men on either
side, is thus arranged : Rukh, al, nl ; Ghora , bl, ml ; Dahja , cl, 11 ; Rat-ha, dl,
kl ; Fll, el, jl ; Shahzada, fl (il4) and Wazlr , gl (hl4), both with move of our
Queen ; Raja , hi (gl4), and Rani, queen, il (fl4), both with move of our King.
The 14 Pawns are placed on the second and thirteenth lines.
Of the making of these games there need be no end, and I have no doubt
that many other varieties have been proposed and perhaps played, of which
19 The work describes other games, e. g. (1, 2) round chess , see above ; (8) shatranj ditedna shah,
in which White with solitary King plays against the whole of the Black forces, with the
compensating liberty of moving as any one of the chessmen (Falkener, 217, describes this
game under the fanciful name of the Maharaja and the Sepoys ) ; (4) the game of the Paicns, each
player having King and eight Pawns on their original squares ; (5) shatranj shir bakii, in
which two shir (Lions) on dl, el fight against thirty- two bakri (Goats) on the 5th, 6th, 7th,
and 8th rows — a game of the Fox and Geese type ; (6) chaturdjt , taken from Forbes ; (7) shatranj
Timtiri , also from Forbes ; and (8) Four-handed chess , on a cruciform- shaped board, made by
adding three rows of eight squares to each edge of the ordinary board. Every P&dsliah stands
on his Wazir’s right.
Digitized by
Google
348
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
we have been spared the knowledge. Thus in the Memoirs of the War in Asia
from 1780 to 1784 (London, 1789) mention is made of two more complex
games of chess which were played in Southern India, in one of which there
were 60 men employed. Mr. Platt possesses an incomplete set of chess of
Indian workmanship, in which there are additional pieces, although there are
only eight Pawns. It may accordingly belong to a game like Lala Raja
Babu’s Atranj.
My fourth group contains the various modifications of chess which are
given in the last section of the Libro del Acedrex of Alfonso X of Castile (the
MS. Alf.).
IV. (16) Decimal chess, Acedrex de las diez casas. No account of this game
is given in the MS., but it appears from the instructions as to the making
of the special dice required for playing it (f. 84 a) that in addition to the
ordinary pieces it contained two major pieces, called Juyz (Judge), and two
additional Pawns. No information is given as to the move of the Juyz. The
game could be played either without dice, or by the help of dice with seven
faces, which were specially designed for this game. In the latter case the
throws were interpreted thus : 7, the Rey (K) moves ; 6, the Alfferza (Q) ;
5, the Roque (R) ; 4, the Cavallo (Kt) ; 3, the Juyz ; 2, the Alffil (B) ; 1, the
Peon (P). The dice were also used for a variety of Tables (el Iuego de la*
Tablas del Acedrex de las Diez casas) on a board of 28 points with 34 men
(f. 85 a).
IV. (17) Great chess, Grande acedrex (f. 81 a). This game, the in-
vention of which Alfonso attributes to India, was played on a board of 12 x 12
squares.
The pieces, their positions and moves are shown in the following table :
No.
Sp. Name.
English.
Position.
Move.
1
Rey
King .
fl (fl2)
To any adjacent sq. with a leap to a 3rd sq. (dl,
d3, f3, hS, hi only) for 1st move.
A move compounded of one step diagonally,
followed by any number straight.
1
Aanca
Gryphon
g 1 gl 2 )
2
Unicomio
Unicorn
cl, jl
First move »» Kt (but cannot capture), after-
wards a modern B.
2
Roque
Rook .
al, 11
As our R.
2
Leon
Lion .
bl, kl
Leap to 4th sq. in straight directions, e. g. from
bl to b4 or el.
2
Coeatriz .
Crocodile
el, hi
As our B.
2
Zaraffa .
Giraffe .
dl, il
Diagonal leap to opposite corner of a rect. 5 by 2.
It changed the colour of its sq. each move.
12
Peon
i
Pawn .
On 4th
(9th) row
As our P, but with no double step. Promotion
to master-piece of file ; on /-file, to Aanca.
The game was played without or with dice. In the latter case dice with
eight faces were used, which were specially made for this game. The throws
were interpreted thus : 8, Rey moves ; 7, Aanca ; 6, Roque ; 5, Leon ; 4, Leon ;
3, Coeatriz ; 2, ZarafFa ; 1, Peon. This interpretation follows what Alfonso
considered the order of value of the pieces.
IV. (18) Four-handed chess, Acedrex de los quatro tiempos (f. 87 a).
Digitized by Google
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
349
The four players symbolized the struggle between the following groups
of four :
Seasons.
Elements.
Colours.
Humours.
Spring
Air
Green
Blood
Summer
Fire
Red
Choler
Autumn
Earth
Black
Melancholy
Winter
Water
White
Phlegm
The ordinary chessboard was used for this game, but the two major
diagonals were drawn across the centre group of 16 squares. The reason
given for this is that it divided the players, and showed in which directions
the Pawns were to be moved. I give a diagram of the arrangement of the
board. It will be noted that each player has K, R, Kt, B, and 4 Ps, as in
the four-handed Indian dice-chess, but that the arrangement is different. The
Pawns play in the directions that they
face, along the edges of the board, and
on reaching the opposite edge become Alf-
ferzas (Qs) at once. Green commences,
and the order of play is Green, Red,
Black, White. Each player attacks the
player who succeeds him, and defends
himself from the player who preceded
him. There is* no alliance between op-
posite players, but, as they have to a
certain extent common interests, it is
probable that an informal alliance ob-
tained. When a player was mated he
fell out, his conqueror appropriated his
surviving men, and the three survivors continued the game. The final sur-
vivor won. The game was played for money, and the MS. lays down rules for
the payments to be made for captures, checks, and mates, and arranges a pool
which goes to the final winner. The game was played without dice, though,
as in the case of the ordinary chess, dice might be used. In this case the
throws were interpreted : 6, K moves ; 5, Q moves ; 4, R ; 3, Kt ; 2, B ; 1, P
moves. A variety of Tables , played on a circular board with 6 points to
each quadrant, by 4 players with 12 men apiece, is attached to this chess
in the MS.
IV. (19) Los Escaques (f. 95 a). This game is possibly identical with the
Astronomical chess named by al-Mas'udl and al-AmulI. It is singular that
AHbnso gives it for name the Castilian form of the Latin scacci y which was
elsewhere in Western Christendom given to the ordinary chess. The board
consists of 7 concentric rings, which are divided into 12 equal parts by radii
from the common centre. Each of these 12 ‘ houses ’ is allotted to one of
the constellations of the Zodiac, and each ring is the orbit of a luminary
of the Ptolemaic system. The arrangement is as follows, starting from the
innermost ring and moving outwards :
gg
■
m
s
Si
E
m
■
u
e
S3
B
B
B*
■
u
Va
B
m
■
■
■
B*
Va
m
■
■
■
■
■
%
B!
p
■
□
□
U
■
iS
□
□
El
H
□
U
□
□
u
[gj
H
m
■
□nn
The Game of the Four Seasons Alf.
Digitized by
350
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
No. of ring.
Name.
Sign.
No. of points
in each House.
Starting-Point.
Colour.
Innermost
Moon .
a
1
Cancer .
White
2
Mercury
s
2
Virgo .
Parti-coloured
3
Venus .
?
3
Taurus .
Violet
4
Sun
o
4
Leo
Yellow
5
Mars
0*
5
Scorpio
Red
6
Jupiter
V
6
Sagittarius .
Green
7
Saturn
f?
7
Aquarius
Black
The seven players throw a seven-faced die in order to determine the choice
of luminary, and the throws are interpreted by columns 2 and 4 above.
Tlio Game of Los Escaques, Alf.
They then play in turn, throwing the die in order to determine the number
of points through which to advance their pieces. Each luminary keeps to
its own path, but points are scored whenever a player moves his piece in
sextile (i. e. 2 ‘ houses ’ distant from another piece), when he wins 24 from
Digitized by Google
chap, xvi GAMES FROM MUSLIM AND INDIAN CHESS
351
the other player, or trine (i. e. 4 ‘houses* distant), when he wins 36. If,
however, he play in quadrature (3 ‘houses* distant) he loses 36, if in opposi-
tion (6 ‘houses’ distant) he loses 72, and if in conjunction (the same ‘ house*
with another piece) he loses 12. The game continues as long as the players
like to play. As in the case of the other games, there is an allied game of
Tables (f. 97 a) upon a circular board divided into 7 sectors with 7 points in
each sector. The players have seven men apiece.
None of the astronomical games named in this chapter has any con-
nexion with that described in W. Fulke’s Ovpavo/jLa\ia, or Aslrologornm Indus ,
which was published in London in 1571 and reissued in 1572 and 1575.
Digitized by Google
'chapter XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
The origin and history of the changes in the game. — The modern game of Persia,
Turkey, and the lands bordering the Mediterranean. — Ruml chess, or the Muslim
game of India. — Abyssinian chess.
In the preceding Chapters, from X to XV, I have treated fully of the
ordinary eight-square chess as it appears in Muslim authorities, covering a
period of alxmt 700 years, from the time of al-'Adll of Baghdad to that of
b. Sukaikir of Damascus and Aleppo. None of the works that I have used
shows any signs of a loss of popularity, or any traces of a desire for changes
in the rules of chess. So far as Muslim evidence goes, Muhammadans were
playing at Damascus in 1575 the identical game that al-'Adli had played
in 850. The player who desired to experiment enlarged his board and
introduced new pieces in his ‘ greater chess * ; he left the ordinary game alone.
It is plain that there were no forces making for change from within, and,
if changes were to come, the motive forces must be looked for from without.
We may discover them in the chess of Western and Southern Europe,
a game that had been received from the Muslim world before the year 1000.
European players have never exhibited the reluctance to make changes in the
game of chess which was shown by the Muslims. Certainly from 1275, and
probably even earlier, players had come to the conclusion that the game could
be improved by alterations in the moves of some of the pieces, and the changes
culminated before 1500 in the adoption of the moves of the chessmen which
we use to-day. The new game, which appeared just before 1500 and was
practically complete and adopted generally through Western Europe by 1600,
compelled methods of play that emphasized the science of the Opening, and
tactics which were hardly needed in the older game. By 1600 the differences
were unmistakable ; before 1500 a casual observer might be excused for
thinking the Muslim and the European games identical.
Political relations between the Muhammadan countries and Western
Europe, with the additional difficulties imposed by the existence of the Greek
Eastern Empire, can hardly be held to have been favourable for a chess-
intercourse between East and West. But there was always a trade with the
Levant from the Italian republics, and sooner or later it was inevitable that
players of the two games should come in contact with one another. Then
it may well have happened that the two games would be compared, that
the supposed advantages of each would be canvassed, and that varying
opinions would be put to the test of an actual game. Doubtless long before
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
353
1600 there would be, from one end of the Mediterranean to the other, a more
or less clear knowledge among chess-players of the salient features of the
Muslim and European games, and this knowledge would mean the intro-
duction of modifications in the less advanced game. European chess was
essentially a reformed variety of Muslim chess, and that it was an improved,
not a retrograde, form had been demonstrated by the experience of centuries.
Changes would therefore be expected first in the trade centres, and it
would be a mere question of time before they had spread back to the chess
circles of the interior. The gradual nature of the process is illustrated by
uncertainty of rule or practice, and by the persistence of the unreformed game
in distant or inaccessible corners. We have an example of this in Abyssinian
chess, which to-day is practically still untouched by the influence of European
chess.
The earliest records of changes in Muslim chess occur, as might have been
expected, in Italian works. Perhaps the earliest account is that which is
given in an Italian MS. work, Libro che insegna giocar a scaclri , written
between 1620 and 1640, and now in Mr. J. G. White’s possession. This
work contains two references to Turkish chess which are not entirely in
harmony. The earlier passage is mainly describing the chess ‘ al’antiga ’ of
Europe, and the addition * as can be observed to-day among the Turks ’ is
probably not to be taken too absolutely. There is no attempt made to dis-
criminate in details between the older European and the Turkish game, and
the only rule which is definitely described as being observed in Turkish chess
is that the Bishop ( deljino ) moves as in old chess. The second passage, f. 101,
describes the ‘ chess aVautiga as practised by the Moors and Turks * in the
following way :
It is noted for your greater knowledge that the Bishop leaps from 3 squares
to 3 squares, neither more nor less, aslant or cornerwise, and like the Knight it can
leap over every piece, whether forwards or backwards, and it captures thus and not
otherwise.
The Queen makes its move always on the white squares ; it cannot leap more
than one square aslant or cornerwise, whether forwards or backwards, excepting the
first time that it moves, when it can at once leap 3 squares in all directions, whether
aslant or rectangularly, and over every piece, and its power of capture is not
otherwise than in one way only, it not being allowed the first move. This is for the
white Queen ; the black Queen does the same, except that its path is always on
a black square.
If the Pawn shall be made Queen on a white square it will always go by the
white squares from square to square as the principal Queen goes, and when it is
made it can leap the first time the 3 squares as is said above of the Queen. If it be
made Queen on a black square it will always go on the black.
We see from this that the 1 Queen’s leap 9 had penetrated to some forms
of Muslim chess. This addition to the power of the old Fers or Queen and
to that of the promoted Pawn had already been made in some forms of
European chess before 1300, and was adopted generally in the 14th c. By
1500 a different move for the Queen was in use in Spain and in Italy, and
the older move was probably obsolete in the Mediterranean lands by 1560.
Digitized by boogie
354
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
The suggestion is that this change must have commenced in the Levant
before 1500 ; after that date we should expect to find the modern move of
the Queen.
At the end of the same century we have another reference in Francesco
Piacenza’s I Cam peggiamen ft dcjU Scacchl (Torino, 1683). Chapter v of this
work treats € Of the customs which the Turks, Moors, and Levantine J ews 1
hold in castling the King, and in their first moves of the Pawns’. Our
gossipy author says :
In the city of Livorno in Tuscany there was prisoner a Chiaus or Ambassador
from the realm of Egypt who boasted that he was the first chess-player in the world.
As I was urged by some of my friends, I went to play with him in the Bagno of that
city, and the first day we played 13 parties or games, the first of which the Chiaus
won, and the other 12 I won in succession and with such ease that I think I could
beat him in my sleep. But in all this I was obliged to condescend to castle my
King in the cursed African fashion, which is first to move him one square into the
row of Pawns, and then another move, to move the Rook and at the self-same time
to place the King on the Rook’s square. 1 In this way I continued to play, not only
with him, but also with a Jew from Smyrna named Moses, who besides the above
custom of castling the King had another beautiful kind of chessboard as is mentioned
in the following chapter. . . . The moves of the Pawn which these transmarines
make are also different from ours, i.e, the Pawn cannot be played or pushed more
than one square at a time. . . .
The following chapter (vi) describes ‘The form of the chessboard which is
used in the Levant and in Africa *, with a figure of an unchequered board.
Piacenza greatly overestimated the difficulty of playing on such a board. He
goes on to say :
Their pieces are all of a form, so that it is difficult to distinguish between Knight
and Bishop or Rook, or Rook and Queen, or Queen and King or Pawns.
Hyde, a contemporary, gives illustrations, which I reproduce, of the chessmen
A
A
LX LX
Turkish chessmen (K, Q, B, Kt, R, P). From Hyde.
in use in Muslim lands in his time. These may help to explain Piacenza's
complaint.
An important note on the first leaf of MS. BM explains the difference
between the chess of the MS. and that of the writer’s day. Sir R. K.
Douglas dates the note * probably 18th c.* It belongs to Basra or Baghdad.
This book differs from what we recognize in our time, for the Firzan now unites
the power of the Firzan and the 2 Fils ; and one of the Fils moves diagonally through
halt* the squares of the cloth as it likes when there is no obstacle in its way, and the
1 The Jews probably often acted as the intermediaries in the diffusion of the European
rules Eastwards.
* I.e. Black, K on its own sq., dl, KR on al, c2 blank. Black plays 1 Kc2 ; 2 Rdl
and Kal.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XVIL
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
355
other diagonally through the remaining half. The Fll of this book, however,
marches aslant 3 squares setting snares diagonally, neither exceeding nor falling
short of this number. The Firzan marches like the Baidaq, except that it goes
aslant every way, to the right and left, and so backwards. It does not march in the
straight directions. The Shah’s march is greater than the Firzan’s, for he moves
one square every way in the straight directions, and also shares in the diagonal
move of one square in every direction. If we draw a board of 9 lines by 9, there
will be 64 squares. Each square is of this type (see Figure): the corners are
named by a single letter, and the sides by two, thus A, B, J, and D are corners, and
AB is a side. The squares are numbered with the Indian numerals (see Figure).
Baidaq, Shah, and Rukh go one way in it. The Rukh marches in direction AB
as far as 57, and in direction BD as far as 8, as it likes when there is no obstruction.
In whatever square it happens to be, it marches in these four direc-
tions. There is no limit or end to its march unless there is
obstruction. The Baidaq moves similarly from 9 to 17, thence to
25, reckoning square by square, except that it takes aslant, as
from 9 to 18 and thence to 27 or 25.
The Shah steps from 4 to 3, 5, 11, or 13. Similarly from
13 to 5, 12, 14, or 21, straight, and also to 4, 6, 20, or 22. So
he moves square by square in eight directions, taking in just the
same way.
The move of the Firzan of the book resembles that of the Shah, except that its
move is cornerwise and not straight. Thus from
13, it takes in 4, 6, 20, and 22, and not in 5, 12,
14, or 21.
The right-hand Fil goes from 6 to 20 or 24,
from 20 to 2, 6, 34, or 38, and in no other way.
The left-hand Fll in 3 goes to 21 or 17, from
21 to 7, 3, 35, or 39.
The conventional Fil on the right-hand goes
from 6 to 41 as it likes, or to 24 as it likes. From
24 it goes to its original position or to 59 as it
likes. So it follows the same rule diagonally that
the Rukh follows in the straight directions, but
the Fils halve the squares of the cloth between
them, while the Rukhs can move independently
to every square. The Fils of the book only go
round half the board conjointly and not singly,
because the Fils in 3 and 6 do not complete singly but only conjointly, while the
conventional Fils complete singly and conjointly their own special halves, whereas
the Fils in the book are independent, each with a quarter. The conventional Firz
unites the powers of the Rukh, the conventional Fil, and of one of the Faras.
a
D
□
□
□
□
□
D
□
□
□
□
□
D
D
□
m
□
2|
□
m
□
23
EH
23
□
m
□
m
S3
□
oa
□
Q
□
23
□
m
23
S3
S3
5
m
ml
23
23
Numbering of squares attributed
to Muhammad Sa'id.
We have here evidence of a great advance towards the moves of the modern
European game, though there is still some uncertainty. In one place the
Firzdn is said to unite the moves of Firzan (? read Rook) and Kls, in the other
it is given the moves of Rook, Fll, and Faras. This is a more extensive move
than has ever been tried in the ordinary European game, but there is plenty of
evidence to show that the Queen was given the Knight’s move, in addition to
the move that it has in our game, in countries in which the European rules
were ousting the original native method of play. Russian chess went through
this phase, and the Queen in Georgian chess still possessed this extended
move in 1874. For Turkish chess we have the statement from a contemporary
source, which Twiss has preserved in his Miscellanies (London, 1805, ii.
z 2
Digitized by Google
^ \ MM ^
356
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
112-3), in explanation of the success with which the Turkish ambassador
played with Philidor in 1795.
It must be observed that the Turk could only play with his own men, which were
very different from those used by us, and difficult to be distinguished, and that the
Queen had likewise the move of the Knight, as in Russia .
Phillip Stamma, who described himself as a native of Aleppo in Syria, and
who was for some time Interpreter of the Oriental Languages to King
George II, gives some information about the Syrian game as he knew it, in
the Preface to his Noble Game of Chess (London, 1745). The Orientals ‘don’t
allow of Castling ’ ; a promoted Pawn can only become a Queen, the player
giving stalemate or baring his opponent’s King wins the game. The board is
commonly an unchequered handkerchief or piece of calico, the dividing lines
being in another colour.
The German translation of Marinelli’s II Giuoco degli Scacchifra tre (Napoli,
1722), published under the title of Das dreyseitige Schachbretl (Regensburg,
1765), contains a note (pp. 31-6) on chess in Africa. The translator met in
Vienna in 1748 a certain Osman Effendi, who was there as an envoy from
Tripoli, and played chess with him with very even results. He tells us that
the Tripolitans ‘castled’, played chess for a stake (especially the Jews), could
still win by ‘ baring ’ the opponent’s King, and played on unchequered cloths.
The Dane, Georg Host, speaking of Morocco, in his Efterretninger om
Marokos og Fes (Copenhagen, 1779, pp. 105-6), says:
All games of chance are prohibited in the 2nd and 5th chapters of the Qur’an ;
however, they play them in private, and especially the Spanish game al-Hombre.
Setrengsgh or chess is alone permitted, and is their chief game. Some are real
masters at it. They do not play for money, but whoever loses must allow the other
to place a feather or straw in his turban or cap, which rarely irritates them. They
call the King esehech , the Queen Idla, the Rook erroch , the Knight elf&rs, the Bishop
djtt, and the soldiers elhari. The pieces, however, have no resemblance to any
creature but have only certain distinctions and marks of difference on them which
foreigners have first to learn to recognize. 5
To the close of the 18th c. belongs the MS. * Ber.’, which has been briefly
described on p. 181. This Turkish MS. gives no definite information as to the
rules governing its problems, and only rarely adds any hints for their solution.
* We may recognize ash shah, ar-rukh, aX-faras , and alfU in these forms, which attempt to
preserve the pronunciation of the Maghrib dialects. Ldlla, Ldllah , Ldlli (Dozy, SuppL aux diet
arabeSy Leiden, 1878) is the Maghrib name for a lady of the better classes. The use of the
word in chess can only be explained as a result of Spanish influences. These are so potent
that to-day the Moors of the coast towns of Morocco use European chessmen, notwithstanding
the fact that the Knight is thus undoubtedly an image of a horse. Culin ( CPC ., 862, n. 1)
tells of the failure of the U.S. Nat. Museum to obtain native pieces. A recent work on
Morocco, D. Meakin’s The Moors , London, 1902, p. 124, would seem to show that the popularity
of chess is on the wane :
4 Indoors the Moors have few amusements, chess being indulged in by a small proportion
of the better educated only, though draughts are more common, being played in coffee-
houses with astonishing rapidity, accompanied by voluble remarks not always compli-
mentary.*
In a footnote Mr. Meakin tells how the q&dl at Shlr&z had expressed to him his horror at
the practice of chess, first alleging that it was a game of chance and accordingly illegal, and
when this was disproved, he said it was abhorrent to all ShiUtes because the murderers of
al-Hasan and al-Husain had played it just before the murders.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
357
It is clear, however, that the bulk of its problems are played with the European
moves of the men, although a few favourite problems of the older game — as for
instance the Dildram position — have been included, without any reference to the
fact that the moves of the pieces are not the same as in the other games.
A few T problems are resettings of older material, but I have not identified
any as occurring among the 100 problems that Phillip Stamma included in
his Essai snr le Jeu (V (left tes (Paris, 1737). One problem from the MS. is,
however, repeated in the Ghalatat al-mashhura (Stambul, 1221/1805-6), a work
which I have already cited for a modern form of Great chess. I give four
positions from this MS. Generally the number of moves in which the solution
No. 1. f. 2b. 4 White begins.
Mate 13.’
No. 2. f. 11a. ‘ White begins.
Q and R sacrifice. Mato 7.'
HP
V
-mm
i r i *
:?
P SSI M
m m m m
"S ?
* M. ® B
SPP i"?
iMif
i = i
m m '*
m m m m
No. 3. f. 26a. ‘White begins.' No. 4. f. 34a. 4 Black begins.’
Problems of Modern Turkish chess ; from MS. Ber. 4
is intended is given, but the moves of each player are counted separately, what
we should call a mate in 5 being described as a mate in 9.
None of these 18th c. references makes any allusion to a crosswise arrange-
ment of the Kings, and Stamina’ s silence seems to me to be conclusive as to its
non-existence in the native circles in Aleppo in his lime. There is nothing to
show whence the change came, but it now exists throughout Islam, excepting
in India, and it is mentioned by all the observers of the 19th c.
4 Solutions to the four problems from MS. Ber. :
No. 1. Mate in 7 by 1 Qf4+, Ka8!; 2 Ral + , BxR!; 3 Qb8 + , KxQ; 4 Bf4+, Be5 ;
5 B x B + ; 6 Ral + , Kta6; 7 RxKt in. The P (e7) cannot interpose on move 1, since there
is no 4 double step’ in Turkish chess.
No. 2. Mate in 4 by 1 Qf7 ♦ , K x Q ! ; 2 RxP(f6) + , Kg8; 3 Rh8+ , KxR; 4 Rf8m.
No. 3. Mate in 5 by 1 Rdl + , Kli2 !; 2QxP + , Rx Q ! ; 3 Rhl + , K x R ; 4 Rdl + d,
Kh2; 5 Rhl m.
No. 4. Mate in 7 by 1 bKtcfi + , Kd7; 2 Qc8 + , Kd6 ; 3 Qd8 + , Kc5 ; 4 Qd4 + , Kb5 ;
5 Qb4 + , KaG; 6 Qa5 + , Kb7 ; 7 QxBm. This problem is also in the Ghalatat al-mashhilra ,
whence in v. d. Linde, i. 132 ; and in Walker’s Philidor (1832), p. 156, whence elsewheio.
Digitized by
358
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
The earliest of these descriptions occurs in Hamilton’s Egyptiaca (London,
1809, p. 258):
At chess we were by no means his (Elfi Bey's) equals. He played well, and with
great quickness. The board and pieces were but little different from those in use
with us. The squares are of one uniform colour divided by broad white lines. The
Pawns are not allowed to move two squares the first move, nor are the Queens, who
are called Yezirs, opposite to one another. Our Bishop is with them the Elephant.
The Castle is called Rukh, which is the name given in Arabia to a fabulous bird of
enormous size. The Knight is called Houss&n, or the Horse, and the Bishop Fil, or
the Elephant.
Next we have an account of modern Persian chess in the CPC., 1846, 211,
252, 278.® It was obtained from a party of young Persian noblemen who were
sent to Paris about 1845-6 by Sh&h Muhammad for purposes of education.
We may summarize the facts thus :
(1) The King is placed on the 4th square from the left-hand corner, i.e. on dl
and e8. The Queen consequently stands on the King's right.
(2) The Pawns can never move more than one square at a time.
(3) Provided the King has never been checked, he may move once as the Knight,
or may castle on his own side, this manoeuvre being played thus: K(dl)bl and
R(al)dl in one move. A similar manoeuvre on the other wing takes three moves
(1 lt~, 2 Ke2, 3 Kgl, using the Kt’s leap).
(4) A plurality of Queens is not admitted.
(5) The player who bares his opponent's King wins the game.
These notes on Persian chess are accompanied by three games that the
European informant had played with Riza Khan. They cannot be regarded
as really illustrative of Persian chess, but they show that the Persian player
had the same predilection for close, and specially for ‘fianchetto 5 Openings
that we shall shortly see to be characteristic of Turkish players.
We owe two valuable letters on Syrian chess to Vincenz Grimm, a noted
Hungarian chess-player, who was exiled for his share in the revolution of
1848. He settled first in Smyrna, from whence he addressed a letter to the
CPC „ in 1851,® and then in Constantinople, from whence he addressed a second
to the Schachzeitung in 1865. In the latter he says (Sch., 1865 ; 361-4) :
... Now as regards the rules in so far as they vary from ours. The Queen
stands on the King's left, and consequently opposite to the opponent's King. The
Pawn can only go one step, and can only be exchanged on the 8th line for a piece
which has already been captured. I have heard different opinions about castling.
Most players do not in the least know what it means. Some castle in 2 moves :
in the first the King moves 2 or 3 steps towards the Rook, and in the second the
Rook leaps over the King. Others take 3 moves ; 1 Ke2 or f2 ; 2 R^; 3 K makes
a Kt’s move behind the Pawns. All, however, agree that you can only castle during
the ‘opening’. I could never arrive at a definition telling when the ‘opening'
ceases, but I imagine it comes to an end whenever a capture is made. All this only
became clear to me when I observed that a player always waited then for bis
5 Cf. also Forbes, 247, who quotes the first passage from the CPC. This was modified
•considerably in the later communication.
6 This letter is given in exienso by Forbes, 243 seq. It contains an amusing anecdote of an.
Aleppo player of the eighteenth century, who played before the Sultan in Constantinople.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
359
opponent’s reply. For the first time that I played with an Arab and invited him to
commence the game, he made with incredible rapidity 10 or 12 moves one after the
other without in the least troubling himself about my play. When I asked in
astonishment, ‘ When does my turn come 1 * he rejoined in just as much astonishment,
* Why are you not moving ? * All this moving amounts to nothing more than an
alteration of the initial arrangement, in which it is a matter of no consequence
whether the one makes a couple of moves more than the other. I have also noticed
that during this preliminary play they never make two moves with the same man
(excepting the King in castling) so that the Pawns can never come to close quarters.
When each has arranged his army according to the new plau, the real game begins.
For instance one moves Pe3, Pg3, Bg2, Ktf3, Ke2, Rel, Kgl, Pb3, Bb2, Pd3,
Kt(bl)d2, Qe2, R(al)dl. Now he looks to see if his opponent has got so far.
If he has not, he waits a little.
Elsewhere, Grimm remarks upon the absence of strong players: he had
only encountered two of average strength, the one a young Druse at Damascus,
the other a peasant near Aleppo. On the other hand, he thought that the
strongest European player could easily lose, provided that he played on the
native board, with the native pieces, the native rules, and the native rapidity
of play. 7 As elsewhere throughout the East — and in Russia, Grimm adds — the
spectators take an active share in a game. He gives the Arabic names of
the pieces as K shah , Q vezir (= tvazlr), B fil, Kt begir (= horse), R roch
( = rukh ), P peda.
Grimm's account is corroborated by a brief note which first appeared in the
Chicago Times , and was copied thence into the BCM !, 1894 (p. 10) :
In setting the men, K faces Q. Pawns advance one square only. Castling is
carried out in two moves (not necessarily consecutive, I think), K first passing to
Kt sq. ; in so doing either K or R may leap over intervening Bishop, but not over
both Q and B on Q’s side. The R then moves to K sq., or on Q side to Q sq. The
first take is a bar to Castling, as also, of course, is the fact of the K having moved. . . .
Favourite Openings would seem to be — move out the centre Pawns, then the two Bs
to K3 and Q3, followed by the two Kts to K2 and Q2. Or the Bs may be developed
after style of Fianchetto by P-Kt3 both sides, and B-Kt2, both appearing to make
the same moves in the former case. The openings are played so rapidly that often
the second player appears to have got a move ahead of the first. It is all but
impossible to follow them. ... Alla Franca chess is now played quite as much by
educated Turks as the old-fashioned game.
This curious method of introductory play — which is also characteristic of
Abyssinian chess — is quite different from the more orderly Openings that are
known in the non-Muslim Indian games of chess. I believe that it has arisen
from the fact that opening play has always been more or less formal in nature
in Muslim chess. The ta'blyas of the early masters show that there was far
greater uniformity in the opening tactics than would be thought possible.
The popular openings at any one time were only one or two in number, and
there was a conviction that the opening did not matter. As-Sull referred to
7 This rapidity of play was noted in the case of the Cairo players by W. G. Browne, who
was there between 1792 and 1798, and who published his Travels in Africa , Egypt , and Syria in
1799. See v. d. Linde, ii. 174. At the present day, as I am informed, chess is losing
popularity in Egypt, and manqala and other simpler board -games are more generally
preferred.
360
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
this when he complained of the small amount of attention that the ordinary
player gave to his opponent’s moves. Each player had his own idea of the
opening position that he preferred, and each player made for it, regardless of
what his opponent was about. It was only when the one took a man that the
attention of the other was perforce arrested, and then the real game began.
Up to that point careless play led to rapid play, and rapid alternate play would
easily degenerate into the simultaneous disorderly hurry for a position which
has puzzled observers.
I possess a small Arabic manual on chess, the Al-bakura al-mariira fi Ictla
ash-shatravj ash-shaklra of Jijjis Filutha’us, 8 9 which was published in Egypt in
1892. While it is partly drawn from French sources, it also gives a specimen
of play from the Levant, which is introduced by the brief note —
In the following game from the Levant, the King of either colour is placed on
the right hand ; in castling the King, the Rook is moved as the players like up to
K sq. ; the Pawn only goes a square at a time ; the King can move once as a Knight.
The game follows. The Kings are placed on el and d8.
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
1 Pg3
Pb6
10 Bb2
Pf6
19 Ktb3
Ph4
28 Q x cP +
Rd7
2 Bg2
Ktc6
11 Pa3
P«6
20 Pg4
PxP
29 Qc5 +
Ke8
3 Ktf3
Bb7
12 Pa4
B R 7
21 KtxP
Ktx Kt
30 Q x B +
Rd8
4 Bayyat Bayyat*
13 Pd3
Ph5
22 Q x Kt
Qg6
31 Bc6 +
Kf8
5 Ph3
Pa6
14 Pd4
Pg5
23 Ktc5
Bc8
32 QxK +
Qe8
6 Kth2
Pd6
15 Pc3
Pf5
24 Kte4
Px Kt
33 QxQ mate.
7 Pe3
P<15
16 Pb4
Kth6
25 QxeP
Qf7
8 Qe2
Kta7
17 Pa5
Pb5
26 Qa8 +
Kd7**
9 Pb3
Ph6
18 KtJ2
Pe6
27 Q x Kt
Ke7
This work contains a vocabulary of technical terms, among which are bat
or bdta , stalemate, which is given as a draw ; bid l (or kassar , which is more
usual now), an exchange of two pieces of equal value : bayyat (also tahasun ),
castling in one move ; tafarzana , to queen a pawn ; tasatara , to cover an
attack ; taqdbala , to take the opposition ; qish-shah or kish y check, also said
to the Queen when attacked ; qalm y a drawn game. Some of these are also
found in the older writers ; but bat, bat a, is obviously simply the French j oat,
and the valuation of this ending is borrowed from European chess.
A second game from Algiers was published in the Rivista Scacchistica Italiana
in 1903, whence it was copied into other papers, as the Westminster Gazette .
According to the note that accompanied the game, the Kings are placed on el
and d8 ; there is no castling, but the King can once make a Knight's move,
provided he has neither been checked nor moved ; and the player giving
stalemate wins the game.
8 From liis name a Greek (George Pliilotheus). I suspect that Stamma was also a Greek.
His name cannot be Arabic. The title of Jirjis* book means ‘The brilliant firstfruits of the
famous game of chess '.
9 I.e. castles, White by Kgl and Rel ; Black by Kb8 and Rd8.
l * ‘ King makes a Knight's move.*
Digitized by
Google
[ Face pag * t ,361
Digitized by Google
Modern Muslim (Egyptian) Chessmen
Platt Collection
CHAP, XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
361
The game was played between Shaikh 'All and Sidi Zuaui, the former
having the white pieces.
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
1 Pg3
Pb6
10 Kd2
Rd8
19 P x P
Kt x P
28 Pf2
Re8
2 Bg2
KtcG
11 Qf3
Kc8
20 Qf4
Bx Kt
29 Rdl
Re7
*
3 Ktc3
Bb7
12 Eel
Kb8
21 Kt x B
Kt x Kt +
30 R(c3)d3
Pf6
*
4 Pl>3
Ktf6
13 Pb4
Pd 5
22 Kcl
Q x Q
31 Ed 7
RxR
5 Bb2
Pg7
14 Pa 3
Qe7
23 Px Q
Pd 4
32 R x R
Px P
*
6 Pg4
Bg6
15 Kbl
Kt x bP
24 B x B
KxB
33 R x hP
RxP
7 Pb3
Pe6
16 P x Kt
QxP
25 B x Kt
Px B
34 Rh6
Pa6
i.
8 Pe3
Pci 6
17 Kt("l)e2 Pe5
26 Re 3
Rd4
35 R x P
RxP
—
9 Pd3
Ke7
18 Pg5
Pe4
27 R x P
RxP
36 R x P
Rc3 wins
*
The chessmen used at the present time by Sunnite Muhammadans do not
differ very much from those that were used centuries ago ; the only consider-
able change being in the shape of the Rook, which no longer exhibits the
Kurdish chessmen (K, Q, B, Kt, K, P). From Culin.
expanded wings that were distinctive of this piece in the Middle Ages in
Europe also. Europeans generally complain of the difficulty in distinguishing
between the Fll and the Faras. The latter piece
has the more knob-like head. I give some illustra- q
tions of modern chessmen from the Nearer East.
-■ jr . , , . . Turkish chessmen
Other Muslim sects are not so opposed to using ^ k. B, Kt, R).
images for their chessmen, and both in Persia and Aftor Falkener.
India the wealthier players us^e sets consisting of beautiful carvings of kings,
elephants, horses, &c. But here also the simpler ‘ mushroom * type of piece is
used by the ordinary players.
In India, Muslim chess was exposed to different influences from those
which have remodelled the game on the shores of the Mediterranean. Here
it had to contend with a form of chess that was not obviously superior to
itself, so that the most powerful force for change was wanting. Religious and
social lines of cleavage also tended to reduce the possibility of extensive altera-
tion. The Muslim chess has, as a result, retained a definite form not far
removed from that which was played under the 'Abbasid caliphate, and Indian
writers have given it the name of liumi shatranj to distinguish it from the two
native games, Hindustani chess and Farsi chess , and from Feringhi chess (the
game of the governing European classes). Humt, originally the Arabic for
Roman, and generally associated with the Eastern Roman or Byzantine
m
\
I \
\
if
Digitized by
362
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
/
i
Empire, is now the colloquial term for ‘Western Asiatic', and the phrase
Rumi shafranj has been variously translated Roman, Byzantine, Greek, Grecian,
and Turkish chess.
DurgSprasada’s Risala i shatranj (Delhi, 1890) attributes the invention
of this form of chess to Lajlaj Rumi, the son of Slsa, and grandson of Da’Ir,
thus uniting all the principal characters of the Muhammadan chess legend.
The earliest description of the Rumi chess that I have found is contained
in a brief note which had been pasted, in the cover of the Persian MS. ‘ Oxf.’
by a former owner, the Rev. George Keene, in 1810. The first ma'raka or
arena of this MS. contains 99 problems, which are of the Rumi chess. Mr.
Keene’s note agrees with the later information in Durgaprasada’s book, and
with that in Lala Raja Babu’s Mo'allim ul shatranj (Delhi, 1901, p. 187). The
board is arranged as in the older Muslim and as in the European chess ; that
is to say, the crosswise arrangement of the Kings does not extend to Rumi
chess. In this it is unlike all the other varieties of Asiatic chess on the eight-
square board with which we have yet met. All the pieces preserve the moves
of the older Muslim game as described in Ch. XIII, with two small exceptions.
The Queen for its first move can be placed on its third square (Qd3 or Qd6),
passing if necessary over the unmoved Pawn on its second square. The
Queen’s Pawn for its first move can be placed on the Queen’s fourth square
(Pd4 or Pd5), passing, if necessary, over the Queen on her third square.
These two moves must be played as the first and second moves of the game.
Thenceforward the Queen can only move one square at a time diagonally, as in
the older game. A Pawn on reaching the end of the board becomes a Queen only,
and there is no limit to the number of Queens a player can possess at one time.
An older form of the Muslim game is also found in Abyssinia, apparently
the only part of that continent outside the Mediterranean countries in which
chess is played except by European settlers. Our earliest authority for Abyssinian
chess is Mr. Henry Salt (B. 1780, D. 1827), who was acting as Secretary to Lord
Valentia during his travels in the East, 1802-6. Abyssinia was then almost an
unknown land to Europeans, and in 1805 Lord Valentia sent Mr. Salt thither on a
mission to obtain information about the country. He visited Welled Selasse, the
Ras of Tigre, and brought away with him Welled’s chessmen, and the follow-
ing note on the game, which was incorporated in Lord Valentia's Travels (iii. 57).
On our arrival at Antalow, we found the Ras at breakfast, and were invited
to join him. ... In the evening we went into the hall, and found the Ras at Chess
in the midst of his chiefs. The chessmen, which were coarsely made of ivory, are
very large and clumsy ; when they have occasion to take any one of their adversary’s
pieces, they strike it with great force and eagerness from its place. I observed that
their game differs much from ours. Bishops jump over the heads of Knights, and
are only allowed to move three squares. The Pawns move only one step at starting,
and get no rank by reaching the end of the board. They play with much noise ;
every person around, even the slaves, having a voice in the game, and seizing the
pieces at pleasure to show any advisable move. We observed, however, that they
always managed with great ingenuity to let the Ras win every game. 10
10 The Palamede for 1888 has a translation of this description, which has been conakLesably
modified by the translator.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
363
The chessmen are now in the British Museum, along with three other
isolated pieces which are probably Kings. They are ivory, of undoubted
Muslim pattern, massive and plain in design. Originally one side was stained
or painted red, but the colour has nearly all worn away, and it is not easy to
distinguish between the sides.
A much better account of the Abyssinian game is to be found in W. C.
Plowden’s Travels in Abyssinia , edited after his death from his MS. by T. C.
Abyssinian chessmen, of Welled Selasse (K, Kt, B, Q, R, P).
Plowden (London, 1868). Mr. Plowden, who was British Consul in the
country, learnt the Abyssinian chess during his travels there in 1843-7, when
he played repeatedly with the natives at
their own games. This makes his evidence
the more valuable. He names chess as one
of the subjects of education for a chief in
Teegray. The Amharas, on the other hand,
are not so devoted to the game. He gives
the following account of the Abyssinian
game (p. 149) :
The game of . . . chess is found also in Ethio-
pia, and is denominated Sunteridge. 12 . . .
The chessboard consists of the usual number
of squares (64), and that in use by Abyssinians
is generally a piece of red cloth, the squares
marked out by strips of black sewn across at Abyssinian chessmen.”
equal distances. The chessmen are made of
ivory or hippopotamus, or lighter ones of horn; the former are ponderous and
massive, and all simple in their form — the difference being just sufficient to mark
the distinction of the pieces, and with no ornament or fancy-work. The number
of the pieces corresponds with ours, and the only difference in their arrangement
on the board is the placing of the two Kings opposite each other.
11 The left-hand one is of ivory, the other two are wood, coloured red with white stripes,
and the head-piece is white.
12 Evidently for shatranj . The names of several of the pieces are obviously Arabic also.
Unfortunately the MS. was only legible with difficulty, and the printed work gives furs for
both firz &nd far as. Dillmann, Lexicon Linguae Aeihiopicae (Leipzig, 1865) has sanidrdj or sdntdrash ;
Isemberg, Diet Amharic Lang . (London, 1841), sdntdrij ; W. C. Harris, Highlands of j. Ethiopia
(London, 2 ed., 1844, iii. 170), has shuntridge.
Digitized by boogie
364
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
The names and powers of the pieces are these : at each extreme, as our * Books
are the derr, moving as the Book precisely ; next to them the two Knights, or fur z,
the same as our Knights ; next to them are the pheels, or Bishop. This piece moves
obliquely, like our Bishop, but can only move or cover three squares, including its
own ; it cannot stop at the Knight’s second square, even if vacant ; at the same time
it can pass over any interposing piece on that square, or any other. The King
(negoose) and the/«rz occupy the two centre squares, the King the same as with us;
but the furz has only the very limited powers of moving one square in any direction,
taking only obliquely, however. The Pawns (or medaks) are the same as ours ;
in every respect there is no obligation to take.
The game is commenced in a singular manner, and in this consists one of the
excellences of a good player, as it frequently decides the fate of the game. Both
parties move as many pieces one after the other as they can lay their hands on,
and continue to do so till one takes a Pawn, when all proceeds as with us ; up to that
time the confusion appears great to a stranger, yet each keenly watches the moves of
the other, and changes his tactics as he sees occasion, frequently withdrawing the
moves he has already made and substituting others, so that he may be in the more
favourable position at the moment of the first take, whether by himself or his
adversary. The game then proceeds as with us, varied only by the difference, that
I have described, in the powers of some of the pieces.
The next peculiarity is the manner of giving checkmate, all not being equally
honourable. For instance, a checkmate with the Books or the Knights is considered
unworthy of the merest tyro — that is, these, though assisting in throwing the net
round the enemy, must not deal the fatal stroke. Checkmate with the furz is just
endurable, and with one Bishop is tolerably good, but with two applauded — that is,
so entangling the King that he has but two squares free, which, being commanded by
your Bishops, you check with the one, and mate with the other. Mating with one,
two, three, or four Pawns, the two latter particularly, is considered the ne plus ultra
of the game.
Another peculiarity in the game, that renders this selection of your checkmate
more meritorious, is that you must not denude the adversary’s King of all his capital
pieces, and, in fact, it is almost necessary to leave him two ; if you reduce him to
one, say Bishop or Knight, he commences counting his moves, and you must check-
mate him before he has made seven with that piece ; and as you cannot take it
(there being no mate with the King alone on the board, or with only Pawns), he
moves it in a way to obstruct you, and you, consequently, frequently fail from the
shortness of time allowed, or are obliged to give an ignominious mate with a castle
or knight, which is hailed almost as a triumph by the fee.
Furthermore, if you are a superior player, and wish to make a game of it, you
will find it advisable to leave two good pieces to your adversary — say Rook and
Bishop, or Rook and Knight— as if you leave him only furz and Bishop, for instance,
h£ will probably force you in self-defence to take one of them ; and in the other
case, having still hopes of winning, he will struggle until you, having arranged your
pieces so that you have the mate desired in hand, may take one or not as you find
most convenient. A Pawn arriving at the eighth square takes the powers of a fv/rz .
It will be seen, I think, that the game under these circumstances is less brilliant
and more tedious than ours. There is, however, still ample scope for developing
the powers of the players, and showing the differences in their abilities. The great
point is in the skilful arrangement of your Pawns at the commencement, and a
careful defence of them during the game, as it is generally by their moves that you
so hamper the adversary’s King as to be enabled to select the ground on which to
give him mate. A piece is not considered moved till settled on a square, and your
hand withdrawn from it.
I Rave been unable to discover any evidence for the practice of chess in
Equatorial or Southern Africa, or even in Muhammadan Western Africa. In
Digitized by
Google
( MAP. XVII
THE MODERN GAMES OF ISLAM
365
modern times the favourite board-game, called by a variety of names, is the
Arabic manqala, This is recorded throughout the Guinea coast and the Niger
basin, in Uganda, and indeed so widely over the continent that Culin is
thoroughly justified in styling it ‘ the national game of Africa \ 13
Hyde, however, mentions (ii. 52) that the Hanzoannite envoys, with
whom he had conversed, told him that they called chess Ufuba in their
language, and he includes in the later part of his work (ii. 378) a game
which he calls Ufuba wahulana , which is played with 24 counters — 12 a side —
on a board of 5 by 5 squares. It is possible, therefore, that the word ufuba
means simply game-board.
13 Cf. S. Culin, Mancala, the National Game of Africa , Washington, 1896 ; and Lieut. R.
Avelot, he J?u des Godtts , in Bull, de la Soc. d'Anthropologie de Paris , 5th series, vu. iv (1906),
267-271, and he Ouri, ibid., ix. i (1908), 9-22.
1
Digitized by boogie
CHAPTER XVIII
CHESS IN CENTRAL AND NORTHERN ASIA, AND IN RUSSIA
Unclassified varieties. — Paucity of information. — Nomenclature. — References to
t chess as played by the Tibetans, Mongols, and other Siberian races. — Probable
origin of this game. — Chess in Turkestan, Armenia, and Georgia. — The older
chess of Russia. — Its ancestry. — Nomenclature. — History. — Pieces. — Possible
traces of Asiatic influence farther West. — Strobeck. — Conclusion.
The question of the relationships of the forms of chess that have been
discussed hitherto has been fairly simple of solution, and I have been able to
arrange the games in accordance with what I conceive to have been the
historical lines of development. The history of the chess of Western Europe
should naturally follow now, since this game is an immediate descendant of
the Muslim shatranj. But this history will run to some considerable length,
and it will be more convenient, before turning to European chess, to complete
the record of the game in Asia by collecting in this chapter those varieties
of Asiatic chess whose place in the pedigree of the game is uncertain. To
these I add the older chess of Russia, which is obviously of different parentage
from the Western European game.
The Asiatic varieties are those which are played in Tibet, Mongolia,
Siberia, Turkestan, and Trans-Caucasia. The uncertainty as to the con-
nexions of these varieties with the chess of the neighbouring nations is very
largely due to the scanty nature of our information. We have no records of
their history, and know very little that is complete respecting the actual
methods of play at the present time. It is only in the last few years that
ethnologists have begun seriously to turn their attention to these remote and
difficultly accessible regions, 1 and we are as a result — with the one notable
exception of M. Savenkof s paper on the Evolution of Chess 2 — dependent for
our information upon the chance references to chess in works of travel, written
by explorers whose interest in the game was never keenly roused. We do know,
however, that for the last 100 years at least chess has been played by every
race in the North and Centre of Asia, with the exception of the Chukchis
and Koriaks who inhabit the extreme N.E. corner of Siberia, and that the
present game does not greatly differ from the modern European game with
which it has long been in contact, owing to the large and constant influx of
settlers and exiles from Russia.
It will be most convenient to begin by giving a table summarizing all
the available information for the nomenclature of chess among these races.
1 Those ethnologists who have worked in Siberia are also at the moment interested more
in collecting material for other studies than in tracing the spread of board-games in N. Asia.
8 E. V. Savenkof, Kvoprosu op evolutsi? shakhmatnoi egry. Sravnitelno etnografecheskiB ocher k.
OttSsk ©z lxiv kn. Etnografoch. Obozr&niya. Moscow, 1905.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by uoogie
Turkoman .
368
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
I have endeavoured to group them on natural lines, taking first the Tibetans ;
next the three divisions of the Mongols proper, the Buriats (about Lake
Baikal), and the E. and W. Kalmucks (Central Siberia, and the mouth of the
Volga) ; third a group of races who have not been classified, the Uryankhs
or Soyots (near the source of the Yenesei), the Ostiaks (in the lower Yenesei
basin), the Samoyedes and Yukagiris (along the shores of the Arctic Ocean),
and the Kamchadales (in Kamtchatka and the Aleutian Islands) ; fourth the
Manchus of Siberia, viz. the Tunguses (Central Siberia) ; and lastly the Turki
peoples, the Yakuts (Lena basin), the Tatars (Obi basin), the Khirghis (the
steppes round the Sea of Aral), and the Turkomans of Turkestan. Where
none of the columns is filled, it means that we know nothing except that
chess is played by the particular people.
The authorities that I have followed in this table are :
No. 1. M. Paderin in v. d. Linde, ii. 134, 136, 197. M. Paderin was
Secretary to the Russian Consulate in Mongolia in 1874. He presumably
obtained them from some Buddhist pilgrim who had visited Tibet. It is
possible that he merely translated the Mongol names into Tibetan. The
terms pa't and zandarhegi look very suspicious, and, following v. d. Linde,
I give them with considerable hesitation.
Nos. 2 and 3 are added for comparison from H. A. Jaeschke’s Short Practical
Grammar of the Tibetan language , Kye-Lang, 1865. None of them is given
as used in chess, excepting mig-mang , for which see p. 43, n. 41.
No. 4. Hue and Gabet, cited below.
Nos. 5-9 are given in v. d. Linde, ii. 136, 141. No. 5 contains the terms
in use among the Aginsk Buriats. No. 6 was given by Budmajew. No. 7 is
from Schmids Wdrterbuch . No. 9 is from Prof. Galstunsky.
No. 10. Quoted in Savenkofs paper from Nebolsin’s Sketches of Life among
the Kalmucks of the Khoshoytof camp (Lower Volga).
Nos. 12-14 are from Savenkof. No. 12 from E. K. Yakovlef. No. 13
from N. Ph. Katanof. No. 14 from the catalogue of the Minusinsk Museum.
No. 19 was given by M. Peredolsky, cf. BCM. y 1904, p. 148.
Tibet. The Tibetan name for chess, chandaraki , is evidently derived per
metathesin from the Skr. chaturanga , and its existence is valuable evidence for
the fact that the Tibetans obtained their knowledge of the existence of chess
direct from India. At the same time, the present game appears to be identical
with that played by the Mongol tribes to the North, who are brought into
close relationship with Tibet from their frequent pilgrimages to Lhasa and
other Buddhist shrines.
Our oldest and best information as to Tibetan chess is contained in the
correspondence of Mr. George Bogle, Jr., of Daldowie, a Scotsman, who was
sent by Warren Hastings on a mission to Tibet in 1775. This was included
in Craufurd’s Sketches relating to the Hindoos (London, 1792, II). In a letter
from Teshoo Loombo, March 20, 1775, Bogle says :
Among the Tartars, who have come some three, and some four months’ journey
on pilgrimage to the Lama, I have met with some masterly chess-players. The game
Digitized by Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
369
is exactly the same as with us, except that the privilege of moving two steps is
confined to the first Pawn played by each player ; Castling is unknown ; and if the
King is left alone, it is considered as a drawn game. They generally begin with
the Queen’s Pawn. 8 They have no idea of our unsociable method of playing. When
a Siberian sits down to chess, he gets surrounded by three or four of his countrymen,
who lay their heads together and consult with him about the propriety of every
move. I had nothing for it but to engage an equal number of Tartars on my side,
and so combat them with their own weapons. Some of the Tibetans are also
acquainted with chess, which they have learned from the Calmacks, but they are,
I think, far inferior to their masters. I met, however, with one man, a General,
who, under all the disadvantages of playing with new pieces, fought a tough battle,
but he was ordered away upon service the next day, and I had an opportunity of
playing only one game with him.
From two other letters we only learn in addition that Bogle's opponents were
generally Kalmucks, and that these players knew nothing of stalemate. He
found the Kalmucks ‘ tough hands * to beat.
A second reference occurs in the well-known volume of Travels of the
Jesuit Fathers Hue and Gabet (xx. 531, of the third London ed. of 1856) :
We enjoyed at Lang-ki-Tsoung a few days of salutary agreeable repose. . . .
Prayers, walks, and some games of chess contributed to the delights of those days
of leisure. The chessmen which we used had been given to us by the Regent of
Lha-Ssa ; the pieces were made of ivory, and represented various animals, sculptured
with some delicacy. The Chinese, as is known, are passionately fond of chess, but
their game is very different from ours. The Tartars and Thibetians are likewise
acquainted with chess; and, singularly enough, their chessboard is absolutely the
same as our own ; their pieces, although differently formed, represent the same
value as ours, and follow the same moves ,* and the rules of the game are precisely
the same in every respect. What is still more surprising, these people cry * chik '
when they check a piece, and 1 mate ’ when the game is at an end. These expressions,
which are neither Thibetian nor Mongol, are, nevertheless, used by every one, yet no
one can explain their origin and true signification. ... We have seen among the
Tartars first-rate players of chess ; they play quickly and with less study, it seemfcd
to us, than the Europeans apply, but their moves are not the less correct.
Finally Mr. Rockhill, in his brief account of his travels in Tibet, notes
that Tibetan chess is practically identical with the European game.
Mongol Races. A reference in Ssanang Ssetsen’s Chungfaiji (ed. with
trans. by I. J. Schmidt as the G esc hie hie der Osl-Mongolen , St. Petersburg;
1829, p. 228) suggests that this race was familiar with chess at the end of
the 16th c. A certain Ssetsen Chaghan-Noyan is mentioned quite incidentally
to have been playing chess (Mongol shiiarajn nagadchu) with his mother.
Another instance has been quoted above, p. 43, n. 41.
I have collected the following references to chess : —
(1) Prof. P. S. Pallas, in his Samndungen hist . Nachrichten iiber die mongoli -
schen Folkerschaften (St. Petersburg, 1776, i. 157), says with respect to the
games of the Kalmucks 4 :
In winter, chess and cards {huso) are the usual pastimes of the men, who are now
9 It is definitely stated in one of the other letters that these rules are also those observed
by the Tibetan players.
4 Cf. W. Tooke, Russia, London, 1780-3, iv. 89 and 499 : 4 The Kalmucs likewise play at
Chess, Cards, and Toccodillo much as we do.* And in Clarke’s Russia, 244, 4 The Calmuck
Tartars play at Chess and Backgammon.’
1270 A a
Digitized by
Google
370
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
compelled to be idle. At chess there are many who are very expert, particularly
among the priests, and this originally Oriental game is also at home among the
Mongols. They observe the most usual rules completely, except that at the beginning
of the game they commence by moving three pieces. When we say check they say
shat or sh't, and they call the game Shatera . They say mate as we do. They have
also a kind of draughts (mingma) in which the men are placed on white squares,
and the black are left bare, and besides this they know and play backgammon under
the name of Narr .
(2) The great English missionary to the Mongols, the Rev. James Gilmour,
in his book Among the Mongols (London, n.d., p. 292), describes a game of
chess that he once saw played in the prison at Kalgan (about 120 m. N.E.
from Pekin) with an improvised board and pieces. He mentions pieces called
Camels, Mandarin, and Child. It would therefore appear to have been the
Mongol game.
(3) Baron A. E. Rosen, in his Otechest v . Zapeski , 1876, No. 4, p. 465
( Shakhm . Listoh , 1879, p. 335 ; Shakhm . Obosr 1902, p. 4), says that —
A Buriat beat our best players, and told us that this game had been known to
him from childhood, and that it had come to them from China. (Savenkof, op. cit., 39.)
(4) A. P. Byelyaef, in his Bospominaniyakh o perezhitom i pereduman nom
s . 1803 (‘Memories of Life and Thought since 1803/ Shakhm. Obosr ., 1892,
p. 378), tells of a similar experience, and concludes :
Speaking generally, the Asiatics played with such skill as to be able to contend
with good players.
Nothing is said about any peculiarities of rule or differences from the
European game (Savenkof, op. cit., 39). 5
(5) P. Nebolsin, in his Ocherki bita kalmikov khoshoidovskago illusa, Bibl.
dlya. cht. 1852, No. 7 (‘ Sketches of life among the Kalmucks of the Kho-
shoytof camp/ Shakhm. Obosr., 1892, pp. 4 and 410), gives some information
regarding the nomenclature which I have used above, and states that the
Kalmucks continue the game, even with a single King (Savenkof, op. cit., 41).
Thb Uryankhs or Soyots. This race is one of the least civilized of all
the native tribes of Northern Asia. Their chess would appear to be an
offshoot of the Mongol game, since the nomenclature is largely Mongol,
merze (dog), tdbd (camel), ot (horse), and 6l (child) being the only native
terms.
It is to this game that M. Savenkof devotes the first chapter of his
paper. He obtained some information when at Minusinsk in the early
eighties, and at a later date secured some native chessmen and further in-
formation from E. K. Yakovlef, and again in 1889 from Prof. N. Ph. Katanof
of Kazan. I take these sources of knowledge in order.
(1) The catalogue of the Minusinsk collection (Trans-Sayan district,
Soyots, Dept. VI, 6 ; Games for adults, p. 1 12) has the following entries : —
I. Koul-Shodra (chess) ; 32 pieces carved in agalmatolite (the work of the
Soyot Nomjal, at the source of the Yenisei). Height, 2-5 cm. Pieces: master
* This passage was cited in full in a paper by S. A. Sorokin in the Shakhmalnoy Obosrenie ,
Moscow, 1892, p. 878.
Digitized by Google
chap, xviii CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
371
(noyion), lion (ardan), two- bumped camel ( taima ), horse (at), hare ( tolai ), goose (khas),
and monument (i tairga ). #
II. The same in wood, rougher workmanship.
III. Bouoe-Shodra (boars’ chess). Somewhat resembling the game of Volki i
ovtsy (wolves and sheep). On one side are 2 boars, on the other 24 calves (bouza).
The piece which is described as a monument is probably only an elaborately
decorated car. One of M. Savenkof s tdryd, of which I give a drawing,
might easily be mistaken for some kind of monument if one did not know
that its name tdryd ( tairga ) means a car or cart. There is no difference of
colour or decoration by which the pieces on one side can be distinguished
from those on the other, and I suppose that the major pieces could only be
distinguished by careful attention to the direction in which they faced on
the board. On the other hand, I think that the pawns are represented as
hares and geese to separate the two armies.
There are no chessboards in the Museum, but M. Savenkof learnt that the
Soyot chessmen. After Savenkof.
board consisted of 8 by 8 squares, all uncoloured. The pieces are arranged
for play as in the European game, but he was unable to obtain any exact
information as to the rules or method of play. The game was thought to be
very similar to chess as usually played.
At a later date M. Savenkof secured some sets of Soyot chess, of which
he gives the engravings which are reproduced here. The noyion , or master
of the house, is represented sitting and wearing the costume of a wealthy
Uryankh, which is not unlike the Chinese dress. The merze , or dog, is an
immense mastiff standing on guard. The Camel and Horse are riderless.
The Car in one set is a four-wheeled chariot with palanquin, in another is
merely indicated by a single wheel. The Pawns are recumbent puppies, but
* I am not quite sure of these Museum names, and suspect that in the case of the Camel
and Pawns the Soyot names are merely the native words for the figures depicted, and are not
necessarily appropriate to chess.
Digitized by
372
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
in one set they are half-naked wrestlers, the one side squatting on their heels,
the other resting on one knee.
(2) E. K. Yakovlef, who had also travelled beyond Sayan and in Mongolia,
supplied the nomenclature 7 that I have given above as No. 12, in the Table
on p. 367, from the description of a Soyot lama named Soitjen-kolen, and
continued :
Peculiarities iu the rules of the game : the board was always so placed that the
corner square to the left of each player was black, an entirely superfluous convention
in view of the following : the K and Q do not occupy a fixed position 8 but always
stand side by side on the middle squares of the border line, yet invariably so that
the K stood opposite K, and the Q opposite Q. The positions of the remaining
pieces were as usual. The Q moves in a diagonal direction only to the next square.
If a P gets to the border line it becomes a merze. Even if the merze is not yet
taken the P becomes one only after a move in the diagonal direction on to the next
square. Only at the beginning of the game is it possible for a P to miss a square.
At the end of the game there must be no P left, otherwise it is khaem-boshef i. e. a
drawn game. There is no castling, nor taking a P en passant. If the Kt, R, or Q
checks, they say sha ; if the B, too ; if the P., sott . The first move is a matter of
reciprocal courtesy.
The pieces are cut with a knife out of wood or soft stone ; those belonging to
opponents are distinguished not so much by colour as by peculiarities in the carving.
The noyion is sometimes represented in the likeness of the God-inspired Buddha.
The merze or dog lies with paws extended before it. The taba is an unloaded camel.
The ot is an unsaddled horse. The ttirga is a wheel. The ol are small puppies.
M. Yakovlef also sent the score of the commencement of a game which
he had played with a Soyot named Tardzhi. 10 Games between Europeans
and natives are not very valuable, since they cannot present an uncoloured
picture of native play. In the present case M. Yakovlef played first, and his
play was evidently coloured by preconceived ideas as to what tactics would
be most appropriate to the older European game. From a careful examina-
tion of Tardzhi’s play I conclude that his rules were different from those
which M. Yakovlef obtained from Soitjen-kolen. He never moved his Bishop
except to the third diagonal square (as in shatranj) ; and he moved his Queen
from d8 to e7, and at a later move from e7 to f7. No Pawn was advanced
two squares in one move after the first move (Pd4, Pd5). I am inclined to
think that Tardzhi’s own game w r as of an older type than Soitjen-kolen’s.
M. Yakovlef also notes that the initial consonant of shodra is closer in
sound to ch t and thinks chodra a better transcription.
(3) Prof. Katanof obtained his information from a Soyot named Domba,
7 Of the terms he gives, noyion means master, bar means tiger, arzlan or arslan means lion,
and merze means dog.
* This shows that the use of chequered boards is an innovation that lias not yet affected
the older method of arrangement.
9 M. Savenkof gives the last element thus with hesitation. He was not able to decipher
the MS. Bote ; boyue or bole are all possible readings.
10 The score runs : M. Yakovlef v. Tardzhi (arrangement as in European chess'). 1 Pd4,
Pd5 ; 2 Ktc3, P<«6 ; 3 Bf4, Pe6 ; 4 Pe8, Bd6 ; 5 BdS, BxB; 6 PxB, Kte7 ; 7 PfS, Ktf5 ;
8 BxKt, PxB; 9 Kf2, Be6 ; 10 Kth3, Ktd7 ; 11 Rel, Ktb6 ; 12 Ktg5, Kd7 ; 13 RxB,
P x R ; 14 Ktf7, Qe7 ; 15 Kt x R, R x Kt ; 16 Qe2, Ktc4 ; 17 Pb3, Kta5 ; 18 Kta4, Pb6 ; 19 Rel,
Re8 ; 20 Pg8, Pg6 ; 21 Pg4, Ph6 ; 22 Ph3, Ph5 ; 23 Kg3, hPxP; 24tPxP, PxP; 25PxP,
Qf7 ; 26 Rhl, Ktb7 ; 27 Qe5, Ktd6 ; 28 Ktc3. No more was recorded. M. Yakovlef used the
modem moves of Q and B, but accepted the restriction of the P’s first move.
V
Digitized by Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
373
who lived on the River Elleg*es. After giving* the names of the pieces (see
No. 13 in the Table) he continues :
The board is the same as the Russian. Between rows 4 and 5 of the board
passes a line, 1 cm. in breadth, marking the boundary between the dominions of the
two princes. The moves for all the pieces are the same as the corresponding
European ones. The pieces are set out as follows: K el and e8 ; Q dl and d8 ;
R al, hi, a8, h8 ; B cl, fl, c8, 18 ; Kt bl, gl, b8, g8 ; Ps along rows 2 and 7.
The board is called khol, a Mongol word, and the game itself chidera , a Mongol
word.
He goes on to argue that the Soyot game is derived from the Mongol, the
latter from the Persian.
Here we have a third set of moves which agrees with neither of those
given by M. Yakovlef. The game seems to me to be clearly in a plastic
condition, and undergoing changes as the result of the contact with Russian
chess. Probably other observers would have discovered other varieties of rule
showing the same tendency towards the European game.
Other Siberian Races. Here our information is very scanty. I give it
for what it is worth.
(1) In Capt. John Dundas Cochrane’s (R.N.) Narrative of a Pedestrian
Journey through Russia and Siberian Tartary (London, 1824, i. 319) we read :
The fair (by the fortress of Ostrovuaya, on the banks of the Aniuy or Anjui,
within the Arctic circle, 160-170 E. long.) at length finished. I prepared to depart
for Nishney Kolymsk with many thanks to my venerable Yukagir host for all his
kindness. I passed the time very agreeably at his house ; he was a very good
chess-player and was fond of the game. His manner of play added another instance
to many I have witnessed, that there is, in various parts of the world, little or no
difference anywhere in the moving of the pieces. I have played the game with
Yakuti, Tongousi, and Yukagiri; but the Tchuktchi laughed at me for such a
childish employment of my time. While upon this subject, I may remark, as
a circumstance relative to the game of chess, and which has repeatedly surprised me,
that wherever a people recognize and play it, they are infallibly Asiatics. Neither
the Tchuktchi nor the Koriaks understand anything of it, but all the Kamtchatdales,
and other Asiatics, are familiar with it.
(2) The BCM., April, 1904, translates (via the Schachrubrik der Bohemia)
a letter in the St. Petersburger Zeitung y in which Herr Kupffer says :
Herr Peredolsky, conservator of the University of St. Petersburg, informs me
that ... he was sent in the year 1895 on a special mission to Northern Siberia,
and that he devoted many months to ethnological investigations among the
Tungusians and the Yakoots. ... He found that all the tribes (the Samoyedes,
the Tungusians, the Y'akoots, &c.) are enthusiastic * board-game * players. The
game of draughts is played with the greatest frequency; the game of chess with
the greatest enthusiasm. The people make boards for themselves in a very short
time. With the help of a hot iron, they burn 32 of the squares black ; and they
cut pieces, which are somewhat crude, out of bone. The Pawns are rather smaller
than the pieces; and it is a noticeable fact that the Pawns and pieces are similar
in shape. They are like the latest types of our Rooks. The distinctive marks are
as follows: Bishops are cross-hatched with straight lines; Knights with semi-
circular and straight strokes ; and Rooks with small circles. The King alone is
coloured red. A game lasts for hours ; often it is not finished till the second day.
Hard by sits a crowd of spectators, who stare in silence at the board. When,
374
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
however, a move is made, if it be unexpected, pretty, or brilliant, and more
particularly if it be the sacrifice of a piece, the spectators jump up, shout out loudly,
exhibit signs of delight, or dance, or even weep through excitement. A player often
thinks for an hour before he makes a move. The finishing of a game is quite a
scene of festivity. Excitement often causes the players to raise their stakes, until
the loss of the game involves the absolute ruin of the loser. A game, to begin with,
is for the reindeers ; then for the dogs ; for clothes ; for a man’s whole belongings ;
and, in the end, even the women are gambled away. Herr Kupffer adds that
Herr Fer4dolsky showed him a board and set of men which had been bought for
half a pound of the commonest kind of tobacco-leaf, from a Tungusian of the lower
levels between the Yenisei and the Chatanga. The board was of the ordinary size,
and made in the way described above ; the men were about an inch in height,
cross-hatched, with the usual distinguishing marks. The Tungusian name for the
game is ‘ Sfenj '.
(3) A. A. Pavloff, Zhivopisnoi Rossi e (Picturesque Russia, 1884, xi. 93),
states that in the course of excavations on the site of a ruined city in the
Kurgan district, Tobolsk Government (55° 26' N., 83° E.), some bone articles
resembling chessmen were found. The city goes back to the commencement
of the Iron Period, and Pavlof attributes the articles to the Mongol rule of the
descendants of Timur Leng (Savenkof, op. cit., 35).
(4) The Prussian postmaster Wagner, who was exiled to Siberia, 1759-63,
says that when, seven versts from Tobolsk (58° 2' N., 85° 54' E.), on the banks
of the Irtish, he was stopped by the ice, he stayed at a Tatar camp and played
chess with his Tatar host. M. Savenkof, who cites the Russian translation of
J. L. Wagner’s Schicksale , Berlin, 1789, thinks that possibly draughts is
meant, since there was some confusion about 1800 in Russian books between
shakhmati (chess) and shashka (now restricted to draughts).
(5) M. Savenkof states, on the authorit} r of A. N. Maximof, that the
inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands play chess. He quotes Benjaminofs
u . Aleutov (‘Among the Aleutian Islanders’), ii. 16, 308.
(6) This branch of chess reached its final limit in Alaska. The U. S.
Nat. Museum contains (Cat. No. 16300) a collection of 22 carved wooden
chessmen, from 1 to 3 ins. in height, which were obtained from the Yakutat
Indians (Koluschan Stock) at Port Mulgrave, Alaska, by Dr. W. H. Dali.
They are figured in Stewart Culin’s Games of the North American Indians
(24th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington,
1907, p. 793). Mr. Culin includes this game among the games learnt from
Europeans, but the shapes of the pieces show no trace of European influence
and compel me to place this game beside those treated in the present
chapter.
This completes the available evidence. It is obviously too vague and
incomplete to serve as the foundation for any but the most tentative of con-
clusions. It suggests, however, a common origin for the practical game as
played at the present time by Tibetan, Mongol, and Soyot, and I think it not
improbable that all these Siberian varieties of chess go back to an older
Mongol chess which had spread over Northern ^sia before the Russian
conquest, and which, since that time, has been everywhere modified through
Digitized by Google
chap, xvr 1 1 CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
375
its contact with the Russian game during the last 200 years. 11 The different
accounts of Soyot chess show these changes in progress at the present day.
In less inaccessible regions probably they have been completed for a century
at least. The chief value of the pictures of Soyot chess consists in the
indications that they give of the earlier rules of Mongol chess.
Yakutat chessmen (Alaska). After Culin.
This game would appear to have been one in which —
,(1) The ordinary rules of the older varieties of chess were followed: viz.
the Pawn only able to move a single step in any turn of play, the King with-
out power of leaping, the Queen confined to a diagonal move to an adjacent
square, 12 the Bishop leaping over one square diagonally into the one beyond. 18
u M. Savenkof dissents from the view that the changes that Mongol chess has undergone,
and which Soyot chess is undergoing, are the result of the influence of the European game.
He condemns it as based upon a priori reasoning and as unsupported by ethnological evidence.
He says, ‘ The newest form of chess in Asia is in our opinion to be regarded more correctly
as the final evolutionary form which has begun to settle, or in its principal features has
already settled in Asia independently/ and declares that ethnography alone can solve the
problem of the development of the ancient Indian chaturanga or the Muslim shatranj in
Asia. This is an extravagant claim to make, and M. Savenkof overlooks the improbability
of two independent races developing a game like chess on identical lines. Unless it can be
established (which I dispute) that there is for each chessman only one possible development
of move from the original move possible, the mathematical probability that Asia and Europe
independently hit upon the same improvements in chess is infinitesimal. European chess,
with all the prestige that attaches to the game of the ruling and the more civilized people,
has been in contact with the native game sufficiently long to account for all the observed
changes. We know what has been the result of the influence of the chess of the few
thousand European settlers in India in altering the native game; in Siberia the Europeans
are as numerous as the Asiatics.
18 Soitjen-kolen.
18 This is less certain, but I think it can be inferred from Tardzhi's play.
Digitized by Google
376
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
(2) The ordinary arrangement of the board with King opposite King and
Qneen opposite Queen was observed. (The board being unchequered, there was
no rule necessary to fix the relative positional King and Queen.)
(3) The game was commenced by each player in order making a definite
number of moves in the first turn of play. 14 After the first ‘ move * the game
was continued by each player in succession making single moves in his turn
of play* This has crystallized in Tibetan and Soyot chess, and — possibly
generally — into a double move of a Pawn being possible and usual for the
first move made by each player. 1,5
(4) Bare King drew only, 16 and stalemate was not permitted.
All this points rather to a game derived directly from India than to a
development of the Muslim shatranj. We cannot, of course, neglect the more
certain evidence which is afforded by the nomenclature of the game in
Siberia, when we attempt to ascertain the parentage of this Mongol chess.
There would appear to be two parentages possible, the one Persian or Muslim,
the other Indian direct. 17 In the first case the game would have travelled
N.E. from the province of Sughd with its twin capitals of Bukhara and
Samarqand — both destroyed in 616/1219 in the first Mongol invasion of
Changlz Khan — following the reverse route to that taken by the Mongol
hordes in that war. The probable date would be later rather than earlier,
say c. 1300. In the second case the game would have travelled from India
by some route that left the Muslim lands well to the west, by Tibet or
Chinese Turkestan.
The evidence of nomenclature is, however, indecisive. While the Tibetan
chandaraki , chandraki , chadraki point to the Skr. chaturanga y the Mongol
shatara, shitara , shatir , shodra point to the Arabic and Persian shatranj.
There is no necessity in Mongol to seek for some means of representing the
sound of ch as there was in Arabic. The fact that the Kalmucks call back-
gammon narr (= Ar. and Per. nurd) is indirect confirmation for the Muslim
ancestry of the name shatara , 18 The Tibetan and Mongol terms for check
and mate are all of Muslim origin. The Soyot khaem-boshd may also contain
the Per. qam (Ar. qaltn), which has the same meaning of ‘ drawn game *.
The game, with its prince, dog, camel, horse, car, and children, has lost all
signs of that connexion with the army which is so prominent in Indian and
Muslim chess. It may instead be accepted as a picture of the nomad life of
a Mongol family, but there is no evidence that the native player has ever
14 See the passage quoted above from Prof. Pallas.
18 Probably this generally resolves itself into 1 Pd4, Pd5 ; but none of the authorities
restrict the privilege to this P, as is the case in the Bum! chess of Muhammadan India.
14 I do not pretend to understand the ending Khaem-boshe in the Lama’s description.
17 I reject the possibility of a Chinese ancestry because the Mongol chess is totally unlike
the Chinese game ; and I reject the other possibility, that the Mongols obtained their chess
from Europe, because the nomenclature is incompatible with this view.
18 On the other hand the Kalmuck mingma (draughts) is obviously the Tibetan migmang
(chessboard), so that there is evidence for the Tibetan origin of one Mongol board-game. If,
moreover, M. Savenkof is right in saying that chodra represents the Soyot pronunciation
more accurately than shodra , we cannot exclude the possibility of this word being derived
from the Tibetan chadraki.
Digitized by Google
chap, xyiii CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
377
taken this view. Compared with other forms of chess, the names of the pieces
present three striking features^ — the replacement of the Counsellor by an
animal, the dog or tiger ; the d^appearance of the Elephant, and the appear-
ance of the Camel in its place ; and the survival of a clear knowledge of the*
corner piece as a car, wagon, or chariot.
The dog naturally plays an important part in the life of these nomad
tribes, but I do not think that we can explain its presence on the chessboard
in that way. 19 With v. d. Linde 20 I see here the workings of popular ety-
mology, assisted by the use of actual carvings of real objects for chessmen.
The unintelligible foreign name Jirz was, I believe, confused with the two
native words bar*, a tiger, and merze, a dog, which gave the carver of pieces
an inspiration for his work. The other Soyot terms — oot (dog), bar-merz6
(tiger-dog), arzlan-merze (lion-dog), arzlan , would all follow naturally from the
use of carved pieces. Wherever the chessmen are actual figures of animate
objects we find a greater variety in the nomenclature of the men. If this view
be correct, that there has been a confusion between the Muslim Jirz and native
words, we have here another important example of Persian influence in the
Mongol game.
If we confine our attention to the ordinary chess, we have no instance of
the replacement of the Elephant by the Camel in Persian chess. The change
has been made in many forms of chess that have been recorded in India, but
in every case the Elephant remains upon the chessboard in the place of the
Rook. There is no known instance of any Indian game of chess in which the
Camels stand on cl and fl (c8 and fB), and at the same time the Chariots stand
on the corner squares. I conclude, therefore, that we have here an independent
Mongol change, in which the typically Indian beast of burden is replaced by
the typical Mongol beast, the two-humped or Bactrian camel, which is a native
of Central Asia.
The survival of the Chariot (car or wagon) among the pieces is somewhat
remarkable. In later Indian chess it has entirely dropped out of use, except
in Southern India. Although it is certain that the Persian rukh as a name ol
a chessman meant chariot, aud the use of this word with the same meaning is
recorded in dialectal speech both in Persian and Arabic, yet this meaning was
largely forgotten by the Muslims, 21 and it is unlikely that the Mongols learnt
the true meaning of the name from them.
The evidence accordingly shows that both Persian (or Muslim) and Indian
influences have acted upon the Mongol game. I think that the simplest
solution of the problem of the parentage of these games is to regard them as
Indian varieties which have been profoundly affected, first by Persian and
19 Nor can 1 accept the suggestions of M. Savenkof that its presence is due to Sliamanist
worship of the dog, or to a conscious replacement of the Queen, or (as it would conceivably
have been) the wife, by the dog, as a more important member of the nomad household.
There can be no question of the 4 Queen 9 in an Asiatic variety of chess.
20 V. d. Linde, ii. 197 ; and QxL, 268.
81 The general use of the conventional mushroom type of piece would certainly help
in this.
Digitized by
Google
378
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
then, at a much later date, by European influences. I attach considerable
importance to the rules of initial play as given by Bogle and Pallas, which
I think are probably Indian in origin.
Turkestan, &c. We have still less information for the chess of Turkestan **
and the trans-Caucasian provinces of the Russian Empire than for the games
which we have been discussing. It is, however, clear that Muslim chess has
had ample opportunities for reaching these peoples. Bukhara, Marv, and
Samarqand were all at one time under the Caliphate, and were governed by
Muhammadan rulers from 1300 until the Russian annexation. There is,
accordingly, but little occasion for the rise of any different variety from the
Persian game. M. Savenkof quotes M. Chernevski (who contributed a paper
on chess in Turkestan to the Shakhmatni Listok in 1877, pp. 268-70, ‘ Shakh-
mati v. Turkestan a ’) as saying that two varieties of chess are now played in
BukhErU, viz. the European and Persian games. As we have seen in the case
of India, the recognition of the differences between two varieties of chess has
stopped the tendency to amalgamate the games.
In Armenia chess is called satranj , which shows that the game is the
Muslim variety, as is also established by the Kurdish chessmen depicted
on page 361.
V. d. Linde (ii. 197) gave the following list of names for the pieces in the
Georgian game. Although he received them from Prof. Zagareli of St. Peters-
burg, he was somewhat sceptical as to their genuineness, and in repeating
them I cannot guarantee that they are reliable.
K.
Q-
B.
Kt.
R.
P.
mephe
lazieri
i
rku (? tortoise)
mehedari
1 etli (wagon)
potki
The German Hand bach des Sc hach spiel* (1874) has an incidental note
(]». 503) that the ‘ Queen * in the Georgian game possesses the move of the
Knight in addition to that of the European Queen. This suggests that
the new move of this piece reached Georgia from Russia or Turkey in the
eighteenth century. Jaenisch ( Palamede , 1842) wrote that there were many
first -class players among the Georgians, but that they did not castle.
Russia in Europe. Right down to the time of Peter the Great (1689-
1725) Russia remained almost completely out of touch with Western Christen-
dom, and all its affinities were with Asia. Neither the Russian name for
22 Cf. Dr. H. Lansdell’s Russian Central Asia , London, 1885, ii. 444 n. (a work that contains
a valuable bibliography of these countries) : * When not engaged in plundering, they (the
Turkomans) are extremely idle, lying about their tents playing chess, at which they are
skilful, or gossiping,’ for which he gives as his authority a paper by Bn. Benoist-Methin,
read before the Paris Geog. Soc. in 1884. M. Savenkof quotes Chernevski ( Shakhtn. Obosr .,
1892, 410), Gonyaief {Shakhtn. Listok, 1879, 334), Verechagin, and Komarof ( Shakhm. Obosr.,
1893, 250), who describe the national game of Turkestan as Turkestanskiya shashki (? Turkestan
draughts). He also gives other references to notes in Russian magazines. In one of these
{Shakhm. Listok , 1879, 835) is an account of a game played at Khojend on a * board ' traced in
the sand, with stones for chessmen.
^ X
Digitized by Google
chap, xyiii CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
379
chess, nor the pieces of the Russian game, show any trace of European origin.
We are consequently driven to look for the parentage of Russian chess in the
game of some one or other of the non-Christian Asiatic races that are situated
on the confines of Russia, or in the game of the Byzantine Empire to which
the country owes its Eastern Christianity.
At one time it was supposed 23 that chess was introduced into Russia by
the Mongols or Tatars, who overran the country from 1200 to 1400 in
a succession of invasions of the most destructive and ruthless character. With
the discovery of authentic references to chess in Russian works which date
back to a period anterior to the earliest Mongol incursions, this view must be
abandoned. It is, however, quite possible, and indeed, I believe, certain, that
the chess of these peoples left at a later date an impress upon the Russian
game.
Since these earliest references occur exclusively in ecclesiastical literature,
M. Sorokin next advocated a Byzantine ancestry through the intermediary of
the Eastern Slavonic races, the Serbs and Bulgars. He developed this view in
a series of papers in the Shakhmatnoy Obosrenie (Moscow, 1892, ii. 222, 307,
344 seq.). It had been suggested previously, but without evidence in support,
by the Russian historian, I. E. Sabelin, in his Home life of the Russian Tsarinas
in the 16th and 17th centuries (Moscow, 1872, 742).
M. Savenkof, however, rejects this view, for reasons which appear to me
sufficient. As I have already shown, there is no evidence that zatrikion ever
was popular among the Byzantine Greeks. From 1100 at the latest, chess
was condemned by the Eastern Church, and the early Russian references also
are all condemnatory of the game. In these chess is called shakhmate \ a name
that is simply the Persian or Arabic shah mat (checkmate), and not zatrikion
or a modification of this word, as we should naturally expect had the game
been introduced from Byzantium. I think it more probable that Christianity
found chess already popular in Russia, and attempted to stamp it out as
a relic of heathenism.
A third route by which chess could have reached Russia is to be found in
the trade route from the mouth of the Volga to Baghdad, which was already
of importance by 850 a.d. In this commerce the Khuzar hordes which had
established themselves upon the steppes of Southern Russia before the 8th c.
acted as the intermediary between Muslim and Slav. M. Savenkof gives
several references to Arabic geographers to testify to the extent of this trade.
The earliest and most interesting occurs in the K. al-masdlik wa Umamdlik of
b. Khordadhbeh, a work which was written 230-4/844-8. B. Khordadhbeh
tells how the Russian merchants brought their wares from the most distant
parts of their country to the South, and thence, either by the Black Sea to
the cities of Greece, where the Byzantine Emperors exacted the trade duty
of or by the Don and Volga valleys to the great KhuzSr market of Itil at
58 By C. F. Jaenisch (Paiamede, 1842, 168-5 and CPC., 1852, 368-70), whence by Forbes
(226-30), by v. d. La*a in 1854, by v. d. Linde (ii. 192), and by M. K. Gonyaef ( Shakhm .
Liatok, 1879).
Digitized by Google
380
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
the mouth of the Volga, where the Khuzar khan received his tax of tV
Thence the merchants sailed along the Caspian to the south-east shore, and
finally they carried their wares by camel trains right to Baghdad, where
b. Khordadhbeh had himself seen Russian merchants. Additional evidence
for this trade is afforded by the numerous finds of Arabic coins which have
been made in the Dnieper basin. The bulk of these hoards consists of coins
of the 9th and 10th cc., but there are some which contain nothing but coins
of the 8th and early 9th cc., which shows that the trade had already commenced
before 900 a.d. It probably was ended by the Mongol invasions. While
it lasted it is probable that it provided the Muslim world with the Slav slaves
that were so common in the 10th and 11th cc.
It is to this route that M. Savenkof attributes the introduction of chess
into Russia. In this I think he is probably right. When, however, he goes
on to suggest that the introduction may have taken place so early as the
5th or 6th c. a.d. from Sasanian Persia, I think he is claiming too great an
antiquity for Russian chess. We can only say that the game was well enough
known by 1150 to have a native name.
We have already seen that the condemnation of dice-play in the Eastern
Nomocanon had been extended by John Zonares to include chess. Christianity
had been introduced into Russia in 988, over a century before the time of
Zonares. Thenceforward there was a large and increasing Greek element
resident in Kiev and other towns of Southern Russia, and the higher ranks
of the clergy were mainly recruited from Greeks. It was only natural that
the Nomocanon and its numerous commentaries should have been introduced
into Russia, and the early Russian translations, of which several are known
to exist in MS., are now known under the name of the Kormch books.
Among other commentaries that of John Zonares also reached Russia iu the
earlier half of the twelfth century. In the Russian translation of the note to the
42nd Rule of the Apostolic Canons which I have quoted in Ch. IX, the Greek
word zatrikion is replaced by skakhmate.
The influence of this commentary is to be traced in the Svodui (Photian)
Kormch. In this MS. the Greek kuboi (dice) is rendered zerniyu or skakhmate ;
while the 50th Rule of the Canons published by the 6th General Council
(3rd Council of Constantinople, a.d. 680) is translated :
No clergy nor layman shall play at zerniyu?' shakhmate and tablet. 2 *
The Clementine Kormch (of the end of the 13th c.) contains also a series
of directions or advice on conduct which were to be given to the priest at
24 Zerniyu is obviously connected with the Mod. Gk. sort, atari, atari, zargia , zaria, and the
Turkish e&r, all meaning dice. The origin of these terms is unknown. They are probably
connected with the Arabic zdr , which, in the form az-z&r , with the article prefixed, came into
Spain as the name of a popular dice-game, and is the source of our word hazard.
26 Tablei is the Gr. tabla. The name suggests strongly that this game had been introduced
into Russia by the Greeks. It may be claimed also that it indirectly supports the Byzantine
parentage of Russian chess. But (1) tabla was evidently a very popular game among the
Greeks, and the evidence seems to show that chess never attained any great popularity in
the Eastern Empire, (2) the fact that tables retained a Greek name while chess had a native
name from the first is evidence against a common method of introduction.
digitized by Google
chap, xvin CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
381
ordination. Th. I. Buslaef has edited these under the title of Svetok
zakonynyie (‘ Book of the Law ’). Among these directions we read :
Even if invited, do not attend feasts and bauquetings, wear a garment that
extends to the ankles, not of many hues nor with worldly adornments, do not read
prohibited books, . . . play no games of magic, do not listen to foolish fables, put
away from you leke and shaJchmate .
A later work, the Pchela (‘ Bee *), which exists in a MS. of the 14th c. (§ 17),
has the following lament :
Tell me which of you . . . has taken books in his hand and read the writing?
If he tries to write, no one can read it. But table i and shakhi are found in many
of your houses. Books there are none in any of your houses, or only perhaps in
a few, &c.
In a similar strain the Metropolitan Daniel, who had been appointed by
Vassili III in 1522, deals with games in his charge to the clergy:
Now- there are certain of the clergy, elders, deacons, subdeacons, readers, and
singers, who amuse themselves by playing on the psaltery and fiddle . . . and also
play zerniyu, shaJchmate, and tablisti , and sing diabolical songs, and indulge in
immoderate and continual drinking . . . whereby great harm results to themselves
and to others, &c.
About 1550 the Protohierarch Sylvester wrote his Domostroi (‘ Household
Government ’). In this work (ch. xxiv, On Evil Living) he extends the
denunciation of games to the laity :
But the man who does not live according to God and the Christian life, . . . who
is a drunkard, . . . who lives a dissolute life, or practises witchcraft and divination,
who compounds poisons, who goes hunting with dogs or birds or bears, who practises
all kinds of diabolical gratifications, taking pleasure in buffoons and their doings,
in dancing . . . and diabolical songs, or plays zemiyu , shakhmate and tableu , whether
he do it himself or his master or mistress or his children, servants, or peasantry
do it and he do not forbid and prevent it . . . verily they shall all dwell in hell
together, and shall be accursed on earth.* 6
Finally the opposition of the Church to all games proved strong enough
to influence the civil power, and the civil code of Ivan IV, which was issued
in 1551 as the Sfoglaf (‘ Hundred Chapters *), devoted a section to ‘ Pastimes of
Hellenic devilry * in which chess, dice, tables, are declared illegal, together with
dancing, acting, and playing upon certain. musical instruments (ch. xeii).
Like all other ordinances against chess in East or West, this law failed in
its purpose. Chess was not stamped out : on the contrary, it flourished far
more vigorously than in any part of Western Europe. Hardly anything
M We learn the ecclesiastical punishment that was imposed on chess-players from another
MS. of the 16th c., which pretends to be a work of John Chrysostom’s. It adds ‘cards* to the
forbidden games. ( Shakhm . Listok, 1880, p. 269.) The punishment is as follows: ‘If any
of the clergy, be he monk, priest, or deacon, play shakhmate he shall be dismissed from his
office. If a clerk or layman play, he shall do public penance for two years, and make 200
obeisances each day, because the gamo is derived from the lawless Chaldeans, the priests of
idols, and by means of this game emperors consult with demons concerning victory : it is
a temptation of Satan.’ Another MS. of the same century contains an edifying story of a man
* who saw no sin in games with chess, or in other games with pieces \ The devil arrived
one day to play him at chess. They played all night and the devil won. He dragged the
sinner through the roof of the house with such violence that the house was destroyed, and
vanished, carrying the sinner away with him.
Digitized by Google
382
CHESS IN ASIA
PART 1
struck the early travellers and traders more about Russia than the extra-
ordinary prevalence of chess, and the high average of skill shown by the
players. Paulus Oderbornius, writing in 1581, says :
Russi seu Moschi, summa solertia, proelia latronum ludunt ; ut gem ini inter se
Reges, Albusque, Nigerque, pro laade oppositi, certent bieoloribus armis. In haec
profecto arte, ita excellunt, ut haud sciam, an ulla gens, cum illis, comparari
debeat. 87 4
And in a similar strain in Turberville’s Account of Russia (Hakluyt, 1589,
p. 412) we read :
The common game is chesse, almost the simplest will
Both give a checke and eke a mate, by practise comes their skill.
This popularity of chess is also exhibited in the many references to chess
which are to be found in the traditional ballad literature, the roots of which
are to be placed as far back as the 15th century, though the ballads have been
repeatedly modernized in the course of oral transmission. In these bilini the
boyars and boyarins, the princes, and the merchants all play chess, skakhnate \
shashke-shakhmaU , shakhmate Turetski (Turkish chess), and although the refer-
ences are generally incidental and without great detail, they are yet vivid
and accurate in move and language. 28
The Tsars themselves played chess, and Ivan the Terrible was on the
point of commencing a game when he was seized with his fatal illness. We
possess a graphic description of the scene in the Diary which Horsey kept
of his visit to Moscow' (ed. 1856, p. 201):
Brought forth, setts him downe upon his bead ; calls Rodovone Boerken a gentil-
man whome he favored to bringe the chess board. He setts his men (all savinge the
kinge, which by no means he could not make stand in his place with the rest upon
the plain board *•): his chief! favorett and Boris Fedorowich Goddonove and others
about him. The Emperor in his lose gown, shirtt and lynen hose, faints and falls
backward. Great owtcrie and sturr ; one sent for Aqua vita, another to the
oppatheke for marigold and rose water, and to call his gostlie father and the
phizicions. In the mean he was strangled and stark dead.
Two pages later (p. 203) we read :
The lord Boris Fedorowich (Tsar 1598 ; 1). 1605 ; of Mongol descent) sent for
me at eavening, whom I found playenge at chess with a prince of the bloud, Knez
Ivan Glinscoie.
17 Quoted in Selenus, p. 39. In Tanner's Legaiio Polono- Lithuanica in Moscoviam , 99, we are
told that the Russian merchants were addicted to chess.
28 Beyond a brief survey of the Russian ballad literature in W. R. Morfill’s Slavonic Literature,
London, 1883, pp. 43 ff., and a longer account in W. Wollner’s Untersuchungen uber die Volksepik
der Grossruseen, Leipzig, 1879, there is very little information available for those who are
unacquainted with Russian. In the ballad of Mikhailo Potyk , the hero plays on three
successive occasions with the heathen King of Poland, who, asking him how men in Russia
amused themselves, received the reply, * With chess ’ ; on the first occasion he staked his own
head, and after losing twice won the deciding game ; next he played for the kingdom of
Poland, losing the first two but winning the deciding third game ; finally he played for the
heathen King’s head, again winning the deciding game after losing the first two. In the
ballad of Churilla Plenkovitch the hero plays with Katharine Mikulishna of Kiev, winning 500,
1,000, and 2,000 roubles in successive games. In the ballad of Stavr Godinovitch , the hero's wife
plays Prince Vladimir of Kiev and checkmates him thrice in succession. In the ballad of
Sadko the merchant , we read of a costly chessboard with golden pieces which the hero takes
with him to the bottom of Lake Illman. In Vaesili Buslaevitch , the hero on his return home
after a long absence is not recognized bv his wife. He reminds her how they used to play
together at Turkish chess, i. c. flat or level — not uncoloured— board.
Digitized by Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
383
In an inventory of the royal treasures at this period we meet with chess
sets of crystal, of amber, of stone, and two of ivory.
Enforcement of the law must have appeared as mere persecution when the
Court played openly. The only instances of legal activity that M. Sorokin
cites relate to Siberia, sufficiently far away from the inconsistent Tsar.
A ukase of the Tsar Alexei, Dec. 13, 1B49, recounts the ill deeds of the
inhabitants of Tobolsk, among which are playing at zerniyn , karte, and
shakhmaU \ and decrees that the laity are to obey their spiritual fathers, and
that offenders are to be whipped and imprisoned. A decree of a later Tsar
in 1686 liberated from confinement to an island a working man named
Marchko Khomyakof whose sole crime had been the abuse of a chessman.
He had confused his Tsar and Ferz at a critical point in a game and in his
vexation had cursed his Tsar. For this he was brought before the voivode,
put to the torture to extract a confession, and sentenced to confinement to
an island. This happened at Verkhne-Karaiilni on the Yenisei. 30
Board-games continued very popular at the Russian court throughout the
17th century. I. E. Sabelin gives many references in his Domashni?. byt
Fuss kayo naroda r. XVI e XVII vyekakh (‘ Domestic Life of the Russian People
of the 16th and 17th cc.’). The favourite games of the Tsars were shakhmaU ,
tablet , saki , and birki , and they kept special craftsmen at the Oruzheni
Palace who were called shakhmatniks , because they were entirely employed in
making and repairing the imperial chess sets and other board- games. Game
sets were common Easter offerings to the Tsar. Thus, April 23, 1663, seven
sets of bone chessmen and two chessboards with carved and gilded edges
were presented. In 1675 the Tsar received six sets of ivory chessmen, two
larger and two smaller, and sets for birki, saki , and tablei on a tray, while
two elaborately executed chessboards, and a board with saki on the one side
and birki on the other were painted by the court ikon painters. 81 The
inhabitants of Kholmogory (a town on the Northern Dwina, about 50 miles
south of Archangel) were famed for their skill in carving, 32 and in 1669 the
Tsar Alexei Mikhailovitch ordered ten sets of chessmen from them. 33
In 1685 a Muscovite embassy to Louis XIV, consisting of two boyars and
a suite of fifty men, visited Paris. A contemporary French account praises
their skill at chess, and declared that 4 our best players are mere scholars in
comparison with them *. 34
This brings us to the reign of Peter the Great (1689—1 725), 35 under
10 Savenkof, op. cit., 94, from Russkoe Slarenye , 1892, 456. Also in Shakhm. Obosr 1901, 62.
n F. Amelung ( BatU Schachbl ., vi, Berlin, 1898, p. 139 seq.) identifies saki with HUschenspitl
(? merels) and birki with Leonorchen.
** The Moscow Museums have no chess sets of this period, but the private museum of
P. G. Shchukin contains ‘ large collections of bone chessmen, the majority being from
Kholmogory ' (Savenkof, op. cit., 94).
M M. Sorokin adds other references. In 1616 a rich purple cloth is given out as a support
for the chessboards. Sept. 13, 1680, the Tsar orders the chess and game boards to be sent
to him. Ap. 80, 1686, the Tsarina sends for the chessboards in her rooms at the Kremlin.
84 Quoted in G. Touchard-Lafosse’s Chroniqucs de V<EU-de-bamf. The misprint of 1636 for
1685 lias puzzled the Russian writers.
85 Peter the Great was, for his time, a good player. Sabelin quotes the following from
F. W. v. Bergholz, one of his Gentlemen of the Bedchamber, whose diary appeared in
Digitized by Google
384
CHESS IN ASIA
4
PART I
whom Western European influences — under his successors to be increasingly
German — began to be powerful in Russia. The nobles came in this way into
contact with Western chess, and it became fashionable to follow the Western
rules and to use the Western chessmen. 36 The history, therefore, of the chess
of the upper and educated classes since 1700 really belongs to the history of
the game in Western Europe. M. Savenkof thinks that the older chess died
out entirely soon after 1700 as the result of the persecution of both civil and
ecclesiastical authorities. 37 In this view I do not concur. I believe that the
older chess has continued right down to our time, and that it is still the
game of all the middle and lower classes who have never seen a chess book
nor entered a chess club, nor come into contact with the Western game.
There are several small indications which seem to me to point in this
direction.
There was considerable uncertainty in Russia, from 1770 until 1820 or so,
as to what was the right move of the Ferz . Mr. Coxe, who was in Russia
in 1772, states this clearly in an interesting note on the then popularity of
chess, which Twiss has recorded in his Chess (i. 26) :
Chess is so common in Russia, that during our continuance at Moscow, I scarcely
entered into any company where parties were not engaged in that diversion; and
I very frequently observed in my passage through the streets, the tradesmen and
common people playing it before the doors of their shops or houses. The Russians
are esteemed great proficients in chess. With them the Queen has, in addition
to the other moves, that of the Knight, which, according to Philidor, spoils the
game, but which certainly renders it more complicated and difficult, and of course
more interesting.
In 1821 I. Butrimof, the author of the first Russian text-book of chess,
which was naturally based upon Western European books, protested against
BuscJtings Magazin, Hamburg, 1767-98: 1 Peter came, 18 Mar., 1722, with the Duke of
Holstein to Preobrashensk and visited Menshikof in his palace. H.M. the Emperor sat
there with an old Russian at chess, which he is said to play excellently, as is tho case with
a large number of the high Russian officials/ We know from other works that Peter was fond
of chess, while on the other hand he rarely played cards. He is said to have known only
the one game Gravias , which he had learned in Holland.
Elsewhere in his diary v. Bergholz describes the Assemblies that were given in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. In both towns it was the rule to provide materials for smoking, and
tables for chess. Of Moscow he says, 1 . . . several game-tables for chess and draughts, but cards
are not played in the Assemblies there.’ In St. Petersburg, on the other hand, * the gentle-
men . . . smoke tobacco, and play cards and chess.'
F. Amelung, op. cit., viii. 441*4, has collected some later instances of chess In Imperial
circles. He shows that Potemkin, the powerful minister of Catherine II (1762-96), was
a keen player, who became so engrossed in his game that he forgot the rules of Court etiquette,
while Catherine’s son and successor, Paul I, during his stay in Paris in 1781-2 paid a visit
incognito to the Cafe de la R6gence — then the head-quarters of French chess — and won
a wager over the right move in a difficult game that he was watching. His nephew, Prince
Eug&ne of Wiirtemberg, and Gen. Klinger also played at Catherine's court.
The 19th c., with its international chess life, has seen a succession of brilliant Russian
players and writers.
** A set of silver and partly painted chessmen which belonged to the Romanof Tsars is
in the Moscow Museum (Savenkof, 103, n. 1). It is said to date from the 17th c. The
‘Bishops' are couriers, running warriors with winged helmets and shoes. The Rooks are
elephants, out of all proportion to the other pieces, with single riders.
87 M. Savenkof (op. cit., 98) notes that there are, even at the present day, survivals of this
opposition to chess on the part of the civil authorities. The game is not allowed by ‘the
police in cafes and restaurants in the capital or towns in which the majority of the popula-
tion belongs to the orthodox faith. In Riga, Warsaw, and Odessa, where this is not the case,
the police permit chess in public.
Digitized by Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA 385
the popular practice of giving the Ferz the power of three pieces and allowing
it to ‘ gallop like the Kon * (horse or Knight). Dahl, the great Swedish
lexicographer of Russian, in his Tolkovie Slovar includes under Ferz the phrase
ferz vsyacheskya, i. e. all kinds of Ferzes, which again evidences the existence
of varying powers of move. Uncertainty like this always points to a recent
extension of move from that of the older game (a single diagonal step) to that
of the modem game.
The earlier rules of the St. Petersburg Chess Club, which were printed in
1854 (see Sch., 1854, 265—91), point to other variations in practice, since it
was found necessary to legislate on such points as castling (§ 24), taking in
passing (§ 27), Pawn-promotion (§ 28), and stalemate (§ 30).
It is still usual outside the chess clubs to commence the game by the
moving of two or more men in the first turn of play of each player. The
prevalence of this custom in 1854 is shown by the fact that the St. Petersburg
rules recognize it as allowable with the consent of both players. The con-
dition is imposed that in this initial play neither player may move a man
into the opponent’s half of the board (§ 4). The reviewer of v. d. Linde’s
works in the Stratigie (May- July, 1880) states that it was still usual then
to begin the game in Russia by playing two simultaneous moves. We have
seen that this rule has obtained in Mongol and Tibetan chess, while it is one
of the most striking peculiarities of the modern Indian (Parsi) game from
the time of Nllakant-ha at least. I am inclined to see in it a survival of
Mongol influence that has continued since the Mongol period in Russia.
It was at one time (see St. Petersburg rules, § 17) usual for a player to
warn his opponent when the Queen was attacked.
In some parts ( Chess Amateur , Dec. 1907, 70) a curious rule is followed.
If a player succeeds in moving his King to the 8th line of the board, he
is entitled to replace any Pawn that has previously been taken upon any
vacant square on the file upon which his King is now standing.
Most important of all, however, is the evidence of nomenclature. What-
ever may have been the fate of the rules of the older game, its nomenclature
has undoubtedly survived. The ordinary name for chess throughout its
history in Russia has been shakhmati ; shakhmatnoy egry, meaning * the game of
chess’, containing an adjectival form. The form shakhi , quoted above from
a 14th c. MS., must always have been of rare occurrence. The name shakhmati
is obviouslj T derived from the technical term for the conclusion of the game —
shah maty checkmate, Russian shakh mat. It is somewhat remarkable that
such a name should have come into use. We should naturally have expected
to find a derivative of skafranj had the adoption of the game followed normal
lines. It may, however, be paralleled with what has happened over the
greater part of Western Europe, where chess has taken a new name with
the meaning of ‘ the game of the chessmen (scad) ’, that ultimately goes back
to the Persian name of the King (shah). Singularly enough, shahmat appears
as the name for chess in the early Hebrew poem of the Spanish rabbi,
Abraham b. Ezra (D. 1167). This must have been quite an independent use
1*70 B b
Digitized by Google
386
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
of the name, but it is of interest as showing that the concluding shout of
victory struck other people as a feature sufficiently characteristic of chess to
give the game a name. 38
From sftakh , ?king, or shakhi , chess, the diminutive shashka has been formed.
This word is now used as the name for the Russian game of draughts, which is
played on the ordinary chessboard. An alternative name which Savenkof
gives, damka , is obviously of Western origin.
The names of the pieces are as follows :
K.
<<•
B. '
Kt.
R.
P.
1
Korol
Korolevna
Sion
Kon
Lodya
Pieshka
(.king)
(queen)
Baba
(elephant)
i
(horse)
(boat >
(footman)
i
(nurse,
Krala
!
2
Kniaz
(queen)
Ferz
(prince)
Tsar
Koroleva
i
i
(emperor
(queen
Dania
3
(lady
Durak
|* : ;j
(fool)
Ofizer
i
Kavaler
Tyra
(officer
f (horseman
i
Bashnya
(castle)
Our earliest authority is Hyde, who gives the names marked (1). Those
marked (3) are taken from the modern chess literature, and show unmistak-
able signs of their Western origin. The ordinary native terms are given in
italics, Korol having now replaced the older Tsar™ which in its turn had
taken the place of Kniaz. It is possible that the King was originally named
shafch , but there is no evidence for this.
In chess works, Ferz is now a masculine noun, but in dictionaries (e. g. in
Dahl), in the few passages in 18th c. works in which the word occurs,
and in chess books as late as those of A. D. Petroff (1824 and 1827), it is
a feminine noun. The idea that the Ferz was a woman is clearly as old as
Hyde ; and it would seem to have arisen from considerations regarding* the
symbolism of chess akin to those which made the Ferz a Queen in Western
Europe, and gave the word a feminine ending ( alfferza in Spanish, fercia in
Latin). The return in modern times to what must have been the original
gender appears to be due to N. Krukofs translation of La Bourdonnais*
Nouveau Traite dujeu des echecs , which was published in Moscow, 1839.
The most remarkable of these names is that given to the Rook.
(said by Jaenisch to be only in use in literary Russian : Palamede , 1 S42)
38 An isolated English use occurs in Holiday’s Juvenal (a. 1661), p. 223. i The name of
the game, checkmate, is derived . . . from the Hebrew. 1
89 Tsar (formerly generally written Czar in English) is a Slavonic form of the Latin Caesar,
familiar as a title of the later Homan emperors. Korol is derived from the name of Karl the
Great (Charlemagne). Jaenisch uses Tsar for the chess King.
Digitized by Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
387
has the meaning of ship or boat , and the piece is now generally carved as
a frigate or man-of-war flying the Russian flag (the St. Andrew’s cross). It
is a curious coincidence that the Rook should be replaced by a Boat in lands
so far apart and so independent as Russia and Siam, Bengal and Java.
M. Savenkof has attempted an ingenious theoiy to account for the replace-
ment of the chariot, car, or wagon, by the boat in Russia. He says that it is
an established fact that so late as the time of the Petty Principalities (i. e. the
16th c.) the boat and sledge were the only means of locomotion on the
Russian plains. If this be so, the substitution would have been quite natural.
Other technicalities are shakh, check ; shakh mat, shakh i mat , check-mate ;
mat, mate ; pat, stalemate ; nechyu , even game ; and rokerovka , to castle. Pat
and rokerovka are obviously quite modern, and derived from the German.
Savenkof quotes several Russian proverbs, which are taken from the game
of chess. Thus, in a 16th c. MS. collection of Proverbs occurs, ‘ He gave
check to him, and drove him from the field 9 ; in another of 1749, ‘ When
playing chess one must save his pieces.’ Modern proverbs are ‘ Check and
mate and the game is finished ’ ; ‘ there are many checks (shukhanie), but only
one mate ’ ; ‘ to play with a man as a pieshka \
The older nomenclature is consistent with the view that the Russian game
is a direct offshoot of the Muslim game of Persia, and shows no trace of
Mongol or Greek influence. We see here, as elsewhere, the understood names
translated, and the unintelligible name borrowed. In this process there has
been no attempt to keep up the war symbolism of chess : it was a feature of
the game that would not be very obvious to the foreigner.
All the native sets of chessmen that I have seen are actual figures
reproducing the meanings of the pieces. The Korol sits upon his throne, a the
Ferz is an armed warrior, the Sion and Kon are respectively horse and elephant
Bb2
Digitized by Google
388
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
with or without riders, the Lodya is a ship, and the Pieshkas are smaller
warriors of the same pattern as the Ferz. I give some illustrations of pieces
from Mr. Platt’s collection, and reproduce the illustrations which M. Savenkof
Russian Lodya from the Platt collection. Modern.
gives of pieces in his own possession. The first Lodya , borne aloft by a sea-
monster, is modern ; the second, M. Savenkof thinks, may be early 17th c. ;
the third is not earlier than the 18th c., and the fourth is modern.
Possible Traces of Mongol Chess in Central Europe.
Certain peculiarities of play that began soon after 1600 to appear in
chess as played in different regions on the great Central Plain of Europe
are identical with some of the special features that exist in Russian
chess, or in the Asiatic games described in this chapter. These pecu-
liarities of rule have generally been held to be due to an undercurrent of
Mongol or Asiatic influences that was travelling westwards during the
Middle Ages.
The most striking of these rules are —
( a ) The game is commenced by each player in turn making a number of
moves — generally tw r o — in his first turn of play.
(b) It is usual to warn the opponent, when a move is played that attacks
Digitized by Google
Face page 388]
Digitized by boogie
Russian Chessmen
Platt Collection
Digitized by
chap, xviii CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
389
his Queen, by saying- 'Guard' or 'Queen' (England), 'Larne', ' Gardez' , or
‘ Gardez la reine' (Germany and Holland). 40 In its extreme form, the rule
decrees that the Queen cannot be captured on the following move if the
warning has been omitted.
(c) The player whose King is placed in the position of stalemate wins
the game.
There is reason to believe that each of these peculiarities of rule has existed
in the non-standardized or ‘ native 9 chess of Russia. Some of them also exist
in Eastern varieties of chess ; thus (a) occurs in Nllakant«has account of Indian
chess, in Tibetan and in Mongol chess ; (b) is observed in Malay chess ; 41
while ( c ) was the rule in an early stage of Indian chess (see p. 57).
These peculiarities of rule do not, however, all stand upon the same footing.
Rules (a) and (c) may be of Asiatic origin, but (b), in its simplest form merely
requiring warning to be given when the adverse Queen is attacked, is certainly
European, and a natural result of the great extension of move given to the
Queen at the end of the fifteenth century. Thus not only does the Earl of
Surrey (executed 1547) show, in a chess poem to be quoted later, that English
players in his time said ‘ Check and guard * when King and Queen were
attacked simultaneously, but the Italian lawyer, Thomas Actius, in his Le ludo
scacchorum in legali methodo tractatus , Pisa, 1583, lays it down as a rule of
courtesy that a player should warn his opponent of the fact whenever he
attacked his Queen with a piece other than the Queen. This custom does not
appear to have crystallized into law in Italy, Spain, or France.
These peculiarities of rule appear to have been current chiefly in Germany
and Holland. They begin to appear soon after 1600 as distinctive of a method
of play alternative to and co-existent with the ordinary European game. The
older German writers, Chr. Egenolff (Les Schachzabels griintlich bedeutung ,
Frankfurt a. M., 1536), and Lucas Wielius ( Schachzabel , Strassburg, 1606),
know nothing of this second variety of chess.
We possess most evidence for the spread of the first peculiarity — the
commencement of the game with two or more moves. That this is the case
is undoubtedly due to the fact that the rule represents the most conspicuous
departure from the ordinary European rules.
The earliest allusion that I have found occurs in the Traitte de Lausanne
( Traitte du leu royal des Echets , par B.A. D.R.G. S., Lausanne, n. d., but
c. 1675), where the author’s 20th rule (p. 14) runs :
II li'est point permis pour le premier coup que Ton joue de pousser deux piors k
la fois.
On the other hand, in a MS. German treatise now in the Hague Library (the
Kurze .... Ante ei sung und Regeln zum. Schach- Spiel of G. F. D. v. B., 1728 ;
40 I know of no evidence for the existence of this custom in France, and the use of French
terms for the warning is probably only due to the position that French held in the 18th c.
as the language of polite society.
«i Where, however, it is almost certainly due to Dutch influences.
390
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
summarized in Qsl*, 325-8), permission is given to commence the game by
the simultaneous moving of Pe4 and Pd4, if the player so wishes. 42 A four-
fold move is given in MS. Gotha, chart. B. 1229 (the Kurtzer und Deutlicher
Unterricht) of 1740, which pretends to be based on the English work of
Capt. Bertin {The Nolle Game of Chew, London, 1735). After describing the
ordinary method of opening play, the MS. (f. 5 a) continues :
The second manner of opening with the Pawns is simultaneously to advance the
two royal and two Rooks* Pawns 2 squares at the start . . . and this is counted as
one move, and the enemy has then the same liberty: in this case the other four
Pawns can never afterwards in the whole game go more than one step. But the
manner previously given is more usual, and they play in that way in England and
France, viz. they only start with one Pawn, moving it either one or two steps. 43
This is a more elaborate move, somewhat akin to that associated with the
Strobeck game described below. The more usual commencement with two
simultaneous moves is mentioned by Philidor {N Analyze des tlchecs y London,
1749, p. xv):
En plusieui*8 endroits de TAllemagne on a desfigurd ce jeu . . . premierement
on fait joiier deux coups de suite en commengant sa partie.
According to C. W. v. Konigstedt {Kort Af hand lung, Stockholm, 1784,
p. 16) it was usual in his day in Sweden to begin the game with two moves.
Although the practice of commencing the game by moving two Pawns was
sternly prohibited in the code of rules which J. Allgaier included in his Neue
theoretuch-practische Anweisung zum Schachspiele (Wien, 1795-6, 1802, 1811,
1819, 1823), the extent to which the practice still obtained in Germany in the
early 19th c. is shown both by the inclusion of a short section in the first
edition of the German Handbuch (1843, 225), in which, in reply to 1 Pd4 and
Pe4, Pe6 and Pd5 is recommended, and by club-rules prohibiting the practice.
The section in the Handbuch disappeared in later editions, a result, not of the
death of the custom, but of the increasing influence of chess clubs and chess
books. So late as 1874, however, v. d. Linde could write (i. 316) : ‘ I have
not only met with this variety in Germany and Holland very frequently right
up to the present time, but it must be regarded still as the ruling variety
there, except in the official chess clubs/ 44
The habit of announcing an attack upon the Queen was general in non-
standardized chess circles in Germany and Holland in the middle of the
42 * Die zwey Bauren, welche vor dem Kftnig und der KOnigin stelien, kan man : jedocli
wilkiirlich : auf einmalil und zugleich ziehen, wenn beide noch auf ihren ersten Platz
stehen.*
48 * Die zweyte Manier des Auszugs mit den Bauern ist, dass man gleich Anfangs mit den
2 Kbniglichen und 2 Rochen -Bauern auf einmal 2 Schritt hervortritt . . . und dieses wird vor
einen Zug gcrechnet, und der Feind liat alsdann eben die Freyheit : In dicsem Fall aber
diirffen die iibrigen 4 Bauern im gantzen Spiel niemals mehr als nur 1 Schritt thun. Allein
vorhin gemeldte Manier ist gebr&uchlicher, wie sie denn auch in England und Frankreich
also spielen, nehmlich dass sie nur alle mahl mit einem Bauer heraus gehen, es sey mit
1 oder 2 Schritt/ See Sch ., 1872, 278-9.
44 He describes some of his experiences in his Schachspiel des XVI, Jahrhunderts , Berlin,
1874, 7 and 118. One Berlin opponent began 1 Pe4 and Bc4 with the remark, ‘Dat jeht ja
schneller * ; others began 1 Pe4 and Pd 4.
Digitized by
Google
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
391
19th c., and even later. 4:i It also existed in Iceland and in England, and
I have met with elderly players who were aggrieved because I had omitted
to cry ‘ Queen ’ before capturing tbeir Queen.
The curious rule regarding stalemate first appears in Europe in A. Saul’s
Famous Game of Chesse-Play, London, 1614, where it is justified by the
argument that the player who has staled his opponent * hath disturbed the
course of the game, which can only end with the grand Check-mate \ I have
already suggested elsewhere 46 that its appearance in England was a result of
the flourishing English trade with Russia in Tudor times, and of the extra-
ordinary impression that the prevalence and strength of chess-play in Russia
had made upon English merchants. We find the rule repeated by Beale
(Royall Game of Cheese- Play by Biochimo , London, 1656), by Capt. Bertin
(op. cit., 1735), who gives some endings as ‘ won by the Patt\ and by Stamma
( Noble Game of Chess, London, 1745). It was embodied in the code of laws
framed by the Chess Club which from 1774 made Parsloe's, St James’s Street,
London, its head-quarters, and is repeated in the laws of English chess in the
later editions of Philidor’s Analysis . J. H. Sarratt, in his Treatise , London,
1808, was the first to adopt the French and Italian rule by which stalemate
was a drawn game, and, though the minor chess writers, led by Peter Pratt,
fought hard for the ‘ English * rule, the influence of Sarratt, W. Lewis, and
the London Chess Club was strong enough to cause the rule to disappear from
club-play before 1820. Since then the rule has only lived in traditional hand-
books (like those of Hoyle) which were re-issued from year to year without
alteration. 47 The rule has also lived in Germany, but has never attracted
the attention or gained the importance that it did in England.
All these peculiarities are to be found in a small German handbook
that appeared in 1872, O. Klemich’s Das Schach - oder Kriegs - oder Kb nigs-
Spiel , Leipzig, 1872 (cf. Sch., 1873, 79-82). This work describes the un-
recognized variety of German chess which the magazines and clubs con-
temptuously dismiss as the Korkser chess. The special features of this game
are : (1) it is a matter for mutual agreement whether the Pawns be allowed
to make an initial move to the 4th line, (2) a Pawn can only be promoted
to the rank of a piece already lost, and if none has been lost the Pawn must
remain as a £ dummy * until a piece has been sacrificed, (3) a King loses its
right to castle if it has been checked, (4) the player who stalemates his
opponent loses the game, (5) an attack on the Queen cannot be made effective
unless ‘ Gardez la reine ’ has been said, (6) it is ‘ almost a law' ’ that the game
must be begun with two simultaneous moves (said to be usually 1 Pd4 and
Pe4 or Ph3 ; but one illustrative game begins 1 Pd4 and Pc4, Pd4 and P x P,
crossing the middle of the board).
44 Y. d. Linde gives an instance from his own eiperience in his Schachspid des XVI. Jahr -
hunderts , 119, where a Berlin doctor objected to the capture of his Queen on the ground
that v. d. Linde had not said ‘Gardez’ on the previous move.
44 In an article ‘Stalemate’ in BCAf., 1903, 281-9.
47 The rule still appeared in editions after 1857, and I have met with players who
argued that the rule was so. V. d. Linde played with an American student at Gttttingen in
1861 who still observed the rule ( Leerboek , p. 274).
Digitized by
392
CHESS IN ASIA
PART I
Another variety of chess, exhibiting some of the special features just
described, has long been associated with the village of Strobeek near Hal*
berstadt, in the Harz Mountains, which has been noted since the beginning
of the 17th c. for the fact that chess has maintained an extraordinary
]K>pnlarity among all classes of its inhabitants. The earliest account of this
chess-playing village is given by Gustavus Selenus (i. e. Augustus, Duke of
Brunswick-Liineborg) in his Schach- oder Konigt-Spid , Leipzig, 1616. The
inhabitants of * Stropeke 9 then played chess in three ways, Courier, Old chess,
and ‘Welsch* (i. e. foreign, generally Italian) chess. The first of these is
a modification of chess played with additional pieces upon a board of 12 by 8
squares. The second is the unreformed mediaeval game as described by
EgenolfF. The third is the reformed European game, but with certain pecu-
liarities. It was begun with the advance of the a-, d- 9 and ^-Pawns, to their
4th squares and the ‘ Freudensprung 9 (joy -leap) of the Queen to her 3rd
square. Each player made these four moves in his first turn of play, and the
game then continued in the ordinary way by alternate moves of single pieces.
This opening was also compulsory in the. Courier game. The same opening
was found in use by the 19th c. players who made pilgrimages to StrObeck 48
attracted by the chess-reputation of the village. There are also other rules of
which Selenus omits to give (1) and (4) : (1) the board is always placed with
a black square to the player's right hand ; (2) after the initial move no Pawn
can move more than one square at a time ; (3) the King can only move to an
adjacent square, hence castling is impossible ; (4) a Pawn on reaching the 8th
row has to make three ‘ Freudenspriinge ' 49 to the 6th, 4th, and 2nd rows on
the same file before it can receive promotion. It then becomes a Queen only.
It can neither take nor leap over a piece during the ‘ Freudenspriinge \ It is
immune from capture while on the 8th row, but not during its leaps back to*
its original square, which need not be in consecutive moves.
The history of the popularity of chess in Strobeek is very obscure, and
none of the many legends that are current appear to have any historical
foundation. The game has been regarded as a survival of Asiatic influences
that have penetrated through Russia. It is singular that the opening play is
identical with the opening that NTlakant*ha gives as usual in India in his day,
and the obstacles to Pawn-promotion may be compared with similar features
in the Soyot (p. 372) and Malay games.
The reputation of the play of the villagers has always been in excess of
the real facts. None of the 19th century visitors found any player of more
than medium ability. 60
The village possesses a board, arranged on the one side for chess and on
** Silberschmidt (1825), W. Lewis (1881), Bledow, and Max Lange (1850 and 1858).
49 Also oalled Rilcksptiinge, and Prubcsprunge (Sc A., 1850, 199).
80 Several games played against villagers have been printed, e.g. two by Silberschmidt
DU mmn tdeckten Geheimnisse, Brunswick, 1826, whence in CPC., 1846, 178 ; three by Lewis in
hi Games, London, 1832 ; one by Bledow in the 1st ed. of the Handbuch , 1848, p. 865 ;
one by Max Lange in his Sammlung neuer Schach- Particn, Leipzig, 1857, p. 196.
Digitized by v^ooole
i
chap, xvm CENTRAL AND NORTH ASIA, AND RUSSIA
393
the other for Courier, 61 which bears an inscription recording the fact that
it was given by Frederick William I of Prussia, 13 May, 1651. The pieces
which belonged to the board have long been lost. In 1744 Frederick the
Great visited the village and played chess with one of the inhabitants. The
continuance of the chess-life of the village has been ensured since 1823 by
a small endowment, the income of which is to be used to maintain a supply
of chessboards to be given as prizes for an annual competition among the
children in the village school. 62
The hypothesis that these German varieties of chess represent the western
limit of a migration by way of Central Asia has this in its favour, that it
enables us to arrange the story so as to show an orderly and self-consistent
development. But, apart from the internal evidence of the rules — and it is
easy to exaggerate the importance of this — there is but little other evidence
to support it. Liegnitz, in Prussian Silesia, once the frontier town of Poland,
was the extreme point on the Great Plain touched by the Mongols them-
selves (1241), and their invasions, even in Russia itself, were singularly fruit-
less in influencing language or customs. We are really thrown back upon
the argument that the mathematical chances are so great against two peoples
developing the same varieties of rule, that the existence of common rules must
presuppose a relationship between the games in which they occur.
We may probably rely upon the mathematical argument in all cases in
which the number of common features is considerable; the difficulties arise
when the number of common features is small. We appear to have at least
one case of an independent appearance of the same rule in unconnected games
in the restriction of the Pawn’s initial double-move to the d -, e- y and
^-Pawns, which existed in Germany from about 1500 until 1750 at least,
and also exists in the modem Parsi chess of Southern India. V. d. Linde
at one time was inclined to consider the Strobeck rales as a fossilized form
of this older German rule, though later he adopted the view that the game
was a Mongol survival. There is, of course, the possibility that his first view
is the true one, and that the method of commencing the game with simul-
taneous moves is German in origin and that its appearance in the Russian
and Mongol games is an introduction from the West. On the whole, however,
I am inclined to think that the other view is the more probable, and that
these peculiarities of rule are of Eastern origin.
01 The Courier game (see p. 483) was extinct when Lewis visited StrCbeck in 1831, and the
ordinary chess was beginning to replace the special variety in 1883, when the local Schach-
bund began to take interest in the village and its older games.
62 There is a considerable literature on Strobeck. To the list given by v. d. Linde (i. 312-6)
may be added Sch. t 1873, 370; 1883, 142 and 330; 1885, 171. BCM., Xmas, 1893, 14;
1902, 421 and 472. Also see v. d. Linde's Leerboek , 264.
.gitized by Google
I
PART II. CHESS IN EUROPE
CHAPTER I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM: ITS ORIGIN
AND BEGINNINGS
The ancestry of the game. — The evidence of nomenclature, and the light it throws
upon the date of the introduction of cheBS into Christian Europe. — The European
names for chess. — Where was the European game first played] — Mythical
stories. — Earliest certain references to chess or chessmen of contemporary date.
1 Historically, modern European chess is an advanced variety of Muslim
chess, which has been differentiated from the parent game as the result of
a long series of improvements in move and rule. When chess entered Western
Europe it took its place for the first time in the main stream of civilization.
There it became subject to those laws of development and progress which
were working in all other branches of human activity. The history of chess
in Europe, 1 therefore, is a story of advance in form and rule which has ended
in placing the game in its position of pre-eminence among other games of
its type.
When, however, chess was first played by Christians in Western Europe
it was played with the same rules that were followed throughout the
Muhammadan world, and for a period — lasting, perhaps, as late as 1200 —
there was no serious difference of rule or move from the Indus to the Atlantic
and from the Sahara to Iceland. The Muslim game had then the brighter
prospects, since it already possessed a literature and its masters had developed
a science of play. All that the Europeau player received with chess was the
bare rules of play and a number of End-game positions, problems, or exercises
with the pieces. The whole development of the game in Europe is European
from start to finish. It is interesting to note that the Muslim game stood
still the whole time that the European game was advancing, and that all
subsequent advance in the Muslim game can be traced to the influence of the
Christian chess.
The Muhammadan parentage of European chess is established by the
identity of rule exhibited in the earliest European literature of the game, by
the Arabic End-games and puzzles in the European problem collections, and
by the Arabicisms in the nomenclature of the European game. It is to this
1 I use 4 Europe * in the sequel in the limited sense of Western Christendom, and exclude
from it all those countries which, at the particular time of which I happen to be writing,
belonged to the Eastern Church or to Islam.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. T
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
395
last evidence, and to the conclusions to which it leads, that I now propose
to turn.
Hitherto one of the most striking pieces of evidence for the passage of
chess from one people to another has been found in the fact that the name
of the game was transmitted together with the game itself. Thus the
Sanskrit chaturanga became the Persian chair ang^ and the Persian chaining
became both the Greek zatnkion 2 and the Arabic shat r an j. It is noteworthy
that the same thing did not happen when the Arabic shatranj became a
European game. It is only in the two Iberian dialects which political events
have raised into the literary languages of Spanish and Portuguese that we
find any trace of the Arabic name of chess. The Spanish ajedrez (formerly
pronounced ashedres, now a-khe-dreth) and the Portuguese xadrez (pronounced
she-dres) are both descended from the Arabic ash -shatranj, 6 the shatranj \
‘ the chess \ 3 Elsewhere in Europe — and even in the Catalan dialect of North-
East Spain — chess has received a new name, one, indeed, that still goes back
to an Arabic chess-term, but to a word which was never used in Arabic in the
sense of * the game of chess \ 4
The European borrowings are confined to the use of the Arabic names
of three of the pieces of the Muslim game, to the adoption of the name of
a fourth piece — the shah — in a novel sense, and to the use of the striking
technicalities of play — the warnings shah , shall wa rukh , and shah wa mat
or mat.
The names of the pieces firz (our Queen), fit, with article prefixed al-fit
(our Bishop), and rukh (our Rook) were retained in the Latinized forms ferzia ,
alphiles , and rochus . While these transliterations are quite regular, the
spelling rochus throws valuable light upon the immediate source of European
chess. It shows that the word was taken from the Maghrib or Western
dialect of Arabic, which was spoken, by the Muslim peoples of the Mediter-
ranean shores to the West of Egypt, and especially in Morocco and Moorish
Spain. One of the marked peculiarities of this dialect is the pronunciation
of the vowel damma, which in Arabia, Egypt and Syria, and among Eastern
Muslims generally, is pronounced u (u = oo in moon : u = oo in book). In the
Maghrib dialect this vowel is more open, and is pronounced o (d as in note ;
ti as in not). The Ar. rukhkh accordingly becomes rokhkh in Maghrib, a pro-
nunciation that has given the Latin roc and rochus.
More interesting is the development of the Arabic word shah in Latin,
and thence in other European languages. In Arabic this word is used in chess
* Whence the Latin 6 zatricium, 7 zatrichium, and the Fr. 9 zatrikiologie, -ique, and the
Eng. 9 zatrikiological. (Following the practice of the New English Dictionary , I use the
numerals 1, 2, 8,.. .9 to show that the name or form to which they are prefixed occurs in
works or records belonging to the 11th, 12th, 1 3th,... 19th centuries respectively.)
8 I have noted the following forms : Sp. 8 acedrex, alcedrex, 4 axadrezes, 6-9 axedres,
6 9 axedres, 6 axderez, axederez, axedreces, 7 axadres, 9 ajedrez. Pg. 6 axedrez, 7 axadres,
achadres, 9 xadrez. The Sp. ajedrez and the Pg. xadrez are also used in the nautical sense of
‘ netting * or 4 grating *.
4 That is, in the e$rly period before the European had developed the name of chess.
Al-Maqqarl (D. 1041/1632) in his Nafh at- fib min ghusn al-Andalus (ed. Dozy, Dugat, Krehl and
Wright, Leyden, 1855-61, i. 480), uses Vicad astishdh in the sense of ‘chessmen* (’ a'wdd =
sticks), but it is probable that this isolated instance is taken from the European terminology.
Digitized by Google
396
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
solely as the name of the piece which we name King , and although it was
used to give the opponent warning’ of the fact that the player’s move had
given check to the King, it is easy to see from the expressions shah tea rukh
(King and Rook), shah wa fit (King and Bishop), &c., which were used when
the check attacked another piece at the same time, that this warning was
simply a repetition of the name of the piece. From it, however, the Arabic
players had formed the verbs slidha, * ashaha and inshaha , with the meaning
‘ to say shah ’, ‘ to check ’.
In Latin we find no less than five distinct adaptations of the Arabic
s liah) viz. (1) the inteijection scac, scacum ; (2) the neuter noun scacum ,
meaning ‘a check’; (3) the adjective scacus , meaning ‘checked*; (4) the verb,
scacare, ‘ to check ’ ; and (5) the masculine noun scacus , which really repro-
duces the Arabic noun, but has in Europe undergone an important and un-
expected development of meaning.
The form and pronunciation (with hard c like k , skak, &c.) of the Latin
words do not appear at first sight to be natural adaptations of the Arabic
word, and yet both can be shown to be completely in accordance with Latin
usage of the eighth and following centuries. The Semitic sibilant sh was
unknown to classical Greek and Latin, and in adopting Semitic words it was
necessary to replace this sound by that sound or combination of sounds already
in these languages which appeared to provide the closest approximation.
In Greek the chosen equivalent was s or si ; 5 in Latin, until as late as the
5th c. a.d. s was also used. Thus in the Vulgate, the Old Testament names
Shem and Sharon become Sem and Saron . After the fall of the Roman Empire
of the West, the practice in Latin changed, and the combination sc, un-
doubtedly pronounced sk, came into use. This was in regular use as early as
the 8th c., and examples of its use are not unknown even as late as the 13th
and 14th cc., by which time the sound of sh had itself become a usual and
recognized European sibilant. The Latin written aspirate h, again, did not
answer to any of the Semitic aspirates, which are all clearly voiced. The various
methods of writing the guttural tenuis sound in Latin : c, cc, ch, were all
accordingly used to represent the Semitic aspirates. Hence scac, scach, scacc,
with or without the terminations -us, -um, -are, are all of them normal Latin
methods of representing the Arabic shah, if the word was introduced not
earlier than about the 8th c. a. d. 6
6 Cf., for example, Ducas’s rendering of Shahrukhkh , 'Staxpovxj and the Mod. Gk. oarpiyyiov,
aarpivyiov, for shatranj.
6 I have noted the following forms (those with t are due to misreadings of MS. c) :
(а) the interjection scac, scacum ; the noun scacum.
2-5 scach (um, 8-6 scacc(um, 8 scat(um, 4-6 scac(um, scacc hum, 4 scliachum, schacum,
scliaccum, 5 scacha, scak, schach, schaek, escaccum, scaccus, statum, 6 schac, scacch. Also
5 sea cent us (gen. -us), scactiticacio (=* scacum).
(б) the adjective scacus.
2- scaccus.
i c) the verb scacare.
2-5 sc&ccare (part, scaccatus in sense of chequ&eil only). Also 5 scactificare.
( d ) the noun scacus, a chessman.
1, 6 schacus, 1 eschacus. 3-5 scaccus, scacus (dat. pi. scacibus). 4-5 scachus, 5 scakus,
status, 6-6 scacchus, 6 schaccus ; dim. 4 scaculus; collect . 8 6 familia ; 5 scliacalia (Gest. Rom,),
For the plural forms (scac*), see below, note 20.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
39 7
Moreover, the European words were pronounced skat, - us , -um, -are . This
is established (1) by the occurrence of the variant spelling skakkus in MSS.
of English origin, (2) by the fact that it had in OHG. in the lOth-llth cc.
the form scdh (pronounced skdkh ), from an earlier OHG. and OLG. scdc ; and
(3) by the sound-development undergone in the transition from Latin to the
mediaeval and modern Romanic languages. This development is precisely the
same as that undergone by classical Latin words with the initial syllable sea-.
This last fact is particularly important since it shows that the word scdc
( -us , -urn, &c.) must have been in Latin before the sound laws that modified
sc - had begun to work. On phonetic grounds it seems certain that scac, -us,
-um, were in Latin by the ninth century. The development of these words,
the plural form scaci, and the verb scacare in the Romanic languages has
followed regular lines, and the difference of form between scac , scacum, and
scacus has naturally disappeared. Thus we have 7
Latin
scac, scacus, scacum
pi. scaci
vb. scacare
Catalan .
scach
scach s
Italian
scacco
scacchi
(scacchiare)
Proven9al
escac
escas
Middle French
eschec
esches
eschequier
Modern French
gchec
tehees 8
Anglo-French .
eschek
esches
eskekier
English .
check
chess
check
The OHG. scdh 9 became schdch in MHG., and schach in NHG., with a
number of dialectal and popular perversions such as schaf, schoff. Prom an
OLG. scdc or skdk (not yet recorded) come the LG. dialectal forms schaek, sckag,
and schaig , and the Middle Dutch scaec (= scdc), Modern Dutch schaak ; all
these forms being in complete harmony with well-known phonetic laws. The
Norse forms — the Middle Icelandic scdc, the Modern Icelandic and Danish
skdk, the Norwegian stag, and the Swedish schak — are also drawn from the
OLG. scdc or skdk.
From the MHG. the word passed into Czech and appears in the 15th c. in
the form ssach (pronounced shakh) and in Modem Bohemian and Polish as
7 Theform9 in the Romanic languages for the noun, interjection and verb are as follows :
(a) Scac, scacum ; scacus (o chesstnan). Cat. 5 scach, 9 escach. (Sp. 8-7 xaque, 7 xaques,
9 jaque ; Pg. 9 xaque, cheque are probably direct from the Ar.) It. 4- scacco, 6-6 scacho,
schacho, schaccho, 5-7 scaco, 6 sehacco, chacco, chaccho, ischacho, ischaccho, schaco, ischaco,
6- 7 scaccho. Prov. 8 escac, eschah. Fr. 2-7 eschec, 2-6 eschek, 2-4 eschet, 8-4 eschat, eskiek,
4-6 eschiec, eschac, 4-6 escac, scac, 4 eskeo, eschecs, 5 escat, scat, escha, schac, eschack,
7- echec. AF. 8-4 eschek. Eng. 4- check, 4-6 chek, checke, 4-5 chekke, 4 cheke, 6 chicke,
chec. Sc. 5 chak, chek, check, eschesk (int.).
( b ) Scacare . Fr. eschequier, eschecquer, eskekier, eschecker. Eng. 4-6 chek(e, 6 chekk,
-yn. 5-6 chek, 6-7 checke, 6- check. Sc. 5 chac, 9 chack.
8 Darmcsteter (Hist. Fr. Gram., Eng. tr. by Hartog, London, 1899, 258) states that cciiscs is
pronounced eche , but adds the note, 1 We may remark, however, that the present tendency
is to pronounce echek's and not echts. 1
9 It is a curious coincidence that scac took in OHG. a form that was identical with
a genuine native Germanic word meaning theft, robbery, pillage. From this Teutonic root
we find in MHG. schdch = robbery ; schdchcere = robber ; and schdchen « to rob ; whence also
in early Frankish and Lombard laws are found the Latin words scachum « theft, and
schachator «= robber. Cf. also the NHG. schacher, and NDu. schaken . The same root occurs in
the name of the Jura Pass, Scha/matte (older Schachmatte). It i9 possible that this coincidence
helped the mediaeval Latin scholars towards the identification of chess with the classical
ludus latrunculorum.
Digitized by Google
398
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Hzach (pron. shakh) and in Croatian as ia/i. The Lettish schack certainly, and
the Hungarian sakk probably, are also of German parentage . 10
It is clear from this brief summary of the facts that the form-development
of this one word shah, in the European languages reveals important informa-
tion not only as to the time of the coming of chess into Western Europe, but
also as to the manner of its diffusion over the continent.
The sense-development of scacus , the exact equivalent of the noun skdh t
is also interesting. It ought to have appeared in Latin in its Arabic meaning
of ‘ the King in the game of chess \ I know of only one instance of ite use
in this sense, late in date, and suspicious on other grounds . 11 As a matter of
fact, the chess King was eveiywhere given a native name. The ordinary
meaning of scacus in Latin and in the Romanic languages is that of ‘ chess-
man 9 without restriction to piece or Pawn. Thus in Cessolis we read :
Sextus scachus ante alphilem hanc formam accepit . 12
and —
A ternario autem numero omnis scachus moveri incipit . 13
There is no Arabic authority for this extension of meaning. In that
language there was no regular term for the chessmen in general and we
find them called ask-shafranj (in connexion with the Knights tour over
the whole or the half board) and alat (implements), or dawabb (animals) ;
while mithal (image) and qit'a (piece) occur more rarely in less technical
descriptions. We must, therefore, regard this development in the meaning
of scacus as a European extension. It is tempting to argue that it shows
a want of intimate knowledge of chess since it ignores its most characteristic
feature, the difference of piece ; and that it is a change of meaning that
would be quite intelligible if a knowledge of chessmen had preceded the
10 I have noted the following forms for the interjection : HG. 4 sch&ch, 6- scliach, 5 schaclit,
scliauch, 5-7 schoch. LG. 4 dialects, schag, schaig, schaek, schak, schack ; Du. 3-5 scaec,
4 scace, 5-6 schaeck, 8- schaak (pronounced skh&k). Ic. 4 sc&c, 6- skdk. Dan. 7-9 schak,
9 skak. Sw. 8- schack. Cz. $ach. Pol. szacli. Croat. 8ah. Hun. sakk.
In German (and Dutch) schachen (schaaken) means ‘to play chess'. The Ic. sk£ka,
and Dan. 7 skaaka, 9 skaka, mean * to give check \
11 Viz. in a German-Latin Vocabulary of 1482, cited in L. Frisch's Deutsch -Latein isches
WorterbucJi : ‘Schach, der Ober-R&uber, rex in ludo latrunculorum. 1 Here is obvious con-
fusion between the two German words schach y assisted considerably by the knowledge that in
later Latin latro (= soldier) had developed the meaning of thief or freebooter.
18 Ed. KOpke, Brandenburg, 1879, 26.
18 Ibid., 31. Instances could easily be multiplied from the Latin, French, and Italian
Problem MSS. Apparently the use of scacus and its Romanic forms in the sense of chessman
was confined to Italian and French. In other languages the terms in use are —
Sp. 3- trebeio, 6 trebejo.
Pg. 9 trebelho.
AF. 8 horns, 4 home. (Whence in Lat. 4-5 homo.)
Eng. (1) sing. 6- chess-man, 7- chessman (rare). (2) pi. 5- men ; 5-6 ohesemen, ches se-
men, 6- chessmen, 6-7 chesmen, 6 chestmen, chessemen, 7- chess-men (Sc. 6 chasmen) ;
collect. 4-5 meyne, 4 meine, 5 meny of the cheker, 5 chesse-meyne ; 5 esclies (once in
Lydgate) ; also 5 chequer (once in Caxton) ; 7 chesse pin ; 7-8 pin.
Ic. 6- skakmafiur ; pi. 8- sk&kmenn ; 7- menn.
Ger. 4- stein, 5-7 stain, 6 steinn, 9 sc ha ch stein : 2 4 gestein,4 schachzabelgesteine. (Whence
in L. 4-5 lapis.)
Du. 4 steen, 6-7 schaek-schijve.
There are also more general terms, viz. : L. 4-6 calculus (It.). Sp. 5- pieza, 6 pie 9 a.
Pg. 9 pieza. It. 6- pezzo, 6 pezo, fighura. Fr. 7- pi&ce. Eng. 6- piece, 6 peace, 7 peice.
Ger. schach-figur. Du. 6 schaeksteck, 9 stuk, schaakstuk. Dan. brikke, scliak-brikke.
Sw. pjes, schack-pjcs.
Digitized by Google
chap, i CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM 399
knowledge of chess itself. 14 Unfortunately there is no evidence that this was
the case.
By a natural extension of meaning scacus acquired the wider sense of
‘ game-piece ’ or ‘ man ’ in general. It is accordingly used in the Vetula (iii.
xxx v) 16 for the counters with which the arithmetical game Rythmomaehy
was played, and in the Catholicon Anglicum 10 for the men with which Tables
was played. This extended meaning is found in the case of the Middle
French eschec, and in that of the German schachzabeL In the Bavarian
Lowlands and in Nurnberg, schafzagel now means the game of Merels, Ger.
Miihlenspiel} 1
The Italian scacco , the Spanish escaque y and the English check have the
further meaning of ‘ square of the chessboard \ 18 I have not met with any
instance of the use of scacus in this sense, and I am inclined to believe it
due to a mistaken idea of the origin of the Latin name for the chessboard
scaccarium .
It is this word scacus in its meaning of chessman which has given chess
its European name. The only classical Roman game of pure skill, the ludus
latrunculorum (latronum or calculorum) took its names from the latrunculi
(latrones or calculi) with which it was played. It was natural in naming a new
game to follow the analogy of the names of older games. Ludus scacorum , the
game of the chessmen, or more briefly scaci, the chessmen, became in this
way the Latin names for chess. The same analog\ r was followed in the case
of other new or revived board-games, and in mediaeval Latin we begin to hear
of Indus tabularum (tabulae), the game of the table-men — the Arabic nard,
and Indus marellorum (i marelli ), the game of counters — the Arabic qirq™ in
conjunction with ludus scacorum , chess — the Arabic shatranj . And when at
a later time the game of draughts came into existence it also received for
its name a similar periphrasis, and was known as ludus dominarum (dominae)
localise the draughtsman was, so far as move went, identical with the then-
existing chess Queen (dornina).
14 Suppose some isolated Indian carvings of chess Kajas had reached Venice in the early
days of its Oriental trade (8th c.), and had attracted attention as novelties. The Muhammadan
middlemen would naturally call them shah, and the Latin-speaking merchant would repro-
duce this as scacus. There might even be the explanation, ‘ a piece used in playing a game \
When other chessmen followed, either singly or in complete sets, the name scacus would be
ready for them. I think it very probable that the lone Indian Shfih (see Frontispiece and
p. 87) in the Bibl. Nat. in Paris reached Europe in this way.
16 ‘ Numeros hinc inde tabellae/Seu scaci portunt.’ And again : 4 Ideo quoque Scaci /Pyra-
midales sunt/
14 (1483), London, 1881, p. 376. A Tabylle man ; scaccus, calculus. The Spanish escaqucs
is used in the Alfonso MS. for an astronomical game which is described, p. 349.
17 Schmeller, Bairisches Wdrierbuch, iii. 334.
18 I have noted the following terms for 4 the square of the board * : L. 3-6 punctum,
4-5 punctus; 1-5 tabula; 4-5 domus, 4 dommus; 4 campus; casa, cassa; quadras; locus;
4-6 sedes, 4 seddes ; 5 quadra ; pirga. It. 4-6 punto ; 6- scacco, 6 schacco ; 6- casa.
Sp. 3 casa ; 5- punto ; 9 escaque ; casella. Pg. 9 quadrado. Fr. 2-5 point, 4 poynt ; 7- case ;
5 querreure ; 6 cellule. Eng. 4 pointe, 5-6 poynt ; 6 cheker, 9 chequer (rare) ; 7-8 house ;
8- square. Ger. 3- feld, 4-6 veld, 5 velt. Du. veld. Ic. 7- reitur. Sw. rutor, schackrata,
f<. Cz. pole. Pol. kratka. Hun. negyszdgor, koczka.
19 The relationship of these games with the Arabic ones still awaits investigation. There
is some reason to believe that both tables and merels were known in classical times to the
Romans, and Fiske {Chess in Iceland , 1905, 361) has suggested that the East obtained them
from the West. It is clear, however, from the Spanish name of merels — alquerque — that in
Spain, at least, the mediaeval knowledge of merels came from the Arabs.
Digitized by Google
400
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
From the terms Indus scacorum or scad are derived the ordinary names of
chess in every language of Western Christendom except Spanish, Portuguese,
and Welsh, viz. the Italian scacchi , the Catalan escachs , the French ichecs \ the
English chess, the German schachspiel , the Dutch schaakspel , the Danish
schakspil, the Icelandic skaktafl, the Swedish schackspil , the Lettish schacha -
spehlS \ the Czech hachy, the Polish szachy , the Croatian sah, the Servian shkak,
the Roumanian sah (pi. sahurt), and the Hungarian sak(k)jdtek*° As we
have already seen, Spanish and Portuguese have kept the Arabic name, and
thereby demonstrated a closer connexion between their chess and the Arabic
game than is found elsewhere in Europe : Welsh has drawn its name of
seccyr from the Latin scaccarium .
It is almost a commonplace of modern writers to paraphrase chess and
Indus scacorum as the ‘ Royal Game as though this were the real meaning
of the name.* 1 It is of course true that the original meaning of the word
shah in Persian is ‘King’, but, so far as the European word ‘chess* is con-
cerned we must adopt a more democratic note. There is no allusion to the
chess King or any single type of chessman; the name ‘chess’ includes the
whole estate of the chessmen with whom the game is played.
In the later Middle Ages an attempt was made to substitute other names
for ludus scacorum , which were either based on the supposed history of the
game, or satisfied a growing fastidiousness in the use of Latin. Thus we
have (3, 5) ludus Ulyxis, (7) ludus Palamedis, (5-7) ludus latrunculorum,
(6) latrunculi, (7) lusus latrunculorum, (8) ludus latronum,and (6-8) ludus latrun-
ou lari us, and the more artificial (7) scacchiamachia and shahiludium or schahi-
20 I have noted the following forms: L. 1-6 scachi, 1-3 schaci, 2-7 scacci, 2-6 scaci,
4 scaqui (Prov.), cachi (Maussac bequest), 5 schaki, 5-6 scacchi (It.); 1-6 ludus scachorum,
2-7 ludus scaccorum, 2-5 ludus scacchorum, ludus scacorum, 2 ludus skakkorum, 4-8 ludus
schachorum, 4-6 ludus schacorum, 4-6 ludus schacchorum (It.), 5 ludus schaccorum, ludus
schakorum, 6 ludus shacorum ; 5 jocus saccorum (8, 5 scachus, 5 scaccus, 7 scacchus, 5 scaco
(It.), 6 scaccia; 6 ludus scachicus; 6-7 ludus scacchiae). Cat. 5 scacs, sachs, schaclis,
escuachs, 6- escachs, scachs, 6-6 squachs, esquachs, 9 escaques. It. 4- scacchi, 6-7 scachi,
6- 7 scaco, 6 schacchi. Prov. 3 eseax, escas, escacs, escacx, eseaxs, escatz, escadz. Fr. 2-7
eschez, 2-6 esches (esches, each 6s), 2-5 eschas, eschax, 2-4 escies, 2 escays, 3-6 esches, escas,
5- 4 eschies, eskies, 3 eskas, esc6s, esk&s, 4-8 echoes, 4-7 eschetz, eschecz, 4-6 eschecs, eschais,
4 eschaz, echez, eschiecz, 5-7 eschets, 6 eschack, ekies, 6 eschatz, 7- tehees, 7 echets, AF. 4
eschekes, 5 shetes. Eng. 4-5, 7 ches, 4-6 chees, 4-7 chesse, 4, 7- chess, 6 esches, schesse, 5-7
chesses, 6 chestes, cheast(e)s, 6-7 chests ; 7 chesse play, chesse-play. HG. 1-2 sc&hzabel, 2-6
sch&chzabel(spil, 2-4 scliazabel(spil, 2-3 sc&chzabel, scahzabil, 2 scliahz&bel, scazzabel, schAch-
zagelspil, 3-7 schachzabel(spil, 3-4 sch&cli, schAfzabel, 8 sch&chzabel, sch&hzabel, schAchzavel,
schachtzabel, 4-5 schaffzagel, 4 schachzcabilspil, schachzagel(spil, sachzagelspil, schaf-
zagel, schaffzabul, schafzaln, 5-6 schachzagl, schaffzabelspil, 5 schachzabell, schachzafel,
schachczagl, schachzawel(Bpil, schachtzagel, schachtzabel, schauchzabil, schochzabel(spil,
schochtzabil, schafzabel(spil, schaffczabelspil, schaffeczabel, schaffzapelspil, schafzawel, schaff-
zawelspil, schafzagel, schaffzagel, schaufzawel, schafzagll, schagzagl, 6 schakspil, schachspyl,
7- schachspiel, 7 scliacht, schachtspill. LG. 4 schaektafelspil, schachtafelspil, 5 schachttafel,
schatabel, schattavel, schattafel, scbottafel. schafftafel; 4 scecspel, schakspil, schaekspel,
schaeckspoel, schaekspel, schakspel. Du. 3-5 scaec, 4-5 scaken, 4 scaeken, scak, 5-7 schaek,
6- schaak, 6 schaek ; 8-4 scaecspel, 6-7 schaeckspel, 7-8 schaakspil, 8 schaakspel ; 4-5 schak-
tafel(n, 4 schacktafel. Ic. 3 scactafl, 4- skiktafl ; 7- skak ; (9 manntafl, mannak4k).
Dan. 8- schachspil, 8 shakspil, 8- skakspil, 9 schakspil, skak. Nor. 6 skag-taffl, skagspill.
Sw. 5 skaktafuil, skaftauils>lek, 7 skaktafl, skack, skakspil, 8 schakspel, 8- schaek, schaekspel,
schackspil. Cz. 5 ssach, 7 szachy, 9 Sachy.
21 Apparently first used by Lydgate in his Reaon and SensuaUyU (written ante 1412; a trans-
lation of Les eschez amoureux ), 5809, ‘that playe most Royal (not in the French original)/
It appears also in the title to the French edition of Lopez, Le Royal lev des Eschecs , Paris, 1615,
and in Beale's Greco, The Royall Game of Chesse -play, London, 1656.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
401
Indium. Hyde’s mandragorias is the most remarkable of these ink-horn,
terms.
Just as tabula , the tableman, gave rise to the noun tabularium , the board
upon which tables is played, so scacus gave scaccarium, the chessboard, and
sc&ccarium is the parent of the Italian scacchiere , the French echiquier , and
the English exchequer , checker , and chequer . w Chess was often called ludm
scaccarii , and ludere ad scaccarium was the usual way of expressing the idea
‘to play at chess’. It is in this way that the Welsh seccyr came to mean
the game itself. To trace the extraordinary development of sense which
the derived forms of scacum and scaccarium exhibit in most of the modem
European languages would take me too far afield; probably few people
associate the Exchequer and a bank cheque with the chessboard and the
cry of ‘ Check ! ’
Of the remaining Arabic technicalities shah ica rukh appeared in Latin
as scac-roc , and at a later date gave a surname to a German family . 23 Only
a few of the European languages retained this term . 24 Shah mat appeared
in Latin as scac mat , scac et mat , whence in Italian scacco matto , the French
echec mat , the English checkmate , the German schach matt y &c ., 26 while mat
M I have noted the forms : L. 2-6 scaccarium, 3-5 scacherium, 4-5 scacarium, schacarium,
5 scaoharium, sc ha cerium, schacherium, scakarium, scaccharium, scacerium, schakerium,
schatherium, 6 scaccherium, 5 scaccarius. It. 4-7 scachiere, -o, 4 scacchiere, -o, 6 scachiero.
Prov. 3 escaquier, esquaquier. Fr. 2-5 eschekier, 2-4 eskiekier, 2-7 esehequier, 2 esekequier,
3 eschaquier, eschaquer, 3-6 eschiquier, 4 eschiekier, escheqir, 5 eskequier, eschaiquier,
esquierquier, exeequier, esquicquier, esquicquiert, scachier, scacchier, 6 eschicquier,
S- echiquier. AF. 3 eschekker, 4 eschecker, cheker, echecker, eschecher, eschekker.
Eng. (a) 3-5 chekere, 4-7 cheker, 4-5 chekyr, chekir, checkere, 4 scheker, 5 checure, chekar,
chekkir, chekier, chekyre, ehekur, chekkare, chakkere (Sc.), 4-6 chekker(e, 4- chequer,
6 checker, chekkar (Sc.), 7 chaker (Sc.), 7- checquer ; ( b ) 6 cheker bourde, 7 checker-boord ;
(c^ 4 eschekkere, escheqers, escheker, 5 escliekere, estcheker, eschequer. Du. 4 scakier.
Whence the L. scaccariatus ; Fr. p. part, eschekere, exchequers ; Eng. vb. 5 chekyr, 6 cheker,
7- checquer, 5- checker, 7- chequer.
I add other European names for the chessboard. The Teutonic languages generally use
a cognate of the Eng. board .
Eng. 5 chesborde, 6-7 cliesse board, 6 chesse bourd(e, chess© boord, chest borde, cheste-
borde, cheast bourde, cheste-bourde, 7- chessboard, 7 chest-board, chesse-boord. MHG.
4 (schachzabel, Ac.) -bret, -pret, 7- schachbret. MLG. 4 schakesbred. Ger. schach brett.
Du. 3 scaecbert; -bart, 6-7 schaeckberd(t, 9 schaakbord. Ic. 9 skakbor5. Dan. schakbraet.
Sw. schackbord, schackbr&de. Cz. Sachovnice. Pol. szachowice. Hun. sak(k)tabla. Serv.
shkaknitsa. (More general terms have naturally been used also, e.g. L. 1-6 tabula, 4 scats
bula (Cz.), 4-5 tabularium ; Cat. tauler ; Sp. tablero ; Pg. tabolero ; It. 6 taulier(o, tauo(g)-
liero ; Fr. 2-7 tablier, 7 damier ; Ic. tafl.)
21 Simon von Schaechroech received a grant of Pledensheim in 1322 from the Emperor
Lewis the Bavarian ( Qst ., 15).
84 L. 4-5 scac roc, 2-5 scach roch, 5 sac roc, schach roch, sebah roch (schaco zocho, Ducas),
It. 7 scacco rocco. Fr. scac roc, scat por le roc, eskec au roc, eschac por le roc. Eng. 5 chek
rook, chec for the roke. HG. 4-5 schach roch, 7 schoch roch.
30 L. 2 scacha-mattum, 4-6 scac mat, scac et (cum) mat, 4-5 scachmatt (Ger.), 4 scacco
macto (It.), 5 scacum matum, scach math, schach matt (Ger.), scac math, chekmate (Eng.),
scliaok mate (LG.), scac math, scach mat, schak mat, scaccum mactum, 6 scacch mact, scacch
mat, scliac mat. It. 6-9 scacco matto, 6 schacho matto, scacho mato. (Sp. 8 xamat, xaque et
mate, 9 jaque mate ; Pg. 9 xamate, xaque-mate, xaque e mate, cheque mate.) Prov. 3 ©scat
mat, escac mat. Fr. 2-3 eschek et mat, 3-7 eschec et mat, 4-6 eschiec et mat, 4 eschac et
macht, eskiek et mat, eschiec mat, scat mat, scat et mat, scac mat, scac et mat, eschec mat,
schac mat, 8- dchec mat. AF. 3 escheke mat, 4 eschec mat, eschek mat, mat eschek, 5 eschek
math.. Eng. 4 chekmat, 4-5 chek mate, 5- checkmate, 5 chek maat, 5-6 checmate, 6-8 check-
mate, 6 checke-mate, check (e and mate, chekemate, 6-7 check mate, 7 chec-mate, checque-
mate. Ger. 5 sch&chmat, 8 schach und mat, 5 schOchmatt, 6 schach tmatt, 7- schach matt.
LG. 5 schaig mat. Du. 7 schaeck-mate, 9 schaakmat. Ic. skak og mat. Dan. 8 skaak og
maat, 9 schak-mat. Sw. 8- sc hack- matt. Lettish, schach mat. Cz. Sachmat. Pol. szachmafe
Croatian, B&h-mat. Hun. sak(k)matt, (tflnk-snkk). Serv. slikak i mat.
ItTO C C .
Digitized by Google
402
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
appeared in Latin as mat, malum , and gave rise to a noun mallum t ‘ a mate
in chess’; a verb maltare , ‘to mate’; and an adjective mattus, ‘mated’. 26 This
last soon passed into the idiom of everyday life in a number of transferred
senses, all quite obvious as regards origin, but instructive as evidencing the
early popularity of chess. Already in a Latin glossary of the 10th c., the
Gloss. Paris, we find ‘ matin * \ Hristi s ’, and the senses ‘ overcome \ ‘ vanquished
‘ exhausted \ ‘ dead-tired ‘ faint * followed at an early date. Most of these
meanings are found in all the Romanic and in many of the Teutonic
languages.
The evidence derived from the nomenclature of chess points to a knowledge
of the game and its technicalities in parts of Christian Europe outside the
Iberian peninsula certainly at an earlier date than 1000 a. d., and probably
earlier than 900 also. This is an earlier date than either v. d. Linde or
v. d. Lasa was ready to allow. But neither of these historians knew of the
philological evidence which I have collected, nor was their generation pre-
pared to admit its cogency. The discovery of the laws of sound development,
of the relentless certainty of their action, of their relations to time and place
defining the duration and extent of their validity, has only been completed
within the memory of the present generation. V. d. Linde and v. d. Lasa
based their work upon the evidence of written and contemporary documents,
and we possess none that mention chess or chessmen whose dates are
absolutely certain until the first decades of the 11th c. They laid great stress
also upon the striking feature in the history of chess that references to the
game appear everywhere but little later than the arrival of the game itself.
This attitude represented a great advance upon that of their predecessors,
since it meant the replacement of mere guess-work by historic fact, but the
argument from the silence of literature must not be pushed too iar. It
obviously depends upon the nature and extent of the literature of the period.
If a biographer omits chess from the recreations of his hero, as Eginhard does
in his Vita Caroli Magni, or if an old English scribe omits chess from a list
of games in a 10th c. Vocabulary, we are entitled to draw conclusions, because,
had chess been known to either, it would certainly have been mentioned ;
but in the case of general literature the chances of the appropriateness of
an allusion to the game must be considered. We possess too little of the
literature of the 8th-10th cc. to be able to attach much weight to the
*• The inter. i L. 2-6 mat, 2-5 mattum, 4-6 mact(um, 6 math. It. 5- matto, 6 maio.
Cat. mat. (Sp., Pg. 8- mate.) Prov. 3 mat. Fr. 3- mat, 3-4 mate, 4-5 mas, 4 math, macht.
Eng. 3- mate, 8—5 mat, 3 matt, 4 mete, 4-5 maat, 5 maate, matte, math. Sc. 5 met, mayt(t,
5-7 mait. Qer. 3-6 mat, 7- matt. Du. 3 matt, 4- mat, 4 matte, macht. Ic. 7- mat, 7 matt.
Sw. matt. Dan., Lettish, Cz., Pol., Croat., Hun. mat. The noun : L. 5 matacio. Fr. 3-4 mstreon
8 matyson, 4 mateysoun, matesoun. Eng. 4 mattyng. 5 matyng. The verb : L. 4-6 mat(t)ire,
mac tare. It. 5- mattare, 5 matare, 6 a) mac tare. (Sp. matar.) Prov. 3 matar. Fr. 3- mater.
Eng. 3- mate, 3-5 mat, 3 maten, 5 maat e, mat(t)yn. Sc. 6 mayt, mait. Oer. and Da.
matten. Ic. mata. Sw. matta. The adjective : L. 2-5 mattus, 3-5 matus, 5-6 mactns (sad,
tired, foolish). Sp., Pg. mate (dull, faded). It. matto (foolish). Fr. mat (indec. «= mated,
fern, mate — dull, whence vb. matir). Eng. 7 matte, 9 mat(t (lustreless, whenoe the rh. mat,
to make dull). Qer. matt (dull). Sw. matt (weak). Ic. mat (foolish).
The Latin forms with the c are due to confusion with the verb mactare, to afflict,
punish, kill.
The MHO. * Matthii am letzten ’ ( Abr. a S. Clara , viii. 77) is a play on the word matt.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
403
non-mention of chess. We may state the position quite fairly thus : con-
temporary documents establish a knowledge of chess in Southern Europe at
the beginning of the 11th c., but philological evidence requires that that
knowledge must have commenced at least a century earlier.
At one time an earlier date was thought possible, and both Sir Frederic
Madden 37 and Professor Forbes 28 advocated the view that chess had reached
the Frankish Court before the time of Charles the Great. In support of this
hypothesis they submit two possibilities : the Muslim invaders of Aquitaine
might have taijght it to the Christians in that region before the battle of
Tours, or one of the embassies to the early Carlovingians might have brought
it from Constantinople. These are pure guesses : the thirty years of Muslim
rule in Septimania have left no trace behind in the language or customs of
that part of France 39 the two years’ raid that was ended at Tours offered no
opportunity for the peaceful spread of a game, and the silence of Eginhard
is fatal to the view that Charlemagne was a chessplayer. 30 The chess stories
which Forbes drew from the mediaeval cycle of Charlemagne romances
naturally belong to the period when these romances were written, and only
reflect the position which chess held in the life of the feudal nobility of the
12th and 13th cc. The ascriptions to Charlemagne of chessmen in the museum
of the Bibl. Nat., Paris, and in the Dom treasury, Osnabriick, prove on
investigation only traceable to the 17th e., and seem to be explained satis-
factorily as the expression by an uncritical age of its sense of the antiquity
or value of the relics. 31 The only statement connecting chess with the Carlo-
vingian period that looks historical is the account of a donation of crystal
chessmen to the abbey of Maussac by King Pepin, a. d. 764, on the occasion
of the translation thither of the bones of St Stremon. But the story rests
upon a mediaeval Latin work, the Gesta et Passio 8 , Austremonii , of unknown
date, whieh from internal evidence cannot be older than the 13th c. This
work is printed in Labbe's Nov, Bibl . MSS, Lib . (Paris, 1657), ii. 505, 82 but
Labbe states that his text is a composite one from a variety of sources, and
only based in part upon an incomplete MS. then belonging to the church
of Lerina, lie de Hyfcres in the Gulf of Lyons. This deprives his text of
much of its value. The donation is mentioned in connexion with a description
of an ostentation of the relics in 1197. The older life of St. Stremon in
Gregory of Tours’ Lib . de Glor . Confess,, xxx, however, makes no reference to
a royal donation. The story accordingly only rests upon a statement of a
thirteenth-century writer at the earliest, and can only record a tradition.
** In his 4 Historical Remarks on the Introduction of the Game of Chess into Europe, and
on the aneient Chessmen discovered in the Isle of Lewis', in Archaeologia, London, xxiv
(1882), 208-91.
» Forbes, 199-287.
*• Reinaud, Invasions des Sarrasins en France , 306-7.
M Still more absurd is the view of the same writers that chess was taken to Scandinavia
by soldiers of tbe Varangian Guard on their return from Constantinople. It is inconsistent
with the whole evidence of the Norse nomenclature.
11 For a description of these chessmen see Ch. X, below.
** Whence it was incorporated in the Ada Sanctorum Ord. S, Benedict Paris, 1672, iv. 192.
c c 2
Digitized by Google
404
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
It has no historical value for the time of King Pepin, and the donation of
chessmen was probably made at a much later date. 33
There are other instances of bequests or gifts of chessmen to churches and
monasteries. Two will be mentioned directly as being the oldest certain
references to chess in European history. A third donation above suspicion is
that by Ponce Hugo, Count of Ampurias, to the cathedral of Gerona, in 1309.
The contemporary record (quoted in Villanueva, Viage liter . a las iglesia* de
Espana , xii. 122) describes the gift thus :
Tabula argenti quae est desuper de iaspi et crietallo incilata et cum perlis parvis
ibi incastatis, et cum quatuor leonibus argenti in ea fixis, et cum quatuor pedibus
de argento et uno ludo tabularum et altero ludo scacorum de iaspi et cristallo et cum
duobus marsupiis fili aurei in quibus dicti ludi tabularum et scacorum reservantur;
et cum quadam caxia picta de colore viridi et cum signis regalibus et aquila, in qua
dicta tabula cum suis apparatibus reservatur/ 4
An early English donation is of doubtful authenticity. Dugdale quotes it
in an account of the destruction of Hyde Abbey, Winchester, in 1144, during
the civil war in the reign of Stephen, from a Cotton MS. (Vitell. E. 12,
if. 30 seq.) 9 which has since been so damaged by fire as to be unusable.
Among the many gifts which King Cnut made to the abbey, most of
which perished in 1144, occur —
vas argenteum ad aquam benedictam cum duobus jocis saccorum a domino rege
Knutone donata.”
Had this statement been alone, I should have unhesitatingly rejected it as
mere tradition. Since, however, two other and unconnected passages (both
considerably later than Cnut’s time) mention chess in connexion with this
king, I am inclined to think that it may be founded on fact. 36
In the Maussac legend the crystal chessmen are given to the monastery
with precious stones and a quantity of gold, the whole to be used in the
construction and adornment of a reliquary, in which the saint’s bones were to
be kept. In this and other cases of gifts of crystal chessmen in the early
Middle Ages, I have no doubt that the intention of the gift was to provide
a convenient supply of rock-crystal for church-work, such as the embellish-
ment of church vessels, or the enrichment of the binding of the service books.
We can see from existing church treasures what a demand there must have
been for this mineral. This use of rock-crystal may explain the incomplete-
ness of all the surviving crystal sets of chessmen in ecclesiastical keeping.
We have no means of determining the exact place or places where chess
** The Latin text runs :
'A quo loco Wlmco') Pipinus inclytus Rex Franco rum . . . postea deportauit (oorpus
B. Austremonii) Mauziacum. Vbi pro reuerentia B. Martyris plurima reliquit insignia.
Scilicet cachos crystal linos A lapides pretiosos, A auri plurimum de quo fieret vas, in quo
corpus B. Austremonii honorifice reconderetur.’
The suggestion that cur/ias is a scribal error for scaekos is apparently due to Ducange.
There is no reason to doubt the correctness of this emendation.
M This object is no longer at Gerona, but Villanueva found some crystal chessmen at
Ager, which were said to have been given by a Count of Urgel. See Ch. X, below.
55 Dugdale's Jfe*. V 1S19\ ii. 437.
* See pp. 419 and 443.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
405
first became a European game. A few small indications that may be gathered
from the subsequent spread and development of chess in Europe would seem
to point to at least two distinct centres of early activity, the one somewhere
in Italy, the other in Spain. The essential condition for the passage of chess
from Muslim to Christian was peaceful intercourse in everyday life, in the
schools, or in trade. The third condition would be satisfied by any port with
an extensive Oriental trade, Venice for instance; the second by any of the
numerous Arabic centres of learning to which the European scholars of
the period were in the habit of resorting ; 37 the first is not so easy to satisfy.
Contact between Christian and Muslim there was, from 900 on, along the
shore of the Mediterranean from Messina to the Ebro, but it was normally
hostile throughout. The Saracens conquered Sicily, 827-78, and simulta-
neously they occupied the Duchy of Beneventum, captured Baii, burnt Ostia,
and threatened Rome itself. Though the energy of Pope Leo IV saved Rome
and Naples by the victory of Ostia, 849, he could not put an end to the
devastation of the shores of Italy and Provence in a long succession of raids
which went on until 972. The expulsion of the Saracens from Southern Italy
was only completed just before 1000, while Sicily remained Muslim for
another sixty years and more. In Spain alone were there interludes in this
long struggle ; it is there, accordingly, that one would place the introduction
on a priori grounds; it is in Spain, also, th a t we find the earliest c ertain
refer ences to Christian chess.
I " These references are found in two bequests of chessmen in wills of members
of the family of the Counts of Barcelona. The earlier of these bequests occurs
in the castrensian will of Ermengaud I, Count of Urgel, which is preserved in
the 12th c. cartulary of the church of Seu de Urgel, a town in Catalonia, not
far from the small republic of Andorra. The will is dated from Tuxen — the
modem Tujent, near Puigcerda in N.E. Spain — 28 July, 12 Robert (of France),
L e. (TflCSPthe Spanish Marches forming an integral portion of France until
the reign of St. Louis. There is, h owever, good ground for supposing that the
will should really be dated By a castrensian will is meant one which
was drawn up in a less formal way in camp when an impending battle rendered
it desirable to execute a will forthwith. Count Ermengaud was engaged in
such an expedition in 1010. There were continuous wars between the nobles
of the Marches and the Muslims, and although the caliph (Iflkim II (961-76)
had reconquered Barcelona, the Christian cause recovered again soon after
1000 through the misfortunes of the next caliph, HishSm II. In 1010 the
Christians made a great expedition against the Muslims, only to suffer
a crushing defeat not far from Cordova, Sept. 1, 1010. Count Ermengaud
took part in this expedition, and was killed in the battle. It would seem more
probable that the will was executed on the eve of the march south rather
17 V. d. Linde (i. 142) suggests that the medical schools of Salerno may have helped the
introduction of chess into Europe. This suggestion must, however, be rejected. It is now
established that Salerno was quite independent of Arabic influences until e. 1080, while for
long after those influences were extremely small. ‘ So far from the rise of the fame of
Salerno having been due to Oriental influences, it was those influences which brought about
its fall.* See Kashdall's Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages , Oxford, 1895, i. 80 6.
Digitized by Google
406
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
than in 1008, otherwise there would have been an opportunity of making
a more formal will before the great raid of two years later.
The special bequest may be translated :
I order you, my executors, to give . . . these my chessmen to the convent of
St. Giles, for the work of the church. 88
The meaning of the last phrase, which occurs elsewhere in the will, has
been disputed. V. d. Lasa (32), recalling the opera del duomo of some Italian
cathedrals (e. g. Siena and Florence), where plans and other materials con-
nected with the fabric are kept, thought it might mean ‘for the treasuiy’.
Catalan scholars, on the other hand, insist that by opera actual works alone
can be meant, and suggest that the chessmen were to be sold and the proceeds
devoted to the fabric of the convent church. I think neither explanation is
the right one, and regard the solution which I have suggested above in the
case of the Maussac donation as the correct one.
The will does not specify where the convent of St. Giles was situated.
The Counts of Barcelona, however, were frequent benefactors of the convent of
St. Giles at Nimes in the south of France, not far from Montpellier, and
I think it clear that this is the convent intended.
The second bequest occurs in the will of the Countess Ermessind, a daughter
of Roger I, Count of Carcassonne, and the widow of Raymond Borel, Count of
Barcelona (B. 972, D. 1017), the elder brother of the Count Ermengaud of
whose will we have been treating. The Countess survived her husband for
more than 40 years, during the greater part of which she continued to take an
active share in the government of her son’s and gmgdson’s dominions. Her
will, dated 6 March, 27 Henry I (of France), i. e. (f058,^ s now preserved in
the original rough draft in the archives of the crown of Aragon.
The MS. presents some curious features. Apparently, the Countess had
postponed making her will until too late, and had died before the will was
ready for attestation. Her death made it necessary to produce the will in
haste, and, five days after the Countess’s death, the executors made from memory
a hasty transcript of the instructions that had been given them* The MS.
consists of four sections of unequal length, with intervening gaps, and contains
additions and erasures which are certified by the scribe at the foot of the
record. I extract from it the following :
We, William son of Wifred, deacon, and William son of Amat, saw and heard
when the Countess Donna Ermessind was sitting on her bed ... in her house . . .
in the county of Ausona . . . and, sitting there held down by illness, she recited
her will which she had there with her . . . And she left to the lord the Pope her
wooden cup with the gold ornamentation, and to St. Giles of Nimes her crystal
chessmen for the board . . . Donna Ermessind aforesaid chose us as her executors . . .
as is written above, in the full possession of her memory, 26 Feb. 1058 . . . and
died, 1 Mar. at evening. . . . Written by the hand of William . . . with the over-
writing in line 8 (i. e. the words ‘for the board ), and the erasures in lines 12, 15,
and 17, 6 Mar. 1058. 39
88 For text, see Appendix I. In the above paragraphs I have made free use of the
admirable discussion of the points involved in v. d. Lasa, 28-32.
39 For text, see Appendix II. Cf. also v. d. Lasa, 85-40.
Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
407
Here again there is some obscurity as to the meaning of the terms of
the bequest. The phrase ad tabular , = ad tabular*, added above the line as an
afterthought, has puzzled scholars. M. Brunet, who was the first to call
attention to these Catalonian wills, 40 translated it ‘ for the table implying
that the chessmen were to be sold, and the proceeds devoted to the support
of the convent table. If this were the intention, surely the word mensa
would have been used. V. d. Lasa understood it as meaning ‘ game-board *
and as added for the more exact definition of the eschad christalini , and in
this I think he is right. The word tabula 41 is certainly used in the sense of
game-board in other early works to which I shall shortly refer.
The form eschad merits a note in passing. In all the transalpine Romanic
languages a prosthetic a or e was regularly prefixed to certain initial con-
sonantal combinations, of which sc - was one. A6 here, this was often
added to the Latin word itself. Some writers have seen in this prosthetic
a or e a remnant of the Arabic article al (or before *//-, ash), as if ash -shah and
not shah had been adopted into Latin. This ignores the evidence of the
other European forms, which show that the original Latin term must have
been scad without any initial vowel, and is an attempt to explain the regular
action of a phonetic law which stands in no need of explanation at all.
I have elsewhere (p. 203) mentioned that the Arabic writer al-Marrakoshi
(621/1224) describes Alfonso VI of Castile as playing chess with b. Am mar
about 1078. Although neither Gildemeister nor v. d. Linde (Qsf., 64)
attached much weight to this anecdote, there is nothing inherently im-
possible in it. Alfonso’s physician was the Jew Moses Safardi, who became
a Christian in 1106 under the name of Petro Alfonsi. The latter includes
40 In La Strattgie , 1888. Cf. also his Ajedrez , Barcelona, 1890, 272-5.
41 The complete history of the word tabula in Latin, and of the forms derived from it in
other European languages, has yet to be worked out. For Greek and Arabic see p. 162. In
Latin it was used —
(1) for the board of the non-dice ludus latrunculorum. Varro (Berlin, 1826), x. 165 :
* ut in tabula solet in qua latrunculis ludunt.’
(2) a board for a dice game, and, by extension, the dice-game itself. This may have been
played on the backgammon board. — Synod of Elvira, a. d. 806, can. 79: ‘De his qui tabu lam
ludunt : si quis fidelis a learn, id est tabulam, luserit numis, placuit eum abstineri.* Latin
version of the Code qf Justinian , lib. i, tit. vii, cap. 17 : 1 Interdicimus sanctissimis episoopis et
presbyteris . . . aut schematis constitutis ad tabulas ludere, aut aliis ludentibus participes
esse, aut inspectores fieri, aut ad quodlibet spectaculum spectandi gratia venire,’ Ac. (in
Julian Antecessor's older version of c. 550, the Novelles , cxv. 439, this is rendered : * Neque
Episcopus neque presbyter . . . tablizare audeat,’ Ac.) ; and Bp. Isidor of Seville’s Originss
(a. 686), xviii. 60 : * alea est tabula ’ (with some information as to the game which is not very
illuminating).
In mediaeval Latin I find four game meanings—
(1) A game- board, as in the instances in this chapter.
(2) A dice-game (rare). John of Salisbury (c. 1156) includes tabula in a list of ten dice-
games in his Polycraticus seu De nugis eurialium ; this may J>e an echo of Bp. Isidor.
(8) The round * draughtsman' with which the game *pf tables was played, the tableman.
From this sense the ludus tabularum took its name, and not from the fact that the board,
the tabularium , was often made in two halves hinged together. The latter was a popular
belief in England, as is seen by the common name * a pair of tables ’.
(4) A drawn game. This sense is common in the problem MSS. Hence the verb tdbutore,
to draw. Tabula passed into Teutonic at the time of the German Wars, and is, therefore,
common to all the Teutonic languages, appearing in OHG. as gabel ( Qst ., 55 quotes two 10th o.
glosses : spillone zaples — ludere tabulis ; and zabel = alea), in Norse as tajl (pronounced
tabl), and in OE. as tcsfl. It also passed into Celtic as tool , Breton taul , Welsh tawll (in tawll-
bwrdd). For much information as to this word and its. derivatives, see Fiske, Chess in Iceland ,
Florence, 1905, passim.
Digitized by Google
408
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
chess in a list of knightly accomplishments in his Disciplina Clericalist 1 and
one would expect his patron to be skilled in all the seven that he names.
Chess must have been quite familiar to the Christians of the Peninsula before
the year 1100.
After the wills of the Spanish marches, the next reference to chess to
which we can assign an exact date belongs to central Italy, occurring in
a letter to the Pope-elect Alexander II and the Archdeacon Hildebrand (later
Pope Gregory VII) in which Petrus Damiani (B. 1007, D. 1072), the Cardinal
Bishop of Ostia, requests pel-mission to withdraw to a monastery. The letter
itself is undated, but since it addresses the Pope as elected only, and not as
enthroned, it must have been written between the election, 1 Oct., 1061, and
the enthronement early in 1062. In the course of his letter Damiani writes
in strong terms of the sin committed by the clergy who took part in lay sports
and amusements.
I restrain my pen, for I blush with shame to add the more disgraceful frivolities,
to wit hunting, hawking, and specially the madness of dice or chess, which indis-
putably altogether exhibit the priest as a mimic actor, but chiefly make his eyes,
hands, and tongue, at once a true mime. . . .
Hence, if I relate clearly what happened to me with the venerable Bishop of the
city of Florence, I believe it will not be unsuitable for edification. Once when I was
his companion on a journey, and had arrived at our lodgings for the night, I withdrew
myself to a priest’s hut, but he sat down in the spacious house with the crowd
of travellers. Next morning, however, it was told roe by my groom that the
aforesaid Bishop had taken the lead in chess. This word assuredly pricked my
heart most sharply like an arrow, and inflicted a wound of displeasure. So, choosing
an hour which seemed good to me, I went up to the man and attacked him bitterly,
selecting this commencement for my reproof. 1 1 hold rods ’, I said, ‘ in my uplifted
hands, and seek to deal blows, if any will submit their backs.* Said he, ‘ Produce
the fault, and I will not refuse the penance.’ * Very good/ I replied ; * and was
it your duty at evening to take part in the vanity of chess, and to defile your hand,
the offerer of the Lord’s body, and your tongue, the mediator between God and His
people, by the contamination of an impious sport, especially when canonic authority
decrees that Bishops who are dice-players (aleatores) are to be deposed 1 And what
does it profit a man whom authority has effectually condemned, even if judgement
does not befall him from without 1 ’ He, however, made a shield of defence for
himself from the difference of the names, and said, ‘ Scachus is one thing, aUa
another; that authority therefore forbade dice-play, but by its silence permitted
chess/ To which I made answer, ' The decree does not mention scachus but includes
the class of either game under the name of alea. Wherefore, when alea is forbidden,
and nothing is said expressly of scachus , it is established beyond the shadow of doubt
that each game is included under the one name, and condemned by the authority
of one decision.’ Then he, a man of mild disposition and acute intellect, abandoning
his contentions, humbly assented, resolved with a sure promise that the fault should
4 * i Probitates vero liaec sunt : equitare, natare, sagittare, cestibus certare, aucupare, scacis
ludere, versificari * (Paris, 1824, p. 42). We may contrast this with a stanza by Earl Rognwald
of Orkney, c. 1125 (Vigfussen and York Powell, Corpus Poeticum Borealium , Oxford, 1888, ii. 276 ,
which has often been translated as referring to chess. The original, however, has merely
which is quite general.
Tafl em-ek aorr at efla / i]>rottir kann-ek mo ; / tyni-ek traudla runom : / tifi erom bdk ok
smidir : / skrifta kann-ek & skidom ; / skyt-ek ok rsek sva-at nytir ; / hv£rt-tveggja kann-ek
hyggja, / harp -si sett ok brag-J>aetto.
‘I am strong at table-play. I know nine accomplishments. I never mistake a rune.
I am used to book-learning and carpentry. I can stride on snow-skates, and I can shoot and
row as well as needs be. I understand both harp-playing and poet-craft.'
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
409
never be repeated, and asked that a penance should be imposed upon him. I soon
decreed for him that he should run carefully through the psalter three times, and
wash the feet of twelve poor men, with the payment of as many pieces of money,
and their refreshment. . . . But this we have said that it may be known from the
correction of another, how shameful, how senseless, nay how disgusting this sport
is in a priest 4 *
Damiani does not name the Bishop of Florence, but some later writers 44
have identified him as Gerard, who became Pope Nicholas II in 1058, and
was Alexander IPs immediate predecessor in the papacy. This would add
particular piquancy to the anecdote, but it is a mere guess — and a rather
improbable one — at best.
To the modern student, Damiani’ s whole argument is puzzling. We can
understand the ascetic Cardinal’s personal dislike of all secular amusements,
but he attempts to justify his special objection to chess by arguments which
are difficult to follow. He begins by speaking of ‘the madness of dice or
chess as if he thought that there were very little difference between the two,
and he goes on to argue that the canonic prohibition of dice-games — alea —
applies to chess also. Alea is of course a comprehensive term that includes
games of hazard with the dice alone, as well as board-games that are played
with the assistance of the dice, but its use always implies the use of the dice.
There is only one conclusion possible to explain the discussion, to make the
Cardinal’s argument worthy of so skilled a dialectician, and to justify the
Bishop’s speedy submission, and that is that the two disputants knew chess
as a game that was often played with the help of the dice. The hypothesis
that the Bishop had played for a stake does not help, since Damiani lays
stress upon the sin of using hand and tongue in a forbidden game and thereby
clearly condemns, not the accessories, but the game itself. But if Damiani
and the Bishop of Florence had seen chess played with dice, the whole passage
becomes intelligible, and we can justify the position of each disputant. The
Bishop thought that if only he played chess without dice, he was keeping
within canon law, but Damiani argues, ‘ No : the game is a dice-game, and to
omit the dice is a mere subterfuge or evasion. The canons 46 forbid not merely
the dice but the game also.’ And the Bishop accepts the contention (which
is quite a plausible one for any one who had seen chess generally played with
dice, and who knew nothing of the history of chess) and acknowledges his fault.
Nor is this conclusion unreasonable. Although the Muslims do not appear
to have used dice in connexion with the ordinary chess, we know that they
made use of them in a derivative form of chess in the 9th c., and there is
evidence that dice-chess was played in Europe not long after Damiani’s time.
A German glossary of the llth-12th c. (Gloss. Tree. 9, 10, Summ. Heinr. 257)
has ‘ alea, scdhzahel \ adopting Damiani’s position entirely. The same word —
a lea — recurs also in a German Latin poem of 1 160, which is quoted below.
48 For text, see Appendix III.
44 Apparently Uglielli ( Italia Sacra , Home, 1647, iii. 03) was the earliest to do so.
45 Viz. Apostolic Omens, cap. 42 (quoted above, p. 166) ; Justinian Code ; and Synod of Elvira ,
cap. 70 (quoted in note 41 above).
Digitized by Google
410
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Bnt we have other references still more explicit. Alfonso X’s MS. Libro del
Aeedrex (1283) explains the popularity of the problem as due to the fatigue
that playere found in playing the proper game through its great length, and
then continues :
For the same reason dice have been brought into chess, so that it can be played
more quickly. 4 *
and gives instructions for the explanation of the throws of the dice. The
Vefufa , a Latin poem of the 13th c., concludes its account of chess with a con-
demnation of the use of dice in the game :
Bnt be defiled the game who first played at it with dice, for the chessman will
languish unmoved unless the chance of the dice move it : and this has only been
done, either because few know how to play slowly, or for hope of gain.* 7
Finally, the 13th c. French romance of Huon of Bordea ux contrasts the
dice variety with the ordinary game in the story of the hero’s game with
Ivoryn’s daughter:
‘Lady*, said Huon, ‘which game will you play? Will you have it with moves
or with dice ? ’ 4 Let it be with moves ', said the lady with clear voice. 4 *
Damiani’s passionate denunciation of the clergy for their fondness of chess
led the way to a number of ecclesiastical decrees 49 which placed chess on the
list of games forbidden to the clergy, secular or monastic, and the knightly
orders. Unlike the decrees of the Eastern Church, these Western decrees
prescribed no law for the laity, though a narrow-minded ruler might make
the attempt, 60 and they are more local than general in scope. They ceased
44 See for the Spanish text, p. 488.
47 See for the Latin text, p. 621, and for thia passage, p. 508.
48 Ed. Paris, I860, lines 7494-6. Quoted below in Ch. IX.
49 Most synodal decrees contain articles forbidding dice-games, but prohibitions of chess
are rarer. I have noted the following :
(a) France. (1) Odo Sully, Bishop of Paris (D. 1208), decreed *Ne (derici) in suis
domibus habeant scaccos, aleas vel decios, omnino prohibetur’ (PraecepL Synodal., 29). (2)
Provincial Council of Beziers, 8 May, 1266, decreed ‘Praeterea prohibemus districtius quod
nullus omnino ad taxilloe ludat, sive aleis, sive scads’ (J. D. Mansi, Archiep. Luoensis, Saarorum
Oonciliorum nova coUsctio, Venice, 1778, xxiii. 882).
;b) Germany. (1) Council of Trier, 1810, c. 44, ‘ Ne monachi ludant cum istis. Item,
ludos chorearum, scacorum, anulorum, et globom.ru monachis interdicimus omnino* (Marlene
and Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotomm, Paris, 1717, iv. 249). (2) Synod of Wurzburg, 1829,
‘ Ludos alearum, cartarum, schacorum, taxillorum, anulorum, et globorum monachis et
monialibus prohibemus districte * (Wurdtwein, Nova Subsid. dipiom ., ii. 272).
(c) England. Some writers (e. g. Ashton, History qf Gambling in England , London, 1898,
14) have discovered a prohibition of chess in the following decree of a Worcester synod in
1240 : * Prohibemus etiam Clericis ne intersint ludis inhonestis vel choreis vel ludant ad
aleas vel taxillos, nec sustineant ludos fieri de Rege et Regina, nec arietes levari nec
palaestras publicas fieri/ I very much doubt whether chess is meant ; the gamo was
sufficiently well known to be mentioned by name, had it really been intended. In 1291
Archbishop Peckham concludes a letter with the recital of ‘grave wickedness* in the Priory
of Coxford, Norfolk. ‘The Prior and Canons, oue and all, had been led astray by an evilly-
disposed person named Robert de Hunstaneston, who had actually taught them to play chess,
which heinous vice was to be banished, even if it came to three days and nights on bread and
water’ (H. W. Saunders, ‘History of Coxford Priory,’ in Proc. Norfolk and Norwich Arch. Soc. 9
xvii (1910), 891).
80 Thus (a) St. Louis IX promulgated the decree, Paris, Dec. 1264, in which oceans
‘ Volumus autem et praecipimus quod baillivi nostri et alii quorumque officium tenertes sob
ipsis, necnon et omnee qui vadia nostra recipiunt, abstinere debeant a ludo etiam com
taxillis sive aleis, vel scacis 1 and ‘ Praeterea inhibemus districte ut nullus omnino ad taxillos
ludat sive aleis, aut scacis’ (Marten© and Durand, op. cit., i. 487, 489). (6) John I
of Aragon (1890) is said to have forbidden chess. The Ordenacions e bans del ComptcU de
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
411
l>efore 1400. This result was doubtless due to the intellectual renascence
of the 12th c. in Lombardy, which led to the renewal of the study of Roman
Law. Damiani’s argument came again under review in connexion with the
section in the code of Justinian forbidding the clergy to play or even watch
the game tabula, and the lawyers came to a different conclusion. The
glossators agreed that the prohibition of tabula did not extend to chess, since
chess is played by means of a man’s native intelligence, and in no wise
depends upon chance. 61 The attempt to extend the prohibition of chess to
the various knightly orders, which had begun with St. Ber nard oFC lairvaux's
rule for the Knights Templar, 011 was aban doned by Werner v. Orseln, the
Grand M^ter of tlu* T t itmii c Order in the 15th c ., on the ground that chess
was a proper amu sement for a knig ht. The abandonment of the wider pro-
hibition was a w T ise move, for it is very evident that the prohibition was
already a dead letter. Much of the early European literature of chess was the
work of members of the monastic or preaching orders.
At a later date, according to Salvio (II Puttino , Naples, 1634), ecclesiastical
lawyers went to the other extreme. Not only was it declared legal to play
at chess, but if a clerk quarrelled with his opponent and killed him, it was
accounted a casual, and not a deliberate homicide, the reason given being
that he was engaged in a lawful occupation. Salvio cites Innocent and
il Panormitano in cap. lator. de homicid.
Chess was not long in penetrating from Italy to Southern Germany, and
we possess two very early references to the game in Latin MSS. from this
region which may be even older than 1050, and therefore older than Cardinal
Damiani’s allusion to the game. One of these, a MS. in the library of the
monastery at Einsiedeln in Switzerland, is certainly of the 11th century, and
an early copy of it exists, which must have been made c . 1100. I propose to
discuss this poem in Chapter IV with the other mediaeval poems on chess.
The other reference to the game is contained in a fragment of a poem in
leonine hexameters, of which thirty-four leaves were recovered at Munich
from the binding of a volume that came originally from the monastery of
Tegemsee in Upper Bavaria. This poem, now known by the name of
Rnodlicb, from the fact that it contains an episode which in the Germanic
‘ Heldensage * occurs to a king of that name, is dated c. 1030 by the latest
authorities. The MS., believed to be the author’s own holograph, is written
in an early 11th c. hand, while a scene in the poem, in which two kings
hold a conference on a bridge, is believed to contain an allusion to the con-
ference held in 1022 by the Emperor Henry II and King Robert of France
Ampuriu contain a decree of the same date, * Item que tot horn qui juch anagun joch de daus
ni de scachs en cose de manga r ni an altres coses de dias exceptal joch de taules que pach x
sols com' (Brunet, AjtdrcM, 226). (c) I may add a curious letter from Adam, Abbot of
Pereigny, to the Countess of Perche, c. 1197, which warns her against unprofitable addiction
to chess: ‘Non interest ludus aleae, non ei est cord! scaccorum otiosa sedulitas, ipsius
puritati non congruit sourrilitas histrionum* (Martene and Durand, op. cit., i. 678).
91 Cod. Justin. Lib. I, tit. vi, cap. 17. The gloss is ‘Sed quid si ad scacos? respo. forte
»ecus, quia in ingenio natural i consistit, nec oommittitur viribus fortunae \
M Exhortatio ad Milites Templiy cap. iv : ‘scacos et aleas detestantur
Digitized by Google
412
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
on a bridge over the Maas. 4 Ruodlitb is a purely German poem in Latin
garb * ; and is probably a monkish translation of one of the numerous epics
which were carried from place to place by travelling minstrels. The authors
name is unknown ; we may presume that he was a monk of Tegernsee, but
he shows such intimate knowledge of court life that we may infer that he
had spent his youth at the imperial court, and had only retired to the
monastery in later life. 63
Chess is mentioned in the following connexion. Two kings had been
at war, and the hero of the poem was sent by the victor with terms of peace.
On his return, he was asked how he had spent his time at the other court.
He replied that he was entertained at first by the Viceroy, who had treated
him well, and had made many attempts to beat him at chess (ludtis tcackorum),
but the hero had only lost when he deliberately played to lose. After five
days spent in this way, during which the Viceroy tried in vain to discover
his errand, he was admitted to the king’s presence, gave his message, and
was promised his answer on the morrow.
The king, calling for the board {tabula), orders a chair to be placed for himself,
and orders me to sit on the couch opposite to play with him. This I strongly refuse,
saying : 4 It is a terrible thing for a poor man to play with a king.’ But when
I see that I cannot withstand him, I agree to play, intending to be beaten by him.
I say : 4 What profit is it to poor me to be beaten by a king 1 But I fear, Sir, that
you will soon be wrath with me, if fortune help me to win/ The king laughed and
answered jestingly : 4 There is no need, my dear man, to be afraid about that ; even
if I never win, I shall not become more angry. But know clearly that I wish to
play with you, for I wish to learn what unknown moves you will make/ Immediately
both king and I moved carefully, and, as luck would have it, I won three times,
to the great surprise of many of his nobles. He lays down a wager against me,
and would not let me lay down anything against him. He gives what he had
wagered, so that not one coin remained. Many follow, anxious to avenge him,
proposing bets and despising my bets, sure of losing nothing and trusting much
to the uncertainty of fortune. They help one another, and do harm by helping too
much. They are hindered while they consult variously; through their disputes
I win quickly three times, for I would not play any more. They now wished to give
me what they had wagered. At first I refused, for I thought it disgraceful to enrich
myself at their expense, and to impoverish them. I said: 4 1 am not accustomed
to win anything by play/ They say : 4 While you are with us, live as we do ;
when you get home again, live there as you like/ M
In dismissing him, the king said : 4 1 think that you will always be
very fond of this game, by which you have shod your shoes so well/
Although chess is only named in the earlier portion of this narrative,
there is no reason to doubt that it was chess also at which the king played.
The whole unity of the story demands as much. The poem throws a most
valuable light upon the position that chess already occupied in the life of
the nobility. We see also that the stake added to enhance the moment
of victory is considered a necessary concomitant by the nobles, although the
hero’s reluctance to accept the money he has won shows that chess was not
68 See J. G. Robertson’s History of German Literature , Edinburgh, 1902, 82-3; v. d. Linde,
ii. 142-9 (who argues for a rather later date) ; and v. d. Lasa, 48-52.
64 For text, see Appendix IV.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
413
always played for money. May we infer that it was not usual at the German
court to play for a stake, but that it was known that the wager was usual
in other countries? The whole scene is extraordinarily vivid for so early
a writer.
Rather more than a century later, another monk of Tegernsee, 65 by name
Metellus, included a reference to chess in his Quirinalia , which scholars date
c. 1160. The incident is connected with the Charlemagne cycle of romances
which had reached Upper Germany by the Low Countries, and describes
the tragic death of a young Bavarian noble at the Frankish court of Pepin
the Short (752-68). The incident is thus briefly recorded :
The king's son used to meet him at the game of the tabula , till at length the
latter being the cleverer obtained the alea more quickly. The vanquished picks
a quarrel, deeming himself the stronger in the affection of his father, and, taking
aim with a Rook, he dealt him a mortal wound. 56
The incident, although repeated with other details in later chronicles, has
no historic importance, and the characters belong to romance only. The chess
interest is also but small. Were it not for the one word rochus , there would
be nothing in the passage to necessitate chess. The authors acquaintance with
chess would seem very slight: alea , I suppose, is used to mean ‘the game* —
if it has any precise meaning other than the suggestion of a gambling
atmosphere : tabula is again, as in Ruodlieb , used in the sense of ‘ chessboard \
APPENDIX
ORIGINAL TEXTS
I. Will of Count Ermengaud I of Urgel, 1008 (1010).
From the 12th c, manuscript Cartulary of the Church of Seu de Urgel, whence it
was printed in Petro de Marca’s Marca Hispanica, Paris, 1 688, col. 973, App. No. clxii.
In nomine Sanctae & individuae Trinitatis. Ego Ermeugaudus gratia Dei
Comes & Marchio vobis manumissores meos id est Sal la gratia Dei Epi scopus &
Guillelmus Yicecomes, et Miro de Abilia et Guillelmus de Lavancia, et Raimundo
de Petramola et Poncius Abba, et Vivas Sacerdos et Dacho . . . ordino vel hortor
vos ut donare faciatis omnem meum avere propter remedium animae meae. In
primis ad sanctum Petrum Romae Centum uncias de auro, ... ad sanctae Mariae
Sedis Gerundae ad ipsa opera uncias quinque de auro, & ad suos sacerdotes uncias
decern de auro, . . . Et ad sancti Aegidii cenobii ipsos meos schacos ad ipsa opera
de Ecclesia. . . . Aliud quodcunque in venire potueritis in aliqua re, donare faciatis
pro anima mea. Facto isto testamento v Kalendas Augusti anno .xii. regnante
85 Tegernsee is again met with in connexion with chess as an earlier home of the Low
German Problem MS., now in the Munich Library; see Ch. VIII, below.
M For text, see Appendix V. The passage and the later Chronicles which repeat the
story (viz. a Latin Bavarian Chronicle, and two German Chronicles, all quoted by Gust.
Selenus) were claimed by Forbes (201-5) to provide authentic evidence for the existence of
chess at the Carlovingian court. The unhistorical nature of the whole narrative was exposed
by v. d. Linde (i. 28-80). Forbes accepted the entire Charlemagne romance as literal history,
overlooking all the anachronisms involved.
Digitized by Google
414
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Rotberto Rege. Ermengaudus Comes qui hunc testamentum feci & testes fir mare
rogavi . . . Signum . . . Bernardus sacerdos qui hunc testamentum scripsi et
subscripsi die & anno quo supra.
IL Will of Countess Brmessind of Barcelona, 1058.
From the MS. (Raymond Berenger I, No. 223) in the Archives of the Kingdom
of Arragon at Barcelona, whence it was printed in Prospero de Bofarull’s Los Condes
de Barcelona vindicados , 18, vol. ii, p. 55.
Nos Guillermos Guifredi Levita et Guillerinus Amati vidimus et audivimus
quando domina Ermessindis comitissa sedebat in lecto ... in domo ... in comitatu
Ausonae . . . et ibi sedens ab egritudine detents, laudavit suum testamentum, quod
secum ibi habebat . . . Imprimis dimissit mihi Guillermo clerico praefato mulam
unam. . . . Et dimissit domino Papae suos sciphos ligneos fornatos auro. Et Sancto
Egidio Nemausensi suos eschacos christalinos ad tabuin'. Et dimissit 8ancto
Guirico praefato tantum argenti et auri ex quo possit esse una obtima crux et suum
obtimum breviarium dimissit S tee Mariae Gerundae et suos sciphos argenteos quos
aput se habebat et ipsos quos habebat in vico unde earn portaremus Gerundam. . . .
Praedicta donna Ermessindis elegit nos suos manumissores • . . sicut superius
scriptum est in sua plena memoria, mi kalendas Marcii Anno xxvii Henrici Regis
regni . . . et obiit kalendas Marcii vespere facto. . . . Sicut ipsa donna Ermessindis
nobis praecepit jam dictis, ita et hie fideliter scriptum est. Postmodum haec ultima
voluntas . . . patuit publice secundo nonas Marcii in capitulo Sanctae Mariae
Gerundi coram (etc.). Scriptum manu Guillermi . . . cum litteris suprapositis in
yiii versa (i.e. ad tabula') et rasis in xn et in xv et xvu, secundo nonas Marcii
xxvii Henrici Regis.
III. Letter of Cardinal Damiani to Pope Alexander II, 1061.
Contained in all the printed editions of Damiani’s epistles (e.g. in Damianus,
Opera Collects , Rome, 1606, vol. i, p. 24). Also in Margerinus de la Bigne’s
Sacrae Bibliothecae Sanctorum Patrum , Paris, 1578-9, vol. iii. The text below is
from MS. Monte Cassino 358, 359 ; fol. 180 5-181 a, of the early 12th cent.
Reprimo calamum: Nam ut turpiores attexantur ineptie pudore suffundor;
videlicet, venatus, aucupium, alearum insuper furie, uel scachorum. Que nimirum,
de toto quidem sacerdote exhibent mimum sed precipue oculos manus et linguam,
quasi unum uerum simul efficiunt : sicque conditos, et qui suauius sapiant, cibos
demonum mensis apponunt.
Hie plane, si quod michi de uenerabili Florentine sedis Episcopo contigerit
recolo: alienum esse ab edificatione non credo. Dum aliquando sibi essem comes
itineris, uespertinum tandem subeuntes hospitium, ego me in presbiteri cellam
semoui : is autem in spaciosa domo cum commeantium turba resedit. Mane
autem facto a meo michi agasone signiticatum est, quod predictus Episcopus
ludo prefuerit scacchorum. Quod prefecto uerbum uelut sagitta cor meum
acutissime pupugit, et indignationis vulnus inflixit. Hora autem, que michi
uidebatur electa, conuenio hominem et acriter inuehor, hoc igitur initium sermonis
arripiens. Aio : libra ta manu uirgas exero plagas infligere quero, si sit qui terga
subiciat. Et ille: Inferatur, inquit, culpa, non recusabitur penitentia. Rectene,
inquam, tuique erat officii uespere in scacchorum uanitate colludere, et manum,
Dominic! corporis oblatricem, linguam inter Deum et popolum mediatricem sacrilegi
ludibrii contaminatione fedare? Praesertim cum canonica decernat auctoritas,
ut aleatores Episcopi deponantur I Et quid prodest ei, quern efficaciter auctoritas
damnat, etiam si judicium extrinsecus non accedat? Ille autem ex diuersitate
nominum defensionis sibi faciens scutum, ait, aliud scachum esse, aliud aleam ; aleas
Digitized by Google
CHAP. I
CHESS IN WESTERN CHRISTENDOM
415
ergo auqtoritas ilia proliibuit, scachos uero tacendo concessit. Ad quod ego : Scachuii),
inquam, Scriptura non ponit, sed u triusque ludi genus alee nomine comprehendit.
Quapropter dum alea prohibetur, et nominatim de scacho nil dicitur, constat procul
dubio, utrumque genus uuo uocabulo comprehensum, unius sententie auctoritate
damnatum. Tunc ille — ut mitis est animi et perspicacis ingenii — redditis rationibus
humiliter adquieuit: culpam nullatenus iterandam certa pollicitatione constituit,
iniungi sibi penitentiam postulauit. Cui mox precepi, ut ter psalterium meditando
percurreret, ac duodecim pauperum pedem sub totidem numismatum erogatione,
eorumque recreatione lavaret. Hac scilicet ratione perspecta, ut quoniam hec culpa
manibus potissimum et sermone committitur, lauando pauperum pedem, suas potius
a culpe contagio man us ablueret, et imprimis alienis ora uestigiis pacem sibi cum
Domino, qnem per flendos iocos offenderat, reformauit. Hoc autem diximus, ut,
quam inhonestum, quam absurdum, quam denique fedum sit in sacerdotem ludibrium
ex altering emendatione noscatur.
IV. Ruodlieb.
A fragment of an early epic poem, which has been edited by F. Seiler, Halle,
1882, from the unique MS. at Munich. Cf. v. d. Lasa in Sch. t 1881, 33-41 and
65-72. A German translation of the poem by M. Heyne was published, Leipzig,
1897. Simrock, Heldenbuch , Stuttgart, 1871, vi. 10 seq., has incorporated a free
and (from the standpoint of chess) inaccurate version in his Amehingen-Lied.
185 Respondit * Summus mihi clemens fit vicedomnus
Procurans multum, defectum ne paterer quern.
Scachorum ludo temptat me vincere crebro,
Nec potuit, ludo ni sponte dato sibi solo.
Quinque dies sic me non siverat ante venire.
190 Explorare cupit mens adventus quid eo sit.
Investigare nulla quod dum valet arte,
Post me rex misit, sibi quae dixi satis audit
In eras response, dixit velut, induciato.
Rex poscens tabulam jubet opponi sibi sellam
195 Et me contra se jubet in fulchro residere,
Ut secum ludam, quod ego nimium renuebam
Dicens : “terribile miserum conludere rege.”
Et dum me vidi sibi non audere reniti,
Ludere laudavi, cupiens ab eo superari.
200 “Vinci de rege” dicens, “quid obest miserum me?
Sed timeo, domine, quod mox irasceris in me,
Si fortuna juvet, mihi quod victoria constet.” —
Rex subridendo, dixit velut atque jocando :
“Non opus est, care, super hac re quid vereare;
205 Si numquam vincam, commotior haut ego fiam,
Sed quam districte noscas, ludas volo cum me,
Nam quos ignotos facies volo discere tract us.” —
Statim rex et ego studiose traximus ambo, 1
Et sibi gratia sit, mihi ter victoria cessit,
210 Multis principibus nimis id mirantibus ejus.
Is mihi deponit, sibi me deponere nil vult.
Et dat quae posuit, (pisa quod non) una remansit.
1 Simrock paraphrases these lines thus :
Ieh sprach : 4 Mit KOnigen k&mpfen missziemt geringerem Manne.’
£r fiber sass and rQckte schon beide Bauern voran.
V. d. Lasa (51) rightly describes the licence by which the poet has introduced a pecu-
liarity of 18th c. German chess (see p. 889) as 4 unpardonable ’. There is no particle of evidence
for the custom of commencing with two simultaneous moves in early European chess.
Digitized by Google
416
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Plures Buccedunt, hunc ulcisei voluerunt,
Pignora praebentes, mea pignora despicientes,
215 Perdere nil certi, dubiae fist bene sorti.
Alterutruraque juvant, nimiumque juvando nocebant.
Praepediebantur, varie dum consiliantur,
Inter litigium cito vincebam quod eorum
Hoc tribus et vicibus, volui nam ludere non plus.
220 Quae deponebant mihi mox donare yolebant.
Primo respueram, vitiosum namque putabam
Sic me ditari, vel eos per me tenuari.
Dixi: “non suevi quicquam ludendo lucraii.”
(Dicunt: “inter nos dum sis, tu vive velut nos.)
Donee inter nos sis, fac vel vive velut nos.
225 Quando domum venias, ibi vivere quis veluti vis.’'
Cum sat lorifregi, quae porrexere recepi, t
Commoda cum laude mihi fortuna tribuente.’ —
Rex ait: ( hunc ludum tibi censeo semper amandum,
Quo sunt sarcita tua tarn bene calciamenta ;
230 Nunc grates habeas, causas quod agis bene nostras.’ —
f Marginal gloss, zugilprechoto .
V. Metellur, Quirinalia, c. 1160.
Huic ludo tabulae regis erat fill us obvius
Donee doctior hie, obtinuit promptius aleam.
Rixam victus agit, corde patris forte potentior
Et rocho jaculans, mortifere vulnus adegerat.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
The mediaeval period and its chess literature. — Earliest contemporary references
in the different European countries. — The European nomenclature composite. —
The game the typical chamber-recreation of the nobility. — A branch of a noble's
education. — Played by the ladies. — Reasons for the popularity of chess with
the leisured classes. — Chess played by the members of a noble's household. —
By the burgesses of the towns. — Frowned on by the Universities. — Does not
reach the lowest ranks of society. — The altered position of chess in modern
days.
| The history of the development of chess in Europe falls into two well-
I defined sections, th e boundary lin e between them synchronizing with the
conclusi on of t he Middle Ages and marking the general adoption of^the
modern moves of the Queen and BisKopu This reform was Kslorically only
~tSe culmination of a long^eries of experiments with the moves of the pieces,
carried out during the mediaeval period, but its adoption led at once to such
changes in the method of play that the reformed chess was almost a new
game. Practically the whole of the science, the literature, and the problem
lore of the older game were no longer applicable, and they became obsolete
in the course of two or three generations. The completeness of the revolution
makes it possible to treat of the unreformed mediaeval game as a whole, and
in the next few chapters I propose to confine myself almost entirely to the
history of this older chess, its rules, its nomenclature, its literature, and its
influence upon the life of the five centuries (c. 1000 -c. 1500) during which
it was played in Western Europe.
This game had a very considerable literature, and a great deal more of
it has survived to our day than we should have anticipated, when we
remember that the game became obsolete soon after the invention of printing. 1
1 The most notable losses are (1) the Problem collection of Vicent, 1495. (2) A Catalan
poem on chess by Moses Azan, of which a Castilian version of 1850 was once in the Escurial
(v. d. Linde, i. 177). (8) A work of the mathematician Luca Paciulo (B. 1445, D. after 1614)
(Staigmtiller, in Z.f. Math. u. Physik , xxiv. 150, quoted in Cantor, Qesch. d. Math., 1892, ii. 282).
(4) *n*e De ludo latrunculorum of Hierome Cardan (B. 1501, D. 1576), an Italian work beginning
* Non per vitio alcuno ’, to which he refers in some of his extant works, thus : 1 Latrunculis
et aleae tam immodice operam dedi ut me dignum repraehensione fore intelligam. Lusi per
plures annos utroque modo, sed latrunculis supra xl : alea circa xxv, nec solum tot annis,
sed totis diebus turps dictu. Multa et praeclara quamquam invenerim in libro de latrun-
culis, quaedam tamen ob occupationes exciderunt : viii aut x quse numquam licuit recu-
perate, ea omnino humanam solertiam excedere, et imposaibilia inventu esse videbantur.
Ob it haec adjeci ut monerem (quod spero venturum) si quando occurrant curiosis, ut
coronidem, seu apicem adjiciant.’ (These discoveries can hardly have been anything but
partita, problems ; cf. v. d. Lasa, 181-8.) De Vila Propria (1575), xix. 1 Deditus fui etiam
1270 D d
Digitized by Google
418
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
There are only a few early printed works of which chess is the subject-matter,
and the bulk of the early literature is still in manuscript, much of it consisting
of very short works, which fill odd pages in MSS. that have been left blank
between longer treatises.
We may divide the earlier literature into three distinct groups of works,
to each of which I propose to devote special attention in subsequent chapters.
These are :
(1) Didactic works, generally in verse, which are intended to teach
beginners the moves and the most elementary principles of play, or to give
a rapid description of the game; the most important being the chapter
Be scaccis in Alexander Neckam’s Be naturi % return , and a Latin poem of
German authorship in a Cracow library.
(2) Moralizing works, in which chess is made the text for a parable or
a homily, or provides the framework for a collection of stories; the most
noted work in this class being the Liber de moribus hominum et officii* nobUium
of the Lombard friar, Jacobus de Cessolis.
(3) Collections of chess problems, of which we possess a number of MSS.
of two greater compilations, and several shorter and more or less independent
works. Some of these MSS. contain prefatory sections giving valuable
information about the game.
It is at first sight remarkable that we have no works similar to our
modern books on the Openings, and no collections of games. But it was
one of the chief defects of the older game that the general principles of play
were so obscure in their action, and that the development of a game was
so slow, that the necessity for recording games was hardly evident. Even
the Muslim masters, who reached a standard of skill that was never approached
in mediaeval Europe, only produced one work of analysis and two discussions
on general principles. One of the first results of the great reform in chess
at the end of the 15th c. was the discovery that it was necessary to analyse
opening play, and worth while to record games. Already before 1500 we
possess two works of the reformed chess which attempt to do this.
In the preceding chapter I have used contemporary evidence to establish
the knowledge of chess in the Spanish marches of France by the year 1010,
in Central Italy by 1061, and in Southern Germany by about 1050. In
a similar way it is possible to establish the knowledge of chess in the
other countries of Western Europe by the middle of the 13th c. Thus the
two French historians of the First Crusade, Fouche of Chartres 2 and Robert
■ — 1 "" — **
immodice ab ipsa adolesoentia ludo latrunculorum ; quo etiam Francisco Sfortiae Mediolani
Principi innotui, A nobilium amicitiam multorum mihi comparavi v (ibid). * Per idem
tempus librum de latrunculorum ludo scripsi, quern anno aetatis xxiii absolvi ; magnitudo
Justini historic! liber, materaa scriptus lingua, quod existimarem eos, qui ludis delectantur,
minima majore ex parte esse eruditos : divisi autem ilium in iv libros. In primo de ludo
latrunculorum, in secundo de ludis fritilli, in tertio de ludis : ostendi ludos xl ’ etc. ( Libellus
de libris propriis , 1643).
In a later bibliography (1564) he says that the first book of 100 leaves treated of chess
and games that only require industry. In the third edition of this last work he gives the
number of leaves as 160.
* Quoted above, p. 203.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
419
de St. Remi, mention chess. The latter, writing of the Crusaders (who were
for the most part drawn from France), names chess as one of their ^relaxations.*
Both writers date from the commencing years of the 12thc./ We possess
a Latin poem of English authorship — the Winchester Poem — which was
written in the first half of the 12th c., while the historia n, William of
Mftjrfl^hnry T w aiting c. 1140, also men tions chess. 2 That chess must have
been familiar to the Norman kings m the 11th century is clear from the
fact that from about 1100 t hey used t hename of the chessboard, L. sca ccarium
AF ^ ^cA gc^^^forJ^he^ame^ of the depart ment of state in Englan d and in
Ttormandy w hich dealt with tI ie~colIection and administratio n of the royal
r evenues^ The name of Exchequer (an ignorant corruption ot the ME.
escheker caused by mistaking es- in this word for the OF. *#-, L. ex-) has
survived to the present day in England as the name of the modern descend-
ants of the Norman office ; in Normandy the name Eschequier was altered
to ParlemetU in the reign of Francis I. It is disputed whether this applica-
tion of the chess term originated in England or in Normandy. According
to the Dial, de Scaccario of Richard, Bp. of London, 1178, the term scaccarium
was taken from the table, about 10 ft. by 5 ft., upon which the accounts were
worked out by means of a cloth divided into strips about a foot wide, on
which counters (calculi) representing the moneys were placed and moved.
The Bishop says that the table was so named ‘ quod scaccarii lusilis similem
habet formam *, but shows that —
as in chess the battle is fought between Kings, so in this it is chiefly between two
that the conflict takes place and the war is waged — the treasurer, namely, and the
sheriff who sits there to render account : the others sitting by as judges, to see and
to judge (E. F. Henderson, Select Hist . Doc. Middle Ages, London, 1905, 23).
It has sometimes been argued on the strength of two 12th c. works, Gaimar’s
Lestorie des Engles , which represents Ordgar as playing chess in the reign of
Eadgar (D.975), 4 and the Bamsey Chronicle , which describes King Cnut (D. 1035)
as discovered relieving the tedium of the night in playing games of dice
or chess, 6 that chess was played in Southern England before the Norman
Conquest. Both of these passages are in date too long after the event to
possess any serious historical value, and against them we must place the
complete silence of all pre-Norman English works, and the omission of chess
in the list of games in certain Old English vocabularies of the 10th and
3 4 Cumque h©c crebro yicissitudinem aotitarentur impulsu, preeambulus quid&m aduenit
qui nuncios principis Babylonia® in crastinum praconebatur aduenire et a Principiis castro-
rum fiduciam quaerit veniendi secure: Qui libenter annuunt, seque eorum susceptioni
sol lemn iter praemuniunt. Tentoria van is ornamentorum generibus venustantur: terras
in fix is sudibus scuta apponuntur, quibus in crastinum Quintan* Indus, scilicet equestris
exerceretur : ale®, scaci, veloces cursus ©quorum flexis in frenum gyris non defueront, et
mil i tar es impetus : hastarumque vibrationes in alterutrum ibi celebrate sunt. In quibus
aotibus monstrabatur quod nullo pauore trepidabant qui talia opera bant ur/ (‘ Hist. Hierosol.,*
lib. ▼, Gesta dei per Francos, Hanover, 1611, i. 55.)
4 Quoted below, p. 482, n. 45.
4 * Ipse (Aethericus episcopus) quoque mannum, curiam adi turns, ascendens, ipsumque
estlcaribus urgens, regem (Canutum) adhuc tesserarum vel scacchorum ludo longioris taedia
noctis relevantem invenit/ Chron . Abbat. Rameseiensis, clxxxv. (London, 1886), 187. The
text of the Chronicle is certainly later than 1160, and probably than 1170. For Cnut and
chess see pp. 404 and 448.
d d 2
4
Digitized by ^.ooole
420
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
11th centuries. Cnut may have learnt chess daring his pilgrimage to Rome
in 1027, but it is very improbable that chess was ordinarily played in
England before the Conquest. The word ‘chess’ and the normal English
names of the chessmen are all of Norman- French introduction. 0
The Norman barons took chess with them to Scotland and Wales. The
Reg. Dunelm. (13th c.) mentions a carver of chessmen as living at Kirkcud-
bright, Scotland, e. 1150. 7 A Welsh version of one of the Charlemagne
romances, dating from 1336, mentions chess, 8 and a 15th c. Irish MS. of
the Second Battle of Moytura has incorporated in the older text a marginal
comment from its parent MS. which identifies an older Irish game with
chess. 9
The game is mentioned in many of the translations of the old French
romances which were made in German, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, and Icelandic
from the very beginning of the thirteenth century. The Icelandic St. Olaf’s
Saga , a part of the Heimekringla , and written c. 1230, contains a chess inci-
dent. 10 A MS. with chess parallels has been in Reval on the southern shore of
the Gulf of Finland, in the Middle Ages in the territory of the Teutonic
Order, since 1270, and a Riga merchant of the same period was surnamed
Shakkmat . ll In 1335, Robert, King of Hungary, sent John, King of Bohemia,
4 tabulae pro scacis ’ (John de Thwrocz, Chron. Hungar ., xcvii), while a 14th c.
Czech vocabulary (by Klen Rozhochany, in Hanka’s ZbSrka nejddvn. slovn.,
Praze, 1833, 98) gives a list of chess terms with barbarous Latin equivalents :
ssaoh, scacus : kralik, cral, rexus : kr&levna, rexa : pop, arippus : rytier, militus :
roch, rochus : p&ec, pedes : lachovnice, sea tabu la. 12
# The other view, voiced by Thmpp ( Anglo-Saxon Home, 1862, xvi), received apparent
support from Hyde’s curious title of the early 12th c. Winchester Poem (see p. 499). Grein
(see Grein-Wftlker, BibL der A ngels&chsischen Poesie (1881), i. 8 88) makes the suggestion that
the name of the rune , peortJ, which is associated with play ( H peortt buf> symble pleja and
hlehter wlancum . . . , Car wipui sitta]> on beorsele bli^e aetsomne), may be connected with the
Ic. peO — Pawn in chess, but this is philologically impossible, and later scholars reject the
suggestion utterly. The only facts which seem to me to promise any serious support to
a belief in the existence of a pre-Norman chess in England, are the names for the Bishop
in the Winchester Poem and in Neckam (see Ch. IV, below), for parallels to which we must go
Nearly Italian and German chess.
T ‘Quidam de villula (Kirkcudbright) in confinio posits artificiosus minister, sub diurno
tempore studiosus advenit, cujus negotiations opus in pectinibus conformandis, tabulatis et
scaccariis, talis, spiniferis et caeteris talibus, de cornuum vel solidiori ossuum materie pro-
creandia et studium intentionis effulsit.’ (Gap. Ixxxviii.)
I Oampeu Charlymaen , ed. Williams, Welsh MS. Soc., 1878-80, 7. ‘ Rei onadunt yn gware
seccyr, eraill yn gware gwydbwyll ’ (which the editor translates, ‘ some of them were playing
chequers, others chess *). And again, 8, ‘ Ac yna y disgynassant yr neuad vrenhinawl yn yr
honn yd oed anneiryf lluossogrwyd o wyrdda yn gware seccyr a gwydbwyll * (translated 1 and
then they descended to the royal hall in which was a countless multitude of good men
playing chequers and chess ’).
• In Revue Celtique, xii. 78 (cf. Meyer and Nutt, Voyage of Bran, ii. 176). 69 As ed atbert-
som go rocurt fidhcelda na Temrach dia s&igidh-sium annsin, % gou rug-som a toichell, conad
andsin dorigne an Cro Logo. Acht masa i n-uamas an catha Troianna rohairged in fi(d)ceall
ni torraoht Herinn andsin i, uair is a n-Aonaimsir rogniadh cath muigi Tuired % togail Traoi.
(This he (the King) said then, that the chessboards of Tara should be fetched to him
(samildAnach) and he won all the stakes, so that then he made the Oro of Lugh. But if chess
was invented at the epoch of the Trojan war it had not reached Ireland then, for the battle
of Moytura and the destruction of Troy occurred at the same time. )
10 See Appendix I to this chapter for Icelandic chess.
II F. Amelung, * Zur Balt. Schachgesch.* in Balt Schachbl. , vi. 132. Amelung thinks that chess
reached Livonia from Germany, and that the game was popular there with all classes during
the Middle Ages.
11 For other references to Bohemian chess, see Zibrt, Dejiny hry lac hove, Praha, 1888.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
421
All of these references, however, are to chess as something already fairly
generally known. No chronicler took the trouble to record the first occasion
when he heard of chess or saw it played by a fellow-countryman. When
we seek more information as to the details of the advance northwards from
the shores of the Mediterranean, we find no direct evidence that can help.
It is only from the nomenclature of the game that we can form any con-
clusions as to the source from which any particular country obtained its
knowledge of chess. It is only in terms of centuries that we can date the
introduction of chess among any people.
I have already stated that the Arabic names of three of the pieces ( firzan
in its popular form of Jirz , ftl in the form al-fil with article prefixed, and
rukh) were adopted in European chess. This, however, is not a complete
statement, and it is necessary to qualify it to some extent. For the European
nomenclature is a composite one, and in hardly any of the European languages
was it uniform and fixed throughout the mediaeval period. It will be
remembered that the early Indian literature shows a great variety of name
for the various pieces, though the meaning of the name of each piece is
a constant one: a phenomenon which I explained as probably due to the
use of actual carvings of men, animals, &c., for the chessmen. In Europe
the phenomenon is different, and we find — in two cases at least — a variety
of meaning in the different names for the same piece. In this the action
of the European player was an exception to the rule generally followed when
chess was adopted by a new people, by which the intelligible names were
translated and the unintelligible ones were borrowed. This anomaly seems
to me to throw light upon the way in which chess reached the different parts
of Western Europe.
The Arabic Shah (King — K) became everywhere in Europe the King :
L. rex, Sp. rey, Pg. rei. CatTTProv. r^y, It. rfc, Fr. roi (OF. roy(s, AF. rey(s) ;
Eng. king, Ger. kdnig (MHG. kiinic, MLG. kuninc), Du. koning (MDu.
coninc), Ic. ,konungur, Sw. konung or kung, Dan. konge : Lettish karalis,
Cz. kr&l, Pol. krol, Croat, kralj, Serv. kraly, Hun. kir&ly. 12 * This is, of course,
a simple translation from the Arabic.
The Ar abic Faros (Horse — Kt) became the Hone in the Peninsula, at
a later date but still in the mediaeval period in Italy, and in modem times in
some other parts of Europe also : L. equus, Sp. caballo, Pg. and It. cavallo ;
NDu. pard ; NSw. hast, Cz. Pol. konik, Serv. koh, konits, Hun. lo . 13 Generally
in E urope it became the Horseman x who was soon identifi ed with the feu dal
Knight who warred on horseback, and this name was occasionally used in
m L. 1- rex, 4 rexus, (5 regia majestas). Sp. 3- rey. Cat. 4- rey. It. 4- re, 7 rey.
Fr. 4-7 roy, 4-5 roys, 4, 7- roi, 4-5 rois. AF. 3 rei(s), 4 rey(s). Eng. 4-6 kyng, 5-6
kynge, 7- king. HG. 8-7 kiinig, 3-6 kiinec, kiineg, 3-4 kiinic, 4-5 kUng, 4-7 kung, 5
kunig, 6- kOnig, 7 kttnnig. LG. 8 kuninc, 4 koninc, konink, kunninc, kuninc, koningk,
koningh, konyngh, 5 koning. Du. 3-5 coninc, 5 coninck, 7- koning, 7 koonink (8 wetgever).
1c. 3- konungur, 7-8 kongur. Sw. 4- konung, 7 kong, 9 kung. Cz. 4 cral, kralik, 4- kraL
M L. 4-6 equus, 4-5 equp, 4 caballus. Sp. 3- cavallo, 8 caballo. Pg. 6- cavallo. It.
6- cavallo, 6 chaualo, chauolo, caualo, chauallo (pi. chauagli). (Fr. 7 cheval). (Eng. 6-7
horse). (Ger. 7 pferd). Du. 8- paard, 9 pard. Sw. 8- hast.
Digitized by Google
422
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Southern Europe also ; L. earlier eques, later miles, MSp. cavallero, Pg.
cavalleiro (still in occasional use), Cat. cavalier, MIt. cavaliero, Prov. cavalier,
Pr. chevalier, Eng. knight, MHG. ritter, MLG. and MDu. ridder, Ic.
riddari, MSw. riddar, MDan. ridder, Cz. rytier, Hun. huszar. 14 In modem
times several countries have followed the lead of Germany in adopting
Jumper as the name of the piece: NGer., NDan. springer, Sw. springare,
Lettish sirdsinsch, Cz. jerdec, Croat. skakaS, Hun. ugro. 16
The Arab ic Baidaq (Foot- soldier — P) came into Europe as the Foot-Soldier ;
L. pedes^ pedo, pedinus, ItT pedona, pedina/ Sp. peon, Pg. piao, pedes, Cat
pe6, Prov. pezon, Fr. pion (OF. paon, AF. poim), Eng. pawn, Welsh paenod,
NDu. pion, Serv. peon, Roum. pion, Ic. peS, Cz. p£Sec, pSek, PoL pieszek,
Croat. pjeSak, MHG. and MLG. vende, MDu. vinne, MSw. finna, Hun. gyalog.
Occasionally a diminutive form was used, e.g. L. pesculus, OF. paonnet, MHG.
vendelin. 1 ® In modem times, several countries have followed the lead of
Germany in adopting Peasant as the name of the piece : NGer. bauer,
Sw., Dan. bonde or knegt 17
The Arabic Rukh (Chariot — R) became everywhere in Europe the Rook :
L. rochus, It. rocco, Sp., Pg. roque, Cat. roch, OF. roc, ros, ME. rok(e,
NE. rook, MHG. roch, MLG. rog, MDu. roch, Ic. hrdkur, MSw. rok, MDan.
rock, Cz. hroch : 18 a sure sign that the meaning of the Arabic word was
generally unk nown or forgotte n. There are a few indications that another
14 IiTl^7~©ques, 2 cabal lari us, equester, 2-6 miles, 4 militus, 6 milles (tragilis, 7 capripes,
equitatus). Sp. 5 oavaller, 3-7 cavallero. Cat. 4 oavaler, 9 cavalier. It. 4-6 chaualiere,
4-6 caualiero, 4 caualliero, 7 cavagliere (5 ©quite, 6 milite). Prov. 8 cavalier. Fr. 8-6
chivalier, 8-4 chivaler, -ir, 8 chevalier, 4 cavalier, cavalier, 6 chevaliers. (Du. 8 cavalier.)
Eng. 4-5 kny;t, 5-6 knyght, 5 knyht, knigt, knyht, knihgt, knyhgt, kniht, 6- knight,
6 knighte. Sc. 5 knicht 6 knycht(e). MHG. 8-4 rlter, 8-7 ritter, 4 rit&r, riter, 7-8 router.
MLG. 4 ridder, rydder, ritter, -ir. MDu. 8-7 ridder, 8 miter. Ic. 8- riddari. Sw. 4 riddar.
Ci. 4- rytier.
11 Ger. 7 sprenger, 8- springer (8 schreiber). Dan. 7- springer. Sw. 7 springare. For
the sake of completeness I add the rare Du. 8 agent.
u L. 1-7 pedes, 2 pedester, 8-5 pedinus, 4-6 pedo, pedona, 4 pes, 6-7 pedina, 7 pedeatis.
(Also 8 architenens, 5 popularis, popularium, pesculus, servus, cliens, juvenis, mandpes,
7 peditatus, rusticus). Sp. 8- peon. Pg. 9 pi&o, peSo, pedes. Cat. 6 peo(n), reho{n),
pano(n), 9 ped. Prov. 8 pezon(et). It. 4- pedona, 6 pedo, 6- pedina, 7 pedon(e), pedino
(5 adolescentulo). Fr. 8 poon, 4-5 paon, 4 peon, pannet, panounet, paounet, paonet,
4-5 paonnet (pi. paonnes), 5 paont, pionnet, pioncel, 5- pion, 6 pennet, 7 pieton (Godefroi
adds pehon, pedon, pyon, peon(n)et, poon(n)et, pavonet). AF. 8-4 poun. Eng. 4 ponn,
4- 5 poune, 5 pown(e, poyn, pone, 5-6 pon, 5- pawn, 5-7 pawne, 6 panny, 6-7 panne.
Sc. 6 poun (also 6 yoman (popular), 7 footman). MHG. 7 pion. Du. 8- pion. Ic. 3- peS
(pi. peCmatfur, pe&lingur). Cz. 4- pttec, petec, 9 pilek, piony. MHG. 8-7 vende, 8-4 ven-
delin, 4-7 fende, 5 vent, vinde, 6 fendlin, 7-8 vendt, 7 vend, fend, fendel, finde, wende,
8 f&hnel, flndel, f&ndlein (also 6 pedina, 7-8 soldat, 7 fussgenger, knabe, 8 fussvolk).
MLG. 4 vende, vinne. MDu. 8-5 vinne, 4 vende, vinde, 6 vin (also 5 pedoene, voetghangher,
voet-knegt, voetganger, 7 nimph, nymph, 8 soldat). Sw. 4 finna.
1T NGer. (7 knecht), 6- bauer, 7 bawr, baur, bawer. Du. 8 boer, burger. Sw. 7- bonde,
8 knegt. Dan. 7-8 knegt, 8- bonde. Ic. 9 bonde. Lettish, kahjneeka. Cz. aedlik. Hun.
paraszt.
14 L. 1-6 rochus, 2-6 rocus, 2, 5 roch, 8-6 roccus, roc, 4-6 rocchus, 5 rokus, 6 rocch (also
2 Janus biceps, bifrons rochus; 1 marchio, 5 rector, rectus, praeses, ultor, dux, comes,
interrex). Sp. 8-7 roque, 5 roch. Pg. 6 roque. Cat. 4 roch. It. 4-7 rocco (pL roochi
5- 6 rocho, 4-6 roccho, roco, rrocho, 7 rocca. Prov. 8 roc(s). Fr. 8-7 roc, 4 rok, roch, 4-5 ros,
rooq, 4 roz, 7 roche. Eng. 4-6 rok(e), 4- rook, 5 roc, roche, 5, 7 rocke, 6-7 rock, 7 rooke.
Sc. 6 rouk, 6 rowke. MHG. 8-8 roch, 4 roc, rogh, 6 raoh, 8 roche. MLG. 4 rog(he), roch,
4-5 rock, 8 rog(ge), MDu. 8-5 roc(k). Ic. 8- hrdkur, 7 rogur. Sw. 4 rok. Dan. 7 rock.
Cz. 4 roch, 9 hroch. Of. Welsh, 6 bran Owain ap Urien (— raven).
The name Rook is obsolete in many European languages. The history of the change of
name is given below, Ch. XI, but for convenience of reference I add the form-history of the
Digitized by Google
CHAP, II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
423
name had been attempted in several parts : e. g. Germany, marchio , the
marqness or lord of the marches; Italy, rector or comes ; England, biceps
Janus ; but none of these seems to have been ever widely used.
Th eLAiab ic Firz , Firzdn (wise man, counse llor = Q) has received a variety
of names in Europe, but the older sources show only two.
The Arabic name w as adopted^ in Spain, France, a nd England : Sp. alfferza,
Prov. fersa, OF. fierce, fierge, ME. fers, whence^ the L. ferzia and, in problem
collections only, the It. ferce. 19
The piece was replaced by a Queen in Italy, the Germanic and No rse
lands ^ L. regina, It. reina; MHG. kiinegin, MLG. koninginne, ftlDuT
coninginne ; Ic., Sw. drottning, Dan. dronning ; Cz. kralevna. 20 The same
name appears as an alternative in French and English, and later in Spanish
also: Sp. reyna, OF. royne, reyne; ME. quene. In English there are
instances of queen (in Latin MSS.) older than any of fers.
The fact that firz whs adopted and no t translated in some of the European
languages proves that th e, meaning of the Arabic nam e_wa- not understood.
The Spanish MS. Alf. of 1283 shows that the Spanish player connected the
alfferza with the standard-bearer, Sp. alferez = Ar. alffaris, the horseman,
from faras , a horse : an explanation which confuses firzdn with faros, and
suggests that the Western Muslims had forgotten the derivation of the
former word.
The name ‘ Queen ’ is a characteristically European innovation, suggested
probably by the position of the piece upon the board and by the general
symmetry of the arrangement of the pieces, which pointed to the pairing
of the two central pieces. 21 The name has reacted curiously upon the
modern names here, (a) Elephant. L. 6 eleph&s, elephantus turritus, 7 turrigerus bos. Fr.
6 elefsna. Eng. 6 elephants, 7 elephant. Qer. 7 elephant, 8 elefant. Sw. 7 elephant. Dan.
7- elephant. Ic. 9 fill, (b) Tower. L. 7 arx, rapes, turris, turns scaccaria, turriculum. Sp. 9
torre, castello, castillo. Pg. 9 torre, castello. It. 5 (custode della rocha o arce), 7 rooca, tore , 1
8 rocchiere, 8- torre. Fr. 7 roclie, 7- tour. Eng. 6 tower, tower-keeper, 7 - oastle, 7 fortress.
Ger. 7 festung, 7- turm, thurm. Du. 8 kasteel, 8- toren, 8 tooren, 9 fort. Sw. 9 t&rn,
Dan. 9 taarn. Lettish, tornis. Cz. v6L Pol. wieia. Croat, toranj. Hun. bastya, torony.
Serv. torofi, kula. (c) Also L. 6 cyclops, 7 sate Ilea. Eng. 6 judge, 7 duke. Ger. 7 herzog,
f&hnrich, 8 statthalter, oberster. Du. 7 schildwagter, wachter, 8 richter.
19 L. 2 ferzia, 8-6 fercia, 4-5 ferz, 4 firgia, 5 forcia, fforcia, fortia, fortis, ferzs, fera, fergia,
6 ferce, ferza ; also in MSS. of Fr. origin, 5 fere, fiere ; and of Eng. origin, 4-5 ferce, 5 ferze,
fierte (oerte), fferte, ffers. It. 4 fer<ja, ferza, fer9e, 6 fercia. Sp. 8 alfferza, 5 alfere(z)za.
Prov. 8 fersa. Fr. 8-4 fierce, 4-5 ferge, 4 ferce, fierge, firge, fierche (serge, sergens).
AF. 8-4 fierce, ferce. Eng. 4-7 fers, 5-6 ffers, 5 fiers, 6 ferae, fierce, ferce, 7 feers; pi.
4 ferses, 7 feerses. Sc. 5 feir(e)s, fers, feiris.
10 L. 1- regina, 4 rexa (Cz.). Sp. 5 regina, 7 reyna, 9 reina. Cat. 4 reyna, reina, regina,
9 rainha. Pg. 9 rainha. It. 5-6 regina, 5-7 reina, 6 rejna, rigina. Fr. 4-7 royne, 4, 7 reyne.
4 roine, roiine, 5 roigne. Eng. 4-6 quene, 6 qwene, quyene, 6-7 queene, 7 queen. Sc.
6 quheyne. MHG. 8-4 kfinigin(ne), 4-7 kfiaigin(n), 4 kfinneginne, 5 kilneginne, kfingin,
6- k&nigin, 6-7 kOngin, 7 kOniginne, k5ningin, kftnnigin, 7-8 kftniginn. MLG. 4 koninginne,
kunniginne, kuninginne, konynghinne, koninghinne, koningynne. Du. 8-5 coninginne,
5 coningine, coninghin(ne), 7 koninginne, koninghinne, 8 koningen. Ic. 8- drottning,
Sw. 4 drotning, 7- drottning. Dan. 7 dronning©, 8- dronning. Cz. 4 kr&levna, kralova,
9 krtloma. Pol. krdlowa. Hun. kir^lyn4.
n Freret ( Origins du jeu des mhem t read to the French Academy, 24 July, 1719, printed in
Hist, de tAcademie , V, Paris, 1729, 250-9) tried to explain the change of name by supposing
that French players confused the words fierge (fers) and vierge (L. virgo), and that the latter —
possibly by way of 1 the Virgin ’, * the Queen of Heaven ’, 1 the Queen * — suggested the
terrestrial Queen. The historical evidence is strongly opposed to this pretty guess, though
the similarity of sound between fierge and vierge naturally led to comparisons in poems,
e. g. in the Fr. translation of the Vetula , in Gautier de Coincy, Ac.
i
Digitized by Google
424
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
borrowed name fer and has everywhere altered the gender. All the
European names, and even the Sp. alfferza in the Alfonso MS. of 1283, are
feminine nouns. We have already seen that the same is true of the Russian
word fers.
At a later date, though still in the mediaeval period, other names came
into general use for the chess Queen. I shall return to these later.
Of all the chessmen the Arabi c Fit, Alfil (elephant, th e elephant — B)
has acquired the greatest variety of names in the European languages.
On the one hand we have the borrowed name Aufin : L. alphiles, alfinus,
and a number of other forms, Sp. alffil (later arfil), Cat. orfil, Prov. alfi,
OP. aufin, ME. aufin, Welsh elphyn, which appeared in Italian before the
14th c. as alfino, later alfiero, delfino, &c., and in MDu. as alphyn (a single
instance in a translation from the French). 22
On the other hand we have four different names of European origin. The
piece is replaced :
(1) By a Sage or ol d man in I taly (MS. Arch.), in England in the oldest
references, in Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden: L. curvus, calvus,
i senex; MHG. alte, MLG. aide, MDu. oude, Sw. ollin. 23
(2) By a Bishop^or other eccles iastic (more frequently in early times
determining the’shape of the carvecTpiece than its actual name). Instances
of carved piece or the use of the name are found i n England. France. Germany ,
Iceland, and Bohe mia : L. cornutus, episcopus, ? calvus ; MF. cornu ; Eng. (since
1500) bishop; IcTTnskup ; Cz. pop. 24
(3) By a Count in the oldest German references: L. comes. 26
(4) By a Joo/, p rimarily in France : L. stultus, stolidus ; Prov., MF. fol ;
Ger. narr (late, rare, and under Fr. influence). 26
Although the MS. Alf. shows that Spanish players knew that al-fil
meant the elephant, the knowledge was not general. The elephant was only
known to most Europeans through literature, and its use in war was hardly
known at all. There could therefore have been no appropriateness in
European eyes in placing the elephant among the chessmen, and popular
etymology tried hard to discover a plausible meaning for the name aufin.
n L. 2-5 alphicus, 2, 4 *1 ficus ; 8-6 alphinus (dat. pi. -ibus N , 4-6 alfinus, 4 alfin,
5 alphinius alfinia ; 4 alfilus. 6-6 alphilus, 5 alphilis, 8 al phi llus ; 3 alferiua ; 3 ilpheus ;
4 arfil us ; 5 africus ; 6-6 delphinus. Sp. 3 alffil, 5, 9 arfil, 7 arfilo, delfil, 9 alfil. Pg. 9 alfil,
alfim. alfir, arfil, arfim. Cat. 4 orfil(F, 9 alfiL It. 4-7 alfino, 6- alfiero, -e, 6 alfier. alfero,
allfiero, 7 arfil v l'o, 8 alfido, alifido, 6- delfino, 6 delphlno, 7 dolfino. Prov. alfi. Fr. 6-6
alfin, aufin, 4-5 anfins, 4 alfyn, alfin e, alphin, aulphin, aufyn, auphin, afin, offin, onfin,
5 auffin, dauffin, delphin, 7 alfir, alfier. Eng. 5-7 alphyn(e), aufin. 5-6 aufyn, 5 alfyne,
awfyn, 6 alfyn, affyn. afyn, 7 aphen. Sc. 4-6 nlpbyne, 4 alphing, 6 alphine, alphoyne.
HO. ? altvil. Du. 6 alphyn. {CL L. 6 vexiiliferus.)
■ L. 1-4 curvus, 2-4 calvus. 4 chalvua, 2, 5 senex. 5 senator, antiquus, veins, invetarmtns,
senilis, 7 ^vir consularis\ MHO. 3-8 alte, 4-7 alt, 4-6 altin, 5 altt, 7 altherr. MLG. 3-4 aide,
5 olde. MDu. 4-5 oude, 5 oulde, ouwe. MSw. 4 ollin. Hence (Ger. 7 rath, raih-herr,
rathmann\ Du. 5 raet, raat, raetslude, 8- raadsheer.
n L. 3-5 episcopus 4-5 cornutus 4 aripus (Cz.\ 7 (mystes, censor moris). Pg. 9 bispo,
mitra. OF. 3-4 cornu. Eng. 6- bishop. 6 byshop, bishoppe. v Ger. 7 pfaffie, hiaehoffi.)
Ic. 7- bisk up, 9 byskup. Dan. 7-8 bisp. biscop. Cz. 4 pop. Pol. pop.
15 L 1 comes. (Cf. I*. 6-7 satelle^ It. 5 tacit unmk secretario.',
** L. 3 stolidus 3-7 stultus 6 estultus solidus. Prov. 3 foh Fr. 3, 6-7 fol, 7- fou.
s Ger. 7 narr.'i Cl. komik. Hence the mod. Ok. rptWos.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
425
i
The attempts naturally led to perversions of the word, and we find alphiles
reproduced as alphicus , a leper, alpinus , the Alpine, africus y the African,
Alpheus (a man’s name), and in Italian as aljiere , the standard-bearer . 27
Gradually alfinu*, alphinus , emerged as the ordinary Latin form of the word,
though at a later date delphinus , with its associations with the Dauphin of
France, who might appropriately be placed next the King and Queen, came
into favour in Southern Europe. Other changes of name came about in
the sixteenth century after the adoption of the modern game, and have
displaced the older names in Germany and other countries of Central and
Northern Europe . 28
We have accordingly two well-marked systems of nomenclature, the one
with King, Fers, Aufin, Knight (Horse), Rook, and Pawn ; the other with
King, Queen, Bishop (Sage, Count, Fool), Knight, Rook (Margrave), and
Pawn. If we examine the diffusion of these nomenclatures it becomes evident
that the first system, which is founded on the normal laws of translation and
adoption, is characteristic of the Spanish chess, and that it has extended
thence with but little diminished force into the older French chess and the
English game of Norman times. The second system, with its non-Muslim
names, is characteristic of the German game, and to a less degree of the
oldest Italian and English chess. There is an underlying unity about each set
of names : the normal names carry on the Muslim and Indian tradition that
chess is a war-game ; the moralists discovered a unity in the new European
names by regarding chess as a picture in miniature of the European state.
At a later date, though still early in the European life of chess, the two
nomenclatures overlapped and became confused. We may explain this as due
on the one side to the vogue of the problem, on the other to the diffusion of
the moralities. The problem-lore spread over Europe by means of collections
of diagrams which, following Arabic usage, bore the written names of the
pieces — not emblems of the chessmen, as is usual in our days — and these carried
the Arabic derived names into Italy and even into Germany. The scribe,
who was not necessarily acquainted with chess, copied the problem diagram
mechanically : the chess-player added the solution intelligently and employed
the chess names with which he was familiar. Thus the older Latin MSS. show!
invariably in the diagrams fere for the Queen, but the solutions just as)
regularly use the term regina .
I see, therefore, two influences at work, one with its centre in Spain
which carried on the Muslim tradition, the other with its centre in Italy.
The Muslim tradition spread northwards from Spain through France, and into
37 A late Instance of popular etymology at work is to be found in Minsheu’s Ductor in
Linguae, 2nd ed. 1627, London, s. v. Bishop — (+)1499 a Bishop at Chesse play, clouen in the head
like a miter. I. Alftere. I. 2. H. Arfilo, corrupts d Lot. Iufula, t. a miter .
38 See below, Ch. XI. For convenience of reference I give the form-history of these newer
names here : (a) Archer. L. 6 s&gittifer, Sagittarius. Fr. 6 archer. Eng. 6-7 archer. Ger.
7-8 seh&tze, 7 sohutze, (armbrust). (Du. 7 schutter.) (b) Runner. Ger. 8- l&ufer, 8 laufer,
lauffer, l&uffer. Du. 9 looper. Dan. 7 lGber, 9 l$ber. Sw. 7 lopare, 8- l5pare. Lettish,
ihdsineeks. Cz. b&houn. Pol. giermek. Croat, lovac. Hun. futo, futar. (c) Other names.
Eng. (6 counsell-keeper, secretary — see the It. forms in note 26). Ger. (8 doppelter sCldner).
Du. (8 zol, administrateur).
Digitized by v^ooole
426
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
England as a result of the Norman Conquest, and into North Germany and
Iceland as a result of the spread of the romantic literature and the problem.
The European tradition spread northwards from Italy into Southern Germany,
and thence into Prussia, Bohemia, and the Norse lands, and .possibly touched
England before the Norman- French nomenclature had established itself there.
As a result of the moralities it again modified the chess terminology in
England, and also affected that of France.
When the two streams mingled, and a variety of name became possible
or actual for the same piece, the position became one of unstable equilibrium.
No one uses with absolute impartiality two names for the same object, and
in the course of time one or other name must go. Thus the original
chess name Horse has again ousted the European Knight from Italian chess,
and has maintained its position in Spain. On the other hand, the original
term Aufin — once the ordinary name for the Bishop in France and England, and
seemingly so well established that it had passed in a derived sense into the
ordinary idiom — has been displaced in each of those countries by a new name
that is pure European. 29 Fers, again, has vanished from Western chess, the
name of Queen taking its place in England, while a new name, Lady (It. _
donna, Sp., Pg. dama, Fr. dame, Ger., Sw., Dan., Du. dame, Lettish, Cz., Pol.,
Croat., Serv., Hun., Roum., dama, all going back to the L. domina ; Ic. fra),
has replaced it elsewhere in Europe. 30 The introduction of this term in the
Romanic languages dates back to the mediaeval period, and it had taken
the place of the earlier names in French and Italian before the final change
in the Queen’s move had so altered the power of that piece that there was
real justification for a change of name. The origin of this change is obvious
enough, and affords an interesting illustration of the moralizing tendencies of
the mediaeval European player.
In the Muslim game, the Pawn which reached the 8th line became at
once a Firzan, whether the original Firzan was still upon the board or not.
There was no incongruity in this, for there was no limit to the number of
viziers that could exist at the same time under the 'AbbSsid caliphate.
The same promotion awaited the Pawn in European chess, but the new
European game introduced unforeseen difficulties. Not only had the Pawn
to change its sex, a contradiction to which attention was directed by Neckam
and others, but by its becoming a Queen when the original Queen was still
upon the board the moral sense of some players was outraged. Various attempts
were made to get rid of this difficulty. The boldest attempt was the pro-
hibition of promotion so long as the original Queen was untaken. This is
*• I do not think that the usual hypothesis that the OF. fol (NF. /ou) is a perversion of the
Ar. fU as a result of the workings of popular etymology can be accepted. It requires the
popular use of /!/, and not for the name of the piece in France, and not a single
instance of this is on record.
90 The form-history is as foUows : — L. 2-5 femina, 5 ffemina, 3-5 regalia femina ; 3 virgo,
(regia virgo, 5 bellatrix virgo) ; 5 domina ; 6 mulier, (regia conjux) ; 7 amazon. Sp. 5- Hmm.
Pg. 6- dama. Cat. 6- dama, 6 damma. It. 5-7 dona, 6- donna, 6-7 dama, 6 dame. Fr.
, 5- dame ; 6 amason. Eng. (5 lady, 6-7 dame, 7 amazon). Ger. (4-6 frauw, 7 frow), 8- dame,
(8 amazone, feldmarschall). Du. 7- dame, 7 dam, (8 directeur). Ic. 7- fra, {7 gam la).
Sw. dame, 9 dam. Dan. 7-8 dame, 9 frue. Cz. 9 d£ma. Also Pol. hetman. Hun. vezer.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
427
V
the rale in the early German chess of the Einsiedeln poem and in the Spanish
chess as described in the Alfonso MS., while it recurs at a later date in Catalan,
French, and English chess. The restriction, however, still farther reduced
the brightness of the game, and was opposed to its spirit; it never com-
manded universal acceptance. Since the Queen was weaker than the Knight
or Rook, the idea of allowing the Pawn a wider choice of value upon pro-
motion never occurred to the mediaeval player. More usually, the difficulty
arising from the possible plurality of Queens was evaded by an alteration in
the nomenclature. Thus at quite an early date we begin to meet with a
more general name for the Queen than Regina , e. g. Femina , Virgo, and later f
Muiier. The usual practice, however, was to use a different name for the
promoted Pawn from that of the original Queen, and in France and England
where there was a possible choice between Reine (Queen) and Fierce (Fers),
many players tried to restrict the use of Reine (Queen) to the original Queen,
and Fierce (Fers) to the promoted Pawn. 31 In Italy a similar result came
about in the course of the 14th-15th cc., the term Regina being used for the,
original Queen, and a new term Domina being introduced for the promoted!
Pawn. This is the case in the majority of the problems added to the Civis
Bononiae collection in the 15th c. Florence MS. of that work. 32 This use of
Domina spread to France and England also. The late 15th c. Sorbonne
MS. S uses this term on three occasions for a promoted Pawn. The
Anglo-French MS. K uses the term Dame in the fourth position, Le guy de
dames , the diagram using Reyne in the place of the usual Ferce. The English
Corpus Poem uses Domina for the promoted Pawn. The new name, It. donna ,
Sp. dama, Fr. dame , gained rapidly in popularity, and ere long was used generally
“ Thus—
(1) The 12th c. Winchester Poem (English) uses Regina for the ordinary Queen, but says
of the promoted Pawn :
Cum pedeeter usque sum mam venerit ad tabulam,
Nomen eius tune mutetur; ippelletur feneia ;
Eius interim regine gratiam obtineat.
(2) The Deventer Poem (of French origin) also uses Regina for the original Queen, and
says of the Pawn :
Si valet extremum tabule perstringere demum
Tuno augmentatur, tunc fercia iure vocatur.
(3) See the extract from the text of the problem 4 in K, an AF. MS. of the early
14th c., which is quoted in Ch. VI, below.
(4) The original (and English) chess chapter in the Oesta Romanorum has (MS. Sloane
4089, f. 86b):
Primus pedinus . . . cum uenerit ad mensam fit feres ;
a passage which is reproduced in a very corrupt form in other MSS. The original Queen is
called Regina.
[(5) The 14-15th c. Corpus Poem (English) uses Femina for the original Queen and Domina
for the promoted Pawn :
Lex sibi iure datur domine si fine locatur.]
(6) Caxton makes the following additions to his original in his English version of
Ceseolis :
‘. . tyll he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer / And that he hath taken the
nature of the draughtes of the quene / And than he is a fiers / . . . And whan he is thus
oomen to the place where y* nobles his aduersaries were sette he shall be named white fiers
or black fiers / after the poynt that he is in /.*
* Facers dominam (of the Pawn) occurs 19 times, facers reginam twice only ; Domina is used
eight times of a new Queen, Regina only once ; Regina is always used of the Queen in the
diagram.
J
Digitized by Google
428
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST II
for any Queen, whether obtained by promotion of a Pawn or not, throughout
Italy, the Peninsula, and France. In England its use is confined to transla-
tions from the French and Italian, and argues an ignorance of chess on
the part of the translator. The use of Dame in Germany, Holland, and
Scandinavia belongs to modern chess only.
Perhaps the most remarkable features in the early history of chess in
Europe are the extraordinary rapidity with which the game became well
known, and the completeness of its conquest of the leisured classes. We
have already seen how few and unimportant are the references to chess; in
the eleventh century. After 1100 the number of references increases fast:
I have collected more than fifty from the twelfth century, mainly from France
and England, but a few also from Germany, and I have no doubt that I should
have found many more had the earlier Italian and Spanish literature been as
accessible as is the French. From thirteenth-century works I have collected
well over a hundred allusions to the game which establish its popularity from
Italy to Iceland and from Portugal to Livonia. Italy seems to have led the
way in the scientific study of the game. In 1266 a great Saracen chess-master
named Buzecca (Buchecha, Borzaga) visited Florence and played three of
the leading players of the city simultaneously, conducting two of the games
blindfold, and playing the third over the board. 33 A century later, a Floren-
tine player named Mangiolino obtained notoriety as a blindfold player. 34 "The
fame of the players of Lombardy was known throughout Western Europe
from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. The mediaeval players owed
to Lombardy the best of the moralities and the two largest collections of
problems.
During the latter part of the Middle Ages, and especially from the
thirteenth to the fifteenth century, chess attained to a popularity in Western
Europe which has never been excelled, and probably never equalled at any
later date. By 1250 the early prejudice of the Church against chess bad
begun to weaken in view of the royal and noble patronage of the game, and
the monastic orders were freely accepting chess as a welcome alleviation of
the monotony of convent life, while a knowledge of chess had spread down-
wards from the inmates of castle and monastery to the wealthier burgesses
and merchants of the towns. It was widely played by the Jews in the
Ghettoes. It was an essential portion of the equipment of the troubadour
or minstrel that he should be a cheas-player, and he carried the implements '
of play with him. Thus, Sir Tristram, travelling disguised as a minstrel,
His harpe, his croude (i. e. organ) was rike,
1227 His tables, his ches he bare.
88 ‘ In quest! tempi (1266) venue in Firenze un Saracino che havea nome Buchecha, il
miglior giuocatore a Scacchi che si trovasse, et in sul palagio del Popolo, dinanzi ml Conte
Guido Novello, giuocd a un hora a tre Scachieri co’ migliori maestri di giuoco di Firenze,
giuocando con due a mente e col terzo a veduta, et .due vinse e T terzo fece tavola. La qual
cosa fu tenuta gran maraviglia.’ Giovanni Villani, Tratto dell' origine di Firenw, Venice, 1559.
VII. xii. 172.
84 ‘ Proximo seculo Mangiolanus item Florentinus adeo in hoc ludo fiierat exercitatus, ut
mem or iter per alium luderet minime respiciens adversario et vidente diligentius et prudente.'
Rafael Volaterranus, Comment Urban, xxix, Basel, 1559, 698.
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
429
Chess was, however, in the main a game of the upper classes, and this
was recognized so generally that it is mentioned again and again in literature
as one of the typical chamber recreations of the feudal nobility. We have
already seen how Petro Alfonsi included a knowledge of chess in his list of
accomplishments which were characteristic of the nobility as opposed to the
clergy. A favourite passage, which is repeated in more or less detail in many
of the Charlemagne romances, gives a valuable picture of the daily life of the
French noble of the llth-13fch cc. ; and chess and tables are given as after-
dinner occupations. 35 There are many similar references in other French,
English, and German romances. Thus Philippe de Beaumanoir gives the fol-
lowing picture in his Blonde of Oxford (written c. 1270-83, ed. Paris, 1885) :
Aprfcs mangier lavent leurs mains,
Puis s’en vont juer, qui ains
Ou en for&s ou en rivieres,
Ou en deduis d’autres mani&res. 390
Jehans au quel que il veut va
Et quant il revint souvent va '
Jouer &s chambres la contesse,
O les dames, qui en destr&ce
Le tienent d’aprendre franchois
Et il fait en dist com courtois
Quanqu’eles li voelent priier,
Com cil qui bien s’en sent aidier.
De jus de chambres seut ass£s,
D’esch&s, de tables, et de d&,
Dont il sa damoisele esbat,
Souvent li dist eschek et mat . 86
- M E. g. in Fierdbras (written c. 1170, ed. Guenard, in Les anciens poites de France , Paris, 1860,
p. 88 ):
Et respont li paiens : ‘ Tout ce sont pardonnA.
Quel gent sont cil de France, di par ta loiaut<3,
Et comment vivent il 9 k en vostre regne ? f
— ‘ Par foi *, dist li dus Namles, ‘ quant li rois a dignd
Lors va esbanoier pour son cors deporter ;
Et li un ©scremissent et salent par ces pr£s :
Li pluisieur vont as tables et as esci£s juer.
Au matin oent messe et servent Darned <3,
Et font largues aumosnes voieo tiers et de gr4,
Et servent Jhesu Christ par boine volentls ;
Quant vienent en bataille, vassal sont esprouvS.*
[which is amplified in the English SirFerumbras of c. 1880 (ed. E. E.T. S.) :
‘Tel me furst by py lay : wat do> 3 our men of fraunce ; 2216
Of hure disport & ek hure play : what is 3 our mest vsaunce ? *
* pe manere of hem J>an sayde he : is erly gon to cherche,
& after- ward ech man on his degree : after his stat )>ay werche.
po j>at lordes buj) of J>e lond : in som tyme of the jere,
pay take)> hure facouns faii*e an hond : A fare)) to ryuere ;
& summe a deer honte)) of hem par went : A some to fox and hare ;
& to ioustes and tornyment : wel mo per wendep ofte pare,
po pat williep to leue at hame : pleyep to pe eschekkere,
& summe of hem to iew-de-dame : and summe to tablere :
Summe pay vsep a maner of play : to caste wel a spere ;
And somme for to sekyrme asay : with swerd & bokelere.
pys bup pe games of my contre : pat y pe telle here . 1
4 3 @a : all© pese bup no;t worp a stre * : pan saide Lucafere.
The passage is omitted in the Celtic version.]
*• See also Li Romans de Durmart le Galois (a. 1285, ed. Stengel, Stuttgart, 1878), 868-76,
and Chrestien de Troyes’ Erec et Enide (c. 1165, ed. Foerster, Halle, 1909, 848-60).
Digitized by Google
430
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
In Robert of Gloucester (1297) we have a similar account of the daily manner
of life at the court of King Arthur :
3966 Sone after Jris noble mete, as ri$t was in such tyde.
be kni^tes atyled hom. aboute in eche syde.
In feldes Sc in medes. to prouy hor bachelerye.
Some wij) launce Sc some wip suerd. wiboute vileynie.
WiJ; pleyn de atte tables. o)>er atfce chekere.
Wi} castinge oj^er wiJ? ssetinge. oJ>er in some manere.
Sc woch so of eny rapt*. adde pe maistrie.* 7
Geoffrey of Monmouth (c. ^XSOTTm his account of the festivities at the
coronation of Arthur says that ‘ others spent the remainder of the day in other
diversions such as . . . playing at dic£ and the like When later writers
amplified his narrative, chess was naturally added. Thus Wace, Le Romant
I de Brut (1155), has — '
Li un dient oontes et fables,
Aliquant demandent dez et tables :
Tex i a joent k hasart,
Ce esjuuqs gens de male part,
As feschasii oent li plusor,
10840 Au geu del mat ou au mellor.
Dui et dui au geu s’acompeignent :
Li un perdent, li un gaheignent : etc.”
And Robert of Brunne ( c . 1330) —
Dysours y-nowe tolde pern fables
11392 Sc somme pleide wyj> des & tables
Sc somme pleide at hazard fast.
& lore Sc wonne wi)> chaunce of cast;
Somme p&t wolde nought of pe tabler
Drowe forthe meyne for pe cheker
Wy)> draughtes queinte of knight Sc rok,
Sc o£er sleyghtes ilk of>er byswok (i. e. cheated)
At ilka mattyng pei seide ‘ chek * ;
p&t most per loste sat y pe blek.
But we are not dependent upon the evidence of literature alone for the
position of chess as a favourite occupation of the nobility. According to the
87 Other English parallel passages occur in Ipomydon (trans. from the Fr. c. 1440, ed. 1810),
2265-8, and in Gaston's Charles ihe Crete (1485, ed. E. E.T. S., 118), which incorporates the
passage quoted above from Fierabras. Chess is mentioned among other knightly occupations
by the German writers, Konrad v. Wiirzburg (Der werlte Ion , 28, written a. 1287) and Rudiger
v. Hflnchkover (Bsliant. written c. 1290).
” The remainder of the passage (10848-64) gives a lively picture of play with the dice,
which involves the use of many technicalities. Some MSS. have a different reading of
lines 10889-40. One has :
Es esehes joent li pluisor
Ou k la mine ou k greignour.
and another :
Ou k la mine al gieu majors.
From other passages in OF. literature (see Godefroi, s. v. mins), it is clear that la mine was
some kind of game with the dice ; probably greignour was a similar game.
The other English version of Layamon {Brut, 8188) has simply ‘summon pleoden on
tauelbrede ’ (A text, c. 1205) or * some pleiode mid tauel ’ (B text, c. 1275). Tauel is the OE.
word derived from the L. tabula.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
431
Flares Hisioriaritm, a St. Albans work of c. 1265 which was once attributed
to Matthew of Westminster, Henry I allowed his brother Robert, Duke of
Normandy, to play chess during the earlier part of his imprisonment, 1106-
34. 8 ® Rizardus de Camino, an imperial official in Lombardy was murdered
in 1312 ‘ dum more nobilium scachis luderet pro solacio \ 40 John I of Aragon
ordered the bailiff of Valencia, Oct. 10, 1390, to provide his lodging with
a board to play at tables and chess, and the necessary pieces (Brunet y Bellet,
Ajedrez , 226 n.). The manor of Kingston Russel, co. Dorset, was held by
sergeanty of the King ‘ad narrandum familiam Schacarii Regis in camera
Regis et ponendum in loculo cum Rex ludum suum perfecerit’, as appears
from an inquisition held 1330 (3 Ed. Ill) on the death of Nichola de Morte-
shore, who had held it for term of life from Sir William Russel, the real owner
(Blount, Frag. Antiq ., ed. S. Beckwith, London, 1815, 98 n.). King James I
of Scotland was playing chess when his murderers broke in upon him in
1437. 41 An interesting picture of the games that were played in country
houses in the same century is afforded by a letter of Margery Pas ton, Dec. 24,
148(?)4, to her husband ( Paston Letters , 1872, iii. 314) :
Plese it you to wete that I sent your eldest sunne to my Lady Morlee to have
knolage wat sports wer husyd in her hows in Kyrstemesse next folloyng aftyr the
decysse of my Lord, her husbond (in 1476); and sche seyd that ther wer non
dysgysyngs, ner harpyng, ner lutyng, ner syngyn, ner non lowde dysports, but
pleyng at the tabyllys, and schesse, and cards. Sweche dysports sche gave her
folkys leve to play and non odyr.
Chess was equally popular in France, and there are many references to the
fondness of members of the House of Valois for the game. Louis, Duke of
Orleans (D. 1407), purchased an elaborate board in 1397, 42 and his son, Charles,
Duke of Orleans (B. 1391, D. 1465), the poet, was a keen, and in the opinion
of his contemporaries, a good player. He retained players at his court of
Blois, Guiot Pot, Guillelme de Fontenay, and Gilles des Ourmes. On a
journey down the Sa6ne from Macon to Lyon, he played chess, merels, and
tables with Jehannet de Sauveuzes. He owned the problem MS., Paris, f.
Lat. 10286, and in another MS. from his library is a note commemorating
the fact that he won the volume at chess from M. Jean Caillau. In May
1457, he entertained at Blois a Lombard player, Jouvenal Nfcgre. 43 And he
introduced chess into the strange ballade in which he mourned the death of
89 ‘ Rex autem, memor fraternitatis, eundem comitem Robertum in libera earoeris custodia
sine ciborum penuria vel luminis beneficio vel preciosarum vesfcium ornatu, salvo tamen
fecit reservari. Lloeret etiom ei ad scaccos et aleas ludere 9 (FI. Hist ., 1890, ii. 89).
40 Chrtmii Patavini duo . . ., Hist, de Novitatibus Paduae et Lombardiae , I. xvii, in Muratori, lieu.
ItaL Script xii. 788.
41 See J. Shirley, Lethe K. James , written 1440, ed. 1818, 12 ; and another account printed
in the Appendix to Pinkerton’s Hist. Scotland , which, according to Mr. Hume Brown, Hist.
Scotland, 1899, i. 217, is of less credibility.
43 4 5 f6v. 1397. Un tablier de bois garni de tables et d'eschez, et deux cannettes de fil d’or
de Chipres au prix de 41 sols parisis.' Accounts, quoted in Champollion-Figeac, Louis et
Charles , Dues d f Orleans , Paris, 1844, 364, 879, Part iii, 35. (Plates 42 and 48 also illustrate
chess.)
48 Another noted Lombard player, Galeotto Belgioioso, is mentioned in the Archivo Storico
Lombardo , xiii. 870 n.
Digitized by Google
432
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
his first wife, the widow of our Richard II. 44 His relative, Charles the Bold,
Duke of Burgundy (B. 1433, D. 1477), is described by Oliver de la Marche
(Memoir es, xxii) as the best player of his time.
If, therefore, it was desired to add ‘jxdour^ to an incid ent in a , romance,
fin which a noble was concerned, it was natural to represent th(P noble as
engaged in chess at the particular moment. Thus messengers often surprise
him at chess. 46 This often happened in real life. King John was playing
chess when the deputies from Rouen arrived in 1213 to implore his help
against King Philip Augustus, who was besieging the city. The ill-fated
Conradin was playing chess when his approaching execution was announced
to him in 1268.
It is but a slight step further to make the chess incident play an important
part in the development of the plot of the romance. I shall deal with
incidents of this character in a later chapter.
The acquisition of a knowledge of chess and tables formed a considerable
part of the somewhat narrow education of a noble’s children, 46 and there are
44 See below, Ch. IX. Compare also for Charles of Orleans and chess, Pierre Champion,
Charles d' Orleans, joueur d’Schecs , Paris, 1908, and Le Comte de Laborde, Les Dues de Bourgogne ,
Paris, 1852, iii. 383.
45 I give a few instances :
1. Gaimar (c. 1150), in his Lcstorie dee Engles (Rolls Ser.), represents Ordgar, Earl of
Devonshire (D. 970), as seated at chess with his daughter Alfthryth, when King Eadgar's
messenger arrived to test the truth of the rumours of the latter’s beauty :
Orgar iuout a vn esches, 8655
Yn giu kil aprist des Daneis ;
Od lui iuout Elstruet la bele,
Sur ciel nout done tele damesele.
2. Jehan Bodel (a. 1200) makes news of an invasion reach the Saxon King while playing
chess, in his La Chanson des Saxons (ed. Michel, Paris, 1839, i. 91-2) :
Guiteclins de Sessoigne, qi le Saisne justise,
Ou palais de Tremoigne demenoit sa justise
A lui joe as eschas Escorfaus de Lutise ;
Sebile les esgarde qi do jeu est aprise.
A tant ez I message qi li conte e devise
Que la granz oz de France en sa terre s’est mise. (St.)
3. In Cuvelhier’s Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin (o. 1400; ed. Charrdre, 1839, i. 82) ;
Li dues fu en son tref, qui au eschas joua 2229
A Jehan de Chando, qui noblement r£gna ;
Le conte de Montfort qui le gieu regards ; &c.
4. In Coer de Lion (c. 1325) we read :
The messengers them hyed hard,
Till they came to king Richard. 2170
They found kyng Richard at play,
At the chess in his galeye ;
The Earl of Richmond with him playd,
And Richard won all that he layd.
5. In Marie of France’s lay, Milun (c. 1175), 195-202, two knights are described as being
so engrossed in their game that the porters slip unnoticed through the hall (ed. Warnke,
Halle, 1900).
46 1. The education of Alexander the Great, in the Romans de Alexandre (c. 1100 ; Bartsch,
Lang, et Litt. Fr., 212, 4) :
Li reis Fellps quist a son fil doctors :
De tote Grece eslist les .vii. mellors ;
Cil li aprenent des esteles les cors,
Del firmament les soveirains trestors,
Les vii planetes e les segnes Minors,
E les vii. arz e toz les granz autors,
D’eschas, de tables, d’esparvers e d’ostors,
Parler ot dames corteisament d’amors,
De jugement surmonter jugeors,
Bastir agait por prendre robeors. (G.)
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
483
several instances in the romances of children playing at chess , 4 7 and, sad to
relate, quarrelling over their game . 48 It was for this reason that Aio!s father
advises his son not to play at chess or tables :
As eskita ne as tables, fieus, ne iu£s,
Celui tienfc on k sot, qui plus en set ;
Car se li uns les aime, 1’ autre les het,
Lors commenche grans guerre sans nul catel. (Aiol, 165-8, St.)
2. The education of Charlemagne's children, in Philippe Mouskes’ Chronique (1248,
ed. Bruxelles, 1886) :
Li rois ama moult ses enfans, 2886
Ausi les petis com les grans.
Ses fius aprist h cevaucier
£t leur armes h manoier,
Selonc la coustume de France,
£t bien porter escut et lance,
Et de boscage et de rhrikre
Savoir trestoute la manure ;
S’aprisent d’escils et de tables,
Et de siervir h hautes tables,
Et de clergie, pour entendre.
Lor fist mainte mani&re aprendre.
8. The education of Blancardin, in Blancardin et Vorgueilleuss d' amour (Bartsch, op. cit.,
570, 5) :
Li latimiers par fu taut sages
Que bien Paprist de tos langages,
D’eskes, dee tables et des des,
De tot 9011 fu bien escoles,
Ne mais li rois ne voloit mie
C f on li moustrast chevalerie. (G.)
4. The education of the Duchess Parise’s son Hugh, in Parise la Duchesse (18th c. MS. ;
ed. Guenard et Larohey, Paris, 1860, p. 29) :
Quant l’anfes ot .xv. anz et compliz et passez.
Premiers aprist k letres tant qu’il en sot assez, 965
Puis aprist il as tables et k eschas a joier,
II n’a ome an cest monde que Ten pefist mater.
Bien sot .i. cheval poindre, et bien esperoner,
Et d’escu et de lance sot moult bien bettrder.
Et quant il ot .xv. anz et compliz et passez,
N’ot anfant en la terre de si aut pare(n)t6
Qui tant fust an .xv. anz ne creus n’amendez.
5. The education of Alexius, in St. Alexius (MS. Laud 622 of c. 1400 ; ed. E. E. T. S.) :
And hou he was to ^e Emperowre
Ysent to be man of valoure
And lernen chiualrie
Of huntyng, and of Ryuere,
Of chesseplaieynge and of tablere.
Al nas worb a flye ; 990
Leuer hym was to conne good
And seruen god wi)> mylde mood,
And his moder Marie.
6. Even in Tudor days Eliot includes chess in the subjects of a liberal education in
his Instruction qf a Gentleman (H. viii, b) :
‘The games of Chests and Tennisplay, because thone is an ancient pastime, and
proffyteth the wyt, the other good for y* exercise of the body, measurably taken are mete to
be used.’
47 In Boevs de Haumtone (1200-50) the children
Apres unt Peaches seynes 8086
Et juent entre eus, kar bien sont apris.
And in Durmart (ed. cit., 8098-125), two pages play in a lady’s boudoir.
Et par devant le lit seoient
Dui jovencel qui lk juoient
Sor un eschequier as esch&s. (St. )
48 E. g. in Pierre Regnault’s Chron . Norm. (Rouen) is an account of a game between Prince
Louis (afterwards Louis VI) of France and Henry (Beauclerk) of England :
‘ Et une fois entre les autres lois le fllz du roy philippe joua aux eschez apres disner au
dit henri le quel fist mat le dit loys et de grant despit quil eut apella le dit henri filz de
1270 E e
Digitized by Google
484
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
A preference for chess over tables was, on the whole, accepted as a mark of
superior wisdom. Strohmeyer quotes two examples of this. In the Chanson
de Roland (c. 1165, ed. Gautier, Tours, 1884) we read :
110 Sur palies Wanes siedent cil chevalier,
As tables juent pur els esbaneier,
E as esch&s li plus saive e li vieill. 4 *
And in the Comte de Poitiers (a. 1200, ed. Michel, Paris, 1831, p. 57) :
Li un juent k l’escremir
A l’entre deux, por miex ferir :
As tables li conte pal&s,
Li viel et li sage os esc&s.
Skill in play was esteemed in a knight as an accomplishment befitting his
rank and position, and, while a knowledge of che ss i s attributed to almost
ever y character of rank in the romances, 8 0 the heroes are regularly credited
with a very high degree of proficiency. 51 Nor was the game confined to the
bastard et lui jeta les eeohetz au visage. Henri leva leschicqnier et en ferit lois tant quil le
fist seigner et least oocis se neust este robert que soutvint • . .*
Unfortunately for the truth of this story, the French prince was only nine years old at
the time ; Henry was nineteen.
Other children's games ending in quarrels will be found in Ch. IX.
49 In the German version of Konrad v. Regensburg ( Rolandslied , post 1131), the passage
occurs in a description of the things which the ambassadors from the Saracen king of
Massilia saw on their arrival at Charlemagne's court. When they reached the Emperor's
presence :
Sie vunden then keiser zew&re
obe theme sc&hzabele (ed. Bartsch, 681-2).
M Instances occur passim in the present chapter and in Ch. IX. I may add to these
the list of accomplishments with which Wace in his Roman de Rou (c. 1160, ed. Andresen,
i. 108) credits Richard I, Duke of Normandy, 943-96 :
Richart sout en danois e en normant parlor .... 1762
L’altrui sout e le suen bien prendre e duner,
Une chart re sout lire e les parz deviser.
Li pere Pout bien fait e duire e doctriner :
D'esehes sout e des tables sun cumpaignun mater ;
Bien sout paistre un oisel e livrer e porter,
En bois sout cuintement e berser e vener ;
As talevas se sout e cuvrir e moller,
Metre pie destre avant e entredous dubler,
Taluns sout remuer e retraire e noxer,
Saillir devers senestre et treget tost geter. (St.)
51 E. g. Huon of Bordeaux (see Ch. IX) ; Hugh, son of Parise (see note 46 above) ; William
of Palerne ( Guillaume ds Paleme , c. 1205, quoted in IFiH. qf Paleme, E. E. T. S., p. 21) :
Si set plus desohes et de tables,
doiseax, de bois, de chacerie,
que nus qui soit en Lombard ie,
nen toute la terre de Rome.
Girard de Roussillon ( Girard ds Roussillon , a. 1200) :
Descayg sab e de taulas, de joxs de detz.
Regnaut ( Fierdbras , ed. Becker, iv) :
Regnaut savoit du jeu asses et largement.
Tristan '(Tristan, quoted from a Brit. Mus. MS. by Massmann ; his reference is wrong) :
il sceut tant des eschez et des tables que nul ne Pen peult mac ter.
Doglas, the son of Priam ( Roman de Trots, ed. cit. 8089-90) :
Nus horn ne saveit plus d’eschas.
King Arthur, Guinevere, and Lancelot, in Lancelot (ed. 1533, ff. 100-1 ; St.).
Deduit, the son of Venus, in Les Eschez amoureux ; I quote from Lydgate’s translation
Reson and sensuallyte (a. 1412, ed. E. E. T. S.) :
He ys expert ; and eke also
At al(le) pleyes dely tables :
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
485
male sex alone : the n oble’s daughter learn t chess beside her b rother , 6 2 and
grew up every whitas fond of the game as he, and proved m general as good
a player as, or even better than, the knights of her acquaintance. Queen
Guine vere, l a Manekine, Fezonas in the Voeux du Paon , Yvorin’s daughter in
Turn de Bordeaux , and the lady in Les Eschez amoureux are all described as
[players of the highest skill . 63 In one version of the Ballad of Young
At mereles, dees, and tables 2404
jC) j He kan pley(en) passyngly ;
~~ 'l jJ But and most »pecialy
_ o-jiwj&v ( A? At the Cbesse he dooth excelle
> 7 cl b^^ - I 11 * 1 Philomestor* sothe to telle,
1 fit J Jj For to make comparyson,
i* Ne was nat lyke him of renoun,
0 v 7 That first founde this play notable,
- ^ **§ I * / Jti !w\&\ With him to play (e) was not able,
r l<kt- Cfty Ify*- And I dar also s^cifie
t vn^/-v ° h ~~f > -* Th 6 play he kan of Ryghtmathye b ,
j ^ t > 9 Which dulle wittis doth encombre,
d* * m '~**f T Tor thys play stant al by noombre,
^ a And hath al his conclusions
t f Chefly in proporsions
!5— ^ I . - Z*. sA By so sotil ordynaunoe,
* j *4 o' As hyt ys put in remembraunce 2420
By thise Philosophurs olde.
[Side notes from the MS. : — Iste philosophus secundum quosdam inuenit ludum Scac-
corum. b Rihtmachia est ludus philosophorum et consist it in arsmetrica et proporcionibus
numerorum .1
And finally from a poem of Sir David Lindsay's (1520-40 ; in Pinkerton’s Scotch Poems) :
Thay past the time with chess & tabill
For he to euery game was abill.
He wan the pryse above thame all,
Baith at the buttis and the futeball.
Till every solace he was abill
At cartes, and dyce, at ches, and table.
51 E. g. Three Kings' Sons (c. 1600 from the French ; ed. E. E. T. S., p. 10) :
‘ And to the sone of the hous taught he such thynges of honour, that folkes meruailed
to se hym so wele ensured / And the doughter taught he to syng / to harpe, & to play at the
chesse, and al such goodly thynges as bilonge to a gen til woman of honour.'
** Guinevere, see note 51 above ; Fezonas, see Ch. IX. La Manekine, in Philippe de
Beaumanoir’s Roman de la Manekine (1277 ; ed. Bannatyne Club, 1840) :
Nis li rois durement l’amoit;
Toutes les fois qu’il sejornoit
A Dondeu, u il ert manans, 1880
Vers la Manequine ert tornans ;
A li jouoit courtoisement :
Des eskks savoit ele tant
Que nus mater ne l’en peiist,
Jfc tant de ce jeu ne seust.
Des esk&s savoit et des tables,
• D'assls d’autres jeus deli tables,
Dout ele se jouoit au roy
Sans felonnie et sans desroi.
Yvorin’s daughter, in Huon de Bordeaux (a. 1200 ; ed. Guessard et Grandmaison, Paris, 1860,
pp. 219-24) :
Des eski4s set h moult grande plenty ;
Ainc ne le vi de nul home mater.
The Lady in Les Esches amoureux (MS. Dresden O 66, f. 22 b) :
Car celle damoiselle auoit
Le nom par tout quelle sauoit
Sj tres bien la maniere & lart
Du Jeu des eschecz quautre part
Ne fust trouuee sa pareiile,
which in I#ydgate’s translation (ed. cit.) becomes :
And this mayde of whiche I telle
Had a name and dyde excelle
e e 2
5831
%
Digitized by Google
486 CHESS IN EUROPE part ii
Tamlane (Minstrelsy of Scott . Border , by Sir W. Scott, ed. London, 1869,
p.476:
Four and twenty ladies fair
Were playing at the chess,
And out there came the fair Janet,
As green as any grass.
— the only instance in our ballad poetry in which chess is mentioned. 54
r Unfortunately man did not always take his defeat well. When Jeanne, the
' daughter of Baldwin IX, Count of Flanders (married 1211), beat her husband,
Ferrand of Portugal, in his wife’s right Count of Flanders (B. 1233), at chess,
he retaliated with his fists. In revenge, she left him in captivity from 1213
to 1226, refusing to ransom him. 55 Another curious story is told in Walter
Map’s Be nugis curialium , iv, xv (Camden Soc., 18). Two Breton nobles had
quarrelled, and one had mutilated the other. The King of France patched up
the quarrel by marrying the son and daughter of the two contestants. One
day the pair were playing chess, when the husband was called away. A knight
took his place, and was mated by the lady, who said pointedly, c Non tibi, sed
orbi filio mat? When the husband heard of this, he went straightway and
treated his wife’s father in the same way that his father had been treated, and
returned home with the members of which he had deprived his victim. He
called for the chess, and as he won he tumbled them on the board, saying,
4 Filiae orbi dico mat?
All encounters between knight and lady were not so tragic ; at chess the
sexes met on equal terms, and the freedom of intercourse which the game
made possible was much valued. It was even permissible to visit a lady in
her chamber to play chess with her, or for her amusement. Thus, in Guy of
IWanoici , Mordagowre proposes to Guy to visit a lady in this way to play chess
/before her, with the treacherous intent of entrapping him there. 58 In Raoul
To pleyen at this noble play,
She passede alle, yt ys no nay,
And was expert and knyw ful well
At the maner euerydell.
Ther was nat fonde to rekne all.
That was in craft to hir egall,
For she surmountede euerychoon.
54 Unfortunately Sir Walter's text has been so much modernized that the authenticity of
any part is doubtful. Other texts of the ballad have 5a* for chess.
m See Chron. Senoniensis Richerii (Labbe, Melanges curieuz II. 638).
M Mordagowre proposes (C text) :
4 Go we now to chaumbur same
On some maner to make vs game, 8040
To the chesses or to the tabels
Or ellys to speke of fabels
Before the bedde of )»t feyre maye
For sche the louyth bo]>e nyght and day.*
Into hur chaumbur )>o >ey yode :
Before hur bedde the mayde stode.
* Syr Gye *, sche seyde,. * welcome ye be :
Ys hit yowre wylle to kysse me ? *
Gye hur kyssyd curteslye
And sythen they spake preuelye.
Then downe was the chekur leydo
And before )>e maydenys bedde dysplayde.
Gye was queynte of hys playe
And wanne )>e furste game, wythouten nay,
And the tother wyth the beste
And the thrydde, or he wolde res to.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
437
de Cambrai , Beatrix has fallen in love with young Bernier, but he is afflicted
with shyness ; she invites him, therefore, to play at chess or tables in her
room, in order to give him a chance of speech. Lancelot visits Guinevere in
her chamber under the pretext of playing chess, and Tristan, Yseult. In these
three cases we have examples of the value of chess to the lover. Marie of
France, in her lay, Eliduc, gives another example in which two lovers come to
an agreement while playing chess in the castle hall (ed. Warake, 1900, 483 ff.).
A similar incident occurs in the German romance Willehalm. The Clef $ amors
has much to say about the etiquette of chess from this point of view : especially
how the knight is to subordinate his chess to the desire of pleasing the lady,
and how the lady will find a knowledge of chess of the greatest value in her
courtship.
In establishing the position of chess among the nobility, I have relied in
the main upon the evidence which can be drawn from the mediaeval romances,
lit is perhaps necessary to add a word of caution regarding the value of these
| works from the historical point of view. 67 They often deal with historical
characters, e.g. Alexander the Great, the early Carlovingian monarchs, the
Norman dukes, even striking figures of the feudal period. There may be
historical foundation for the broad outlines of the story, but this is as far as it
is possible to generalize : the historical value of a particular romance is
a matter for special research. But it is certain that the colour and atmosphere
of the romances is not historical in the sense that the writer has taken it from
historical sources, or traditions handed down from the time which he is
describing. They are the writer’s contribution to the romance, and his inspira-
tion was drawn entirely from the manners and customs of his own day. They
are not the result of study of the past. The poet everywhere describes life as
it existed about him, and his hearers or readers recognized themselves and
their habits in the rich colouring with which the old legend was treated. If
we use the romances in this way, they have for the student of feudal manners
] a real historical value.
L The inventories of chessmen, and bequests and purchases of chessmen,
contained in Appendix III to this chapter, supply confirmatory evidence for
the popularity of chess among the leisured classes.
At first sight this extraordinary popularity of chess with the feudal nobility
appears somewhat incredible. We unconsciously contrast the present position
of chess ; we lay stress upon those characteristics of the game which are most
prominent to-day, its difficulty, its seriousness, its weakness on the social side.
We do not associate the mental vigour, the concentration of attention, and the
powers of calculation, which are essential attributes of the chess-player of the
present day, with the mediaeval knight or feudal noble. We are at a loss
to discover a reason for the general popularity of the game among a class
which was distinguished by physical, rather than intellectual, prowess, and which
was more at home on the battle-field or in the chase than in the haU or boudoir.
07 The caution seems necessary, since Forbes, 201-6 and 216-18, based arguments upon the
assumption that the incidents of the Charlemagne romances are historical facts.
Digitized by
Google
488
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
The explanation is to be found, partly in the conditions of life of the feudal
nobility, and partly in the general demand for new forms of occupation, which
was the result of the definite organization of feudalism and the establishment
of a stronger central government in most of the countries of Western Europe.
The three main features of the life of the noble in the 10th-12th centuries were
his isolation, his absence of regular occupation, and the grey monotony of his
existence. At home he was cut off by the traditions of his order from any
regular society, except that of his own family. He had no political duties, no
obligatory duties, no regular duties. It was the duty of his dependents to
supply the food and labour that were necessary for the maintenance of his
family. The noble recognized no responsibilities. He tried to occupy his
* days with the pursuit of the chase — an aimless pursuit, because he did not
hunt to provide himself with food ; with hawking, with martial exercises,
with an occasional tournament. When all these palled upon him, he found
new interest in life by joining in a Crusade. Ignorant of all instruction, his
evenings at home were even more difficult to fill than his days, and the long «
winter evenings the most difficult of all. It was then that he turned to
games, in the hope of finding in them a distraction that would beguile away
the tedious hours, and would provide the mental exercise that was necessary
to preserve his mind from utter stagnation. Small wonder, too, that the
travelling minstrel, with his repertoire of song, romance, and trick, was every-
where certain of a warm welcome.
Moreover, the political activity of the period which saw the final expulsion
of the Muslim raiders from Southern France and Italy, which saw the rise of
Norman dynasties in England and Sicily, of a Burgundian dynasty in Portugal,
a French dynasty in Jerusalem, a German dynasty in the Empire, and above
all the establishment of the Capetan house in France, had its counterpart in a
new activity in lay society. The growth of the ideas which we connote under
the term * chivalry *, the institutions of jousts and tournaments, the beginnings
of a wider social intercourse, in which women were to play the leading part,
all marked the opening of a new social era. And it was just at this time that
chess arrived to satisfy the want for a more strenuous occupation of the mind
which should also fit in with the social instinct that was coming into being.
Nor had chess any serious rivals with which to contend at the moment.
The earlier Middle Ages had few other indoor games. The board games of
the classical periods had been forgotten since the fell of the Empire of the
West. By the 12th c. we hear only of tables — a group of games played on
the backgammon board — and a smaller group of games which the Muslim
world included under the one name qirq, and the European under that of
merelli (Indus merellomm ). M In the former group the dice were a necessary
concomitant of play : the latter group was of such marked simplicity that
88 See the Appendix to Ch. VI, below. John of Salisbury gives a list of games in his
Polyarttficus (c. 1156) ; all involve the use of the dice, and probably most of them needed n*
other apparatus. He is speaking of the invention of the dice under Attalus Asiaticos i*
Asia Minor, whence the dice came to Greece, and continues :
5 Hinc tessera, calculus, tabula, urio vel dardana pugna, tricolus, senio, monarches
orbiculi, taliarchus, volpes, quorum artem utilius est dediscere quam docere.’
\ \
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
439
these games were often dismissed as only suited for children or rustics. 59
Chess was practically the only game known in which there was any real
mental exercise possible. It was also recognized as symbolic of warfare,
while the pieces could be made emblematic of the various elements of the
society of the period. It only needed to become once the fashion to show
promise of a long popularity ; when ladies also adopted chess as a pastime,
this promise became a certainty.
From the nobility the game naturally extended to the other members of
the castle household. In Floire et Blanchejlor the porter or gaoler plays, in
Guy of Warwick the steward, in Elie de St. Gille the grooms, in Durmart the
sergeants and squires. On the other hand, the fact that a menial knew any-
thing of chess aroused suspicions as to his identity. Huon of Bordeaux,
disguised as the varlet to a travelling minstrel, found that his word was
doubted when he boasted of his skill at chess ; and the Devil is discovered
in the guise of a servant, in Gautier de Coincy's Miracles de la Saintc Vierge
( c . 1230, Paris, 1857, 528), through his unusual accomplishments. 60 From the
castle the game probably passed to the mercenary military classes and even to
the more lawless knights of fortune, among whom we meet with chess-players
in Parise la JDuchesse.
It was one of the results of the inclusion of the burgesses of the towns
in the feudal organization of society that a knowledge of chess spread to this
class also. To what extent, however, the inhabitants of the towns adopted
chess is not certain : Wackemagel concluded that in Germany the game only
reached the wealthier classes, while Strohmeyer allowed a more general
knowledge for France. I think that the latter conclusion is probably true
for England, Spain, and Italy. 61 In many romances, however, the predilection
59 E. g. the Vetula, i. xxxiv (which in the Fr. version has the title, Ci park du gieu dot
MereUes auquel souloient anciennement jouer les pucelUs) :
Sunt alii ludi parvi quos scire puellas
Esse deoens dixi : sed parva mover® pudebat
Nuncque mag is, quam tunc, pudet ilia minora referre.
•° His master boasts to a Bishop :
II est de tout bons monasteries,
II set peschier, il set chacier,
II set trop bien genz solafier,
II set chanfons, sonnez et fables,
II set d’eschez, il set des tables,
11 set d’arbalestre et d’airon ;
Ainc ne veistes nul garden
Ne nus varlet de tel affaire.
91 Thus 14 May, 1835, Alfonso IV of Aragon dealt with the complaint of Jaime de Eritis,
a merchant of Pisa, that two Barcelonese captains had robbed him of a cargo of wheat near
Gardena, and had also taken ‘unum pulcherrimum tauler scacorum munitum ebore.’
(Brunet y Bellet, op. cit., 379 n.)
In the Fabliau du Presire el dt Alison ( Recueil gdner. des Fabliaux par Montaiglon et Reynaud
ii. 17), a chessboard which is hanging on the wall in a small huckster's house is used as
a surface on which to count out money (St.).
A quick-witted clerk, who was struck by the English political crisis of 1289, narrated
the events in a mock-parable which shows his knowledge of chess :
. . . Est Adam de Strat® in scaccario per escheke mat,
Sumitur ille rocus nec minor ille locus.
(Slate Trials qf Ed. 1 (Camden Soc., 1906, 93).
Sachetti’s story of the curate who rang the church bell to call together his parishioners
to verify his victories at chess, and rang it once too often (NoveUe f clxxxiv, written c . 1400),
seems to imply wide knowledge of choss in an Italian village.
Digitized by Google
440
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
for chess is represented as one of the things which distinguished the noble
from the merchant, and one which the merchant could neither understand nor
appreciate — in short, a sign of blue blood . 62 It was probably as much
a result of the prestige which chess enjoyed from its association with the
leisured classes as of any opinion as to the virtue of the game itself, that
chess was so generally excepted from the list of forbidden pastimes in the
mediaeval town statutes. Sometimes the condition is added that the stakes
are not to exceed a specified amount . 63 Apprentices were bound by their
indentures to abstain from chess and tables . 64 Gamesters whose fondness for
play led to the neglect of more serious occupations would enter into legal
bonds to abstain from games entirely or for a season ; chess is sometimes
included and sometimes specially excepted . 65
•* In Aiol (c. 1200 ; ed. Forster, Heilbronn, 1876-32) the hero stays at Boimorentin in
the house of a great usurer named Hunbaut. The latter has married the daughter of a
knight who had fallen into his power through inability to repay a loan. Their son, Antelme,
takes after his mother's family, and will have nothing to do with his father’s business. As
his mother boasts to her guest :
Or ai de lui (L e. Hunbaut) un fil que vous ichi vees.
Nient plus que li escoufles peut l’ostoir resambler
Ne se peut li mieus flex k son sens atorner.
7125 Mes fiex dem&nde tables et eskies par juer,
Les chiens et les oiseus ne peut il oblier,
De la route as frans homes ne le peut on geter. (St.)
In Les Enfances Vivien (a. 1200 ; Gautier, Jkpop. iii. 895) the hero has been adopted by
a heathen merchant, who tries to make a merchant of Vivien also. But Vivien always
barters the goods entrusted to him for things of no value or for knightly weapons. Onoe
when the merchant talked seriously to him after a more than usually foolish exchange,
Vivien interrupted him with, * Do you know what I should do, if I were you ? I would build
a castle with a great hall, where I could play chess and tables all day long 1 ’
m The game was allowed in Marseilles ( Statute de Marseilles, 505 : 4 ludere ad scacos et ad
tabulae *) ; Bologna ( Statula Bononiae, L 502) ; Bergamo ( Statula Ber garni, 887-8) ; Strassburg
(1862 Slot Strassb >. in Zeitsckr. f. Oesch. des Oberrheins, vii. 64 : 1 wol mag jederman in siner
geselleschaft, do er hin hOret, wurfzabel und schachzabelspil tfln umbe einen pfenning und
nfit hOher bi der vorgeschriben pene ') ; Verona (Lib. jur. civ. ttrbis Veronae , I. i. 141-54 in Carle,
iii. 81) ; Nuremberg (1881-4 PJlichtbuch, in Ch. G. v. Murr, Journal ear Kunstgesehichte , 1776, ii.
98 : ‘ Auch haben die Burger gesetzt daz niemant dheni Spil niht tun sol wie daz genant
ist, ez sey fraw oder man, damit man den pfennigk verlieren oder gewinen mag . . . Awzge-
nommen rennen mit pferden, schiessen mit Armbrusten, Carton, Schofzagelpretspil (vnd
Kugeln, vmb einen pfennink zwen zu vier poten ') ; Regensburg (1898 in Gemeiners Chron.
ii. 188, 801 : schafzaln ; Limpwrger Chron., 50 : schachtafel.) ; Dissenhofen (Pupikofer, Oesch.
d. Turgaus , i. 214, Beil. 62) ; Haarlem (1890 Keuren ends Ordonnantien : * Item so en moet men
generhande boeverien doen binnen hairlem, al hoe se genoemt is, hoger dan om vier
scellingen, op eene boete van een pont, en een duysent steens, wtgeseit in dolen te scieten,
te scaken ende te caetsen binnen hairlem ’) ; Delft (c. 1425 Soutendam, Keurboek van Delft, 78 :
games of pure chance as dubbelen, potreinen, minquen, quinque, passen are prohibited, but
games in which subtlety also comes in are allowed, e. g. scaecken, quaerten, trouven, mit
scijven te verkeeren, ticktacken); Bocholt (Wigand, Archiv f. Oesch. u. Aliertumskunde
Westfalens , Lemgo, 1826 s 4 Allen borgheren, ynwoners, kyndem vnde knapen ys von older
ynsettinge des ghemenen rades verboeden, dat nyeman dobbelen, crucemunten of enych spyl
spelen sal daer men geld mede wynnen unde verliesen mach vppe ghenen steden of tyden
bynnen of buten Bockholt, uetgesagt schaktafeln, werptafeln, bozelen oft dergliken *) ; Frank-
furt (1428 : * doch vszgescheide nczemlich bretspil vnd schaffczabelspiel ’) ; Leiden (inferred
from a case of 1469 in Leidsch Kenningboek, f. 296, in which the plea was admitted that a stake
at chess was recoverable at law, because chess is not an illegal game — ( dat scaken geen
boeverie'). These instances are drawn from Ducange, Qst., 59-60, and Vetter's Ammenhausen,
p. xxxiii. Eiserhardt adds other permissions, e. g. St. Gall (14-15 c.), Frankfurt (1428),
Munich (1488).
64 See a form of Indenture for apprenticeship in R. Redman's Parvus Libellus, 1527.
06 In the Avignon Library, MS. 2812, f. 8, is a 4 Donation de 8 florins d’or et demi par une
mdre k son fils, sous certaines conditions, entre autres qu'il ne jouera plus avec des dez, au
jeu des 5checs, 18 dec. 1874/ (Cal. Fr. Lib., xxvni. ii. 697.)
A Marseilles lawyer named Laurent Aycardi, 80 Aug., 1881, drew up a deed by which
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
441
The Univers ities as a rule took a sterner line than the towns and forbad
all knightly occupations, as jousts, hunting and ha wking, and chess and games
of chance. An exception was sometimes made inthe cas<ToF chess and tables
on festivals and public holidays, on condition that the stakes were limited to
eatables and drinkables. 66
It is improbable that chess reached at all widely to the lowest orders of
society : in general, the conditions of life for the peasant were too severe to
allow him time, or to encourage any inclination for such a game as chess.
George Owen, however, in his Description of Pembrokeshire (1603), says of the
parish of 'Whitchurch that * in ancient times the meanest and simplest sort of
people, yea, the plain ploughmen, were skilful at chess play’. He adds that
he had seen many good players there. There are also several references in
French and English works which show that chess was often played in taverns,
and the sign ‘ The Chequers’ may originally have been adopted to advise
customers that chess could be played within. 67 It was in an Italian tavern
that Cardinal Damiani found the Bishop of Florence playing chess. The
chessboard also appears as a rude implement of gambling in the old English
Jacques Jean was forbidden to play at aloe taxilli, nahipi, scaqui, paletum. (H. Rend, Les
Cartes a jouer, Paris, 1906, i. 14.)
In 1461, Peter Kraft, junior, of Ulm, promised his parents to give up cards and all games
for a time, sohachzagel and archery alone excepted (Eiserhardt, 47).
Jews often made these self-denying ordinances : see p. 446.
M See Rashdall, Universities of Europe, ii. 669 seq. He gives the following details :
(1) William of Wykeham, in his Statutes New CoU. Oxf 48, included chess among the
noxious, inordinate, and unhonest games which are forbidden to scholars.
(2) At Heidelberg (Hautz, Heidelberg , ii. 894), visits to public chess tables were for-
bidden, especially on legible days.
(8) At Bologna, students were forbidden to enter into or to keep gaming-houses. The
prohibition is extended to Doctors also, but an exception is made in favour of playing ad scacos
vel ad tabulae for recreation.
(4) At Louvaine, in 1476, Charles the Bold, Duke of Brabant (Molanus, ii. 940), forbad
the students games with dice or cards (ludis taxillorum et chartarum ), but allowed honest games
like chess (scacci) to be played on suitable occasions, but only in private houses and with
moderate frequency.
The Statutes of the Savoy Hospital (MS. Cott. cv. f. 24) ordained 1 quod nullus magister,
vicemagister, capellanus perpetuus vel conductilius, aut aliquis alius minister vel servitor
hospitals praedicti pro tempore existens ad talos, cartas, vel aliquos alios jocos illicitos et
prohibitos infra hospitale praedictum clam vel palam quoque mode ludet. Poterint enim
omni tempore ludere ad scaccos ’.
67 In Aid (ed. cit., 2526-7), the owner of an inn of bad reputation produces his largest
chessboard to provide a level surface upon which his guests may throw their dice. (St.)
Wycliffe on two occasions attacks the clergy for frequenting taverns to play games. In
his Office qf Curates (E. E. T. S. 152) he says :
4 pei haunten tauemes . . . J>ei fallen to nyse pleies, at tables, chees and hasard, and beten
pe stretes, and sitten at pe tauerae til pei han lost here witt.'
In his Order qf Priesthood (E. E. T. S., 168) :
4 Prestis also sclaundren pe peple bi ensanmple of ydelnesse and wanntounnesse : for
comynly pei chouchen in softe beddis whanne opere men risen to here labour . . . and soone
anoon to tables and chees and tauerne and betynge of pauement, and pan spoken of lecherie.*
[In his How Antichrist and his Clerks travail to destroy Holy Writ (E. E.T. S. 259), he says :
1 perfore cristen men schnlden . . . not sette here fei)> ne triste in synful prelatis and here
cursed clerkis ne in here vndentondynge of holy writt, for pei ben vnable wij> pis worldly lif
ful of pride, coueitise, glotonye, and ydelnesse, as haukynge and huntynge, and pleiynge at
pe chees and tables, and riot and daunsynge, and festis makynge, dronkenesse and lecherie,
to perceyue pe treupe of holy writt and hei*e preuytees of god/
Other Early English passages in dispraise of chess are contained in the Ayenbite of Jnwyt
(E. E. T. S. 52) of Dan Michel, 1840, in a list of ways of mis-spending time :
. . Efterward/ ine zuyche wakinges : me dep many kueades (sins) ase playe ate ches. oper
at tables, and me zay p/ manye bi seiners (mockings). and folyes. and pus wastep/ pe wreche
Digitized by Google
442
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
game of quek.® 8 In Iceland, where the long winter nights deprived all orders
of the possibility of outdoor occupations, it is probable that chess was played
far more widely than elsewhere in Europe.
So far as it is possible to judge from the references to chess in the Middle
Ages and in the sixteenth century, chess-players were in the main concerned
with chess as a game. But before 1300, collections of End-game positions
or problems were being made, and whatever the original attitude to these
positions may have been, the existence of these collections can only mean that
some players were beginning to take interest in the positions as problems. If we
can draw any parallel from our own day we must conclude that the player who
took interest in the problem would lose interest in the game itself. Still there
is nothing to show that the mediaeval problem ever became a serious rival
to the practical game, and it was from quite another direction and for other
reasons that any change in the popularity of chess came about. It was not
only, nor even mainly, dissatisfaction with chess which brought about the
decline in favour. The great changes in the circumstances of life, the wider
interests and activities open to men of all ranks of society, made games less
necessary. Men no longer played games because they knew no other way of
filling the hours which were without any settled occupation. They played
them as a relief from other occupations, and to attract the ordinary man
a game had to be less strenuous, less prolonged, less serious than chess.
Play ing-cards, which came into general use in the fourteenth cent ury, re ally
satisfied the needs of the time better than cKess, fables, or merels. Card-
games provided a far simpler means of gambling than any board-game, and
they gradually took the place of chess as the favourite game of the leisured
classes. The reform in the moves of chess towards the close of the fifteenth
century delayed the triumph of cards for a time, but by the end of the
ei ghteenth century cards had displaced chess as the typical game of ihe’
nobility, and chess fell finally from the position which it held throughout
the Middle Ages.
his time/and his wyttes/and his guodes. and wre)>ej> god. and harme)> his bodi/and more £e
saule ;
and in the regret of the author of the Northumbrian poem, Cursor Mundi :
I ha me liked ai vm-quile 28386
In vnnait wordes, lath and vile,
Til idel gammes, chess and tablis,
Bot or eigning hert and rime and fablis.]
88 Quek appears in a list of games declared illegal in 1477 (Act 17 Ed. IV, c. 8) : 4 Diverse*
novel* ymaginez jeuez appellez Cloislie Kayles half kewle Hondyn A Hondoute A Quekeborde.’
Cf. the contemporary passage, quoted in Freeman’s Exeter , 1887, 161 : 4 Yong peple . . .
within the said cloistre have exercised unlawful games as the toppe, queke, penny prykke/
More light is thrown upon the nature of this game by the record of a gaming case of 1876,
quoted in Riley, Lond . Mem », 1868,395, and in Ashton, Hist Gambling in Engl., London, 1898, 14.
John atte Hille and his brother William prosecuted Nicholas Prestone, tailor, and John
Outlawe, for deceit and falsehood. Outlawe had invited them to win money at tables or
chequers, commonly called quek, and they had accompanied him to Preston’s house, where
they found a pair of tables on the outside of which was painted a chequer board that is called
a quek. They first tried tables and then quek, losing regularly until their total losses
amounted to 39 s. 2d. They then examined dice and board. All were false. On the board,
all the black squares were depressed in three quarters, and on the remaining quarter the
white squares were depressed. The board was adjudged to be burnt, and the cheats were
sentenced to the pillory.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
443
APPENDICES
I. CHESS IN ICELAND, ETC.
If the record can be accepted as historical, the earliest appearance of chess in
the Norse lands is one recorded in Snorri Sturluson's 6lafs Saga helga , which was
written e. 1230. In this work our King Knut is described as playing chess in his
Danish capital, Eoskilde, on the eve of St. Michael's day, 1027, with Jarl tJlf, who
had come to regain the King's favour, forfeited by a recent act of rebellion. In
the course of the game Knut left his Knight en prise by mistake, and tJlf took it.
Knut asked the Jarl to replace the Knight and make another move, or to allow him
to recall his previous move. tJlf refused and upset the board. Hot words followed,
and the quarrel ended with the murder of tJlf in the choir of the church whither
he had fled for sanctuary. 1 Icelandic scholars (e.g. Fiske and Vigftfsson) point out
the similarity of the details of this story with those of other quarrels at chess in
Icelandic literature, and are of opinion that Snorri has modernized the details and
substituted chess for the older Norse game of hnefatqfl. The discovery of two other
references to Knut as a chess-player makes it just possible that Snorri's account of
the incident is strictly accurate.
According to the Kni/tlinga Saga , King Sweyn attempted to kill his brother-
kings, Knut V and Valdemar, while the latter was playing chess in Boskilde in
1157. Valdemar alone escaped. 2 This incident may be correct in its details, though
there is nothing in it that necessarily requires chess. With events of the thirteenth
century which are chronicled in contemporary works we are on more certain ground.
The Arons Saga mentions incidentally that Snorri Sturluson's nephew fcorSur
Sighvatsson played chess in Norway in the autumn of 1238 with another Icelander,
Hrani Koflr&nsson (‘ Peir P<5r8r ok Hrani sdtu at skdktafli', Sturlunga Saga , 1878,
ii. 344).
An incident of 1241-2, strangely similar to the Knut story, is recorded in the
Porgils Saga skarfia . Snorri's grand-nephew, Porgils Bbfivarsson, a lad of fifteen,
a hostage in the hands of Jarl Gizur, was playing chess with Sdmur Magnflsson,
a kinsman of Gizur's, when Sdmur wished to take back a move by which he had
set a Knight en prise. Porgils refused to allow this, but a bystander interfered
with the advice that the Knight should be replaced on its old square ‘ and don't be
brawling at chess'. Porgils suddenly swept the pieces into the bag and struck
Sdmur with it, causing his ear to bleed. 3
The Gudmundar Saga goda tells how Bishop Bot61f of H<3lar, North Iceland
(1237-45), once advised a chess-player in his game, so that he turned a probable
1 ‘En er >eir I4ku at skAktaili, Knutr konungr ok tflfr jarl, )>a 14k konungr fingrbrjot
miklinn ; sksekfti jarl af honum riddara ; konungr bar aptr hans ok segir, at hann skyldi
annat leika ; jarl reiddisk ok skaut niflr taflborfiinu st6d upp ok gekk i brot.’ ( Heimskringla,
K^benhavn, 1896, ii. 870-2.)
2 For the Icelandic text see Fommanna Sogur , Kaupmannahttfn, 1828, xi. 866-7, quoted in
Fiake, 11. A later chess-tragedy in Danish history is the capture of King Eric Plowpenny
on Aug. 9, 1250, while playing chess with Henrick Kerkwerder at Slesyig, which was
followed shortly after by his execution.
9 * 84 atburdr var5, at )>A skildi 4 um tafl, porgils Bcdvarsson ok S4m Magnusson franda
Gizurar, yildi SAmr bera aptr riddara, er hann hafdi telft i uppnam, en porgils 16t pvi ekki na.
p4 lagdi til Mark da Mardarson, at aptr skildi bera riddarann, “ Ok lAtid ykkr ekki 4 skilja um
tafl.’* porgils sagdisk ekki fyrir hans ord mundu gftra ; ok srarfadi taflinu, ok I6t i punginn ;
ok st46 upp ; ok laust vi6 eyra SAtni, sv4 at blasddi,’ Ac. Sturlunga Saga t 1878, ii. 105.
Digitized by
Google
444
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
defeat into a victory. The loser — a priest — told the bishop that he would be better
employed in preparing his sermon than in thinking about chess ( Biskupa Sogur,
K&upmannahbfn, 1878, ii. 186; quoted in Fiske, 13).
Chess sets are mentioned in Norwegian deeds of the fourteenth century (Vig-
fdsson cites Diplom. Norveg., Kristiania, 1849-96, ii. 186; I have failed to verify
the reference). 4
Chess is occasionally mentioned in the mythical sagas which date from the latter
part of the 1 3th c. Thus the Kroka-Refs Saga includes in a list of presents which were
sent to Harald hardr&di from Greenland a tanntafl, i.e. a tooth-board, one carved
out of walrus ivory, and the saga-man adds the note, * It was both a hnefa-board and
a chessboard' (Pab var baefii hneftafi og skdktafl, Kroka-Refs Saga , Kobenhavn,
1883, 23), probably one on either face of the board. Other passages (e.g. from the
Vighindar Saga and the Hervarar Saga) are of interest only from the use of certain
technicalities of chess. The game in Frithiofs Saga , which modern translators have
made chess, is in the original Icelandic hnefatajl . 5 6
The romantic sagas, translations from the French of the 13th and 14th cc.,
naturally repeat the chess references of the original works, but, treating the details
with much freedom, they add somewhat to our knowledge of Icelandic chess. The
player always sits with the board on his knees; no wonder that in moments of
passion it was often upset. In the Bragda-M&gus Saga we have two long chess
incidents, in each of which a match of three games is played, the winner of the
third game being the conqueror. King Jdtmundur or Lo&ovikus of Saxland plays
Jarl Hirtungur three games to redeem the articles which he had given in ransom
for a captive princess. The Jarl wins all three games; in the first he gives
hroksmdt, mate with a Rook ; in the second peifsmdt, mate with a Pawn ; in the
third fretstertumdt , the most disgraceful of all mates. King Lodovikus also plays
the fifteen-year-old son of Jarl Amundi, Rognvald, the king wagering three gold
rings against Rognvald’s head. Rognvald won all three games, the first after three
hours’ play, the positions being nearly even ; the second ended in hrbksmdt after
three hours* more play; the third lasted a bare half-hour and ended in pedsmdt.
A quarrel ensued, the king smote Rognvald in the face with the bag of chessmen
so that the blood flowed, and Rognvald's elder brother Vigvarfl killed the king with
his battle-axe (see Fiske, 16-23).
Fiske (1-9) argues from the Icelandic chess-terms hrokur and biskup that the
game reached Iceland from England, and was disposed to place the introduction
in the second half of the twelfth century, when three noted Icelanders visited Britain.
He did not know that cognates of hrbkur were in regular use in the other Norse
languages in the Middle Ages, and that the English chess-term bishop is not found
before the sixteenth century. The only Icelandic chess-terms which really lend any
support to Fiske’s contention are the plural nouns shdkmenn and mmn y which are
used by writers from the sixteenth century onwards. None of the other Norse
4 For the Icelandic chessmen which were discovered in the island of Lewis in 1831,
see Ch. X, below.
6 Since many of the Icelandic works use the indeterminate word U»jl y board-game, in the
game incidents, it is only natural that many passages have been annexed for chess without
clear warrant. Madden quotes several such in his 1 Historical Remarks on the ancient Chess-
Men discovered in the Isle of Lewis’ (Archaeologia, xxiv), among them being a group of riddles
from the Bervarar Saga , with answers explaining them as referring to chess. The answers,
however, are a forgery of the eighteenth century, and the original riddles refer to hnefatafl.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
445
languages use the word men for the chessmen, and its use is confined to Anglo*
French, English, and Icelandic. I do not think that this is sufficient evidence upon
which to base an English parentage for Icelandic chess, and moreover, the form
skdk is opposed to such a theory. There seems no valid reason for supposing that
chess arrived in Iceland by any different route from that taken by other adoptions
of European customs.
[UnefaUafl. There has been much speculation in the past as to the nature of
this game, and Fiske, after devoting several years to the recovery of the game, gave
the problem up as insoluble. The game became obsolete in Iceland soon after the
introduction of chess, probably before the end of the thirteenth century.
The only early references which throw any light upon this game are the riddles
in the Hervarar Saga , and a passage in Frithiof 8 Saga. From the first we learn
that the game (like the Welsh tawlbtordd) was played between the sides composed,,
the one of sixteen ‘fair' (white)
men, the other of a King (called
hnefa or hunn) and eight ‘dark*
(black) men. From the second we
learn that a * double attack 9 was
possible.
Game-pieces have been disco-
vered in Scandinavia which pro-
bably belong to this game; some
of these are plain and hemispherical
in shape, others are shaped with
a man's head or a dog's head.
Now a game satisfying all the
requirements of the early Icelandic
references was still played in the
eighteenth century by the Lap-
landers in the North of Sweden
under the name of TaJblut , and was
seen and described by the botanist Linnaeus in 1732. I think that it is extremely
probable that this^ame is identical with the old hnefalafl.
TabhU is played on a board of eighty-one squares marked as in the diagram.
One side consists of the King, who is stationed on the central square, and eight
Swedes, who are placed upon the shaded squares. The other side consists of sixteen
Russians, who occupy the crosscut squares. All the pieces have the same move —
that of the Rook in chess. Play is by alternate moves, and the one player endeavours
to bring his King to the edge of the board while the other tries to confine him so
that he has no power of moving.. In either case the game comes to an end. The
King cannot be taken; any other man is taken when two of the opposing men
occupy two squares adjacent to it and in the same straight line with it. No other
piece than the King can ever play to the central square. If the King be on d5
and three Russians are on c5, d4 and d6, he is considered to be confined, and the
Russians win. If the King be on e5, a Swede on f5, and Russians on d5, e4 and e6,
the Russians can capture the Swede by playing a fourth man to g5. Whenever the
King has a free road to the edge, the player must give notice to the enemy by saying
Digitized by ifcoosLe
446
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
raichi , if there is a choice of two free roads, he says tuichu. (See the account in
Lachesis Lapponica , or a tour in Lapland, edited by J. E. Smith, Loudon, 1811,
ii. 55-58.)
It is interesting to note that the method of capture in this game is identical
with that in the unknown Latin game Indus latrunculorum , in the game which
Firdaws! attributes to Buzurjmihr in the Shahnftma, the Egyptian t&ga, and a few
other Eastern board-games.]
II. CHESS AMONG THE JEWS
There is no evidence to support the view that the Jews obtained a knowledge
of chess in any other way than from their Christian neighbours, or that they
played an independent part in the development of the game in Europe. ‘As
a general rule, the Jews established no independent standard of conduct with
regard to their amusements. They played the same games as their Christian
neighbours, and played them with the same rules and at the same tables ’ (Abrahams,
Jewish Life in Middle Ages , London, 1896, 398).
/ The frequently expressed belief that chess is mentioned in the Babylonian
Talmud has no basis in fact, and is due to blunders on the part of commentators
in explaining the terms nardshir and isqwndari ( Ketubotk , 61 b). The nature of
nardskir is established from Arabic works, where it is identified with the game of
nard, the mediaeval tables. It is indeed so explained by Nathan b. Yehiel (of
Rome, 1103) in his Arukh : ‘ nardshir = Ar. an-nard = It. dadi.* The identification
with chess goes back to Rashi (Solomon son of Isaac of Troyes, D. 1105), who
says ‘ nardshir = isqaqis * (‘ Ervbin , 61a). The meaning of the term isqimdari is
less certain. Several authorities deny that it means a game at all, explaining it
as meaning ‘young dogs or puppies’. Others (e.g. the 14th c. Nissim Geroudi,
and the Sefer Khasidlm, Bologna, 1538, 400), translate it by ‘ small pieces of wood
for a game ’, and identify it with a game of the merels type. 1
I Chess very early attained to considerable popularity with the European Jews
[ and, as a result, had to pass through a period of suspicion on the part of the rabbis.
IMaimonides (1155-1204), who seems to refer to a forced mate, included '{Commen-
tary to the Mishnah , Sanhedrim , iii. 3) chess (sartanj) among the forbidden games when
played for money, and declares professional chess-players to be unworthy of credence
in the law-courts. Kalonymos b. Kalonymos (in his Eben Bohan , 1322) condemned
chess altogether, whether played for a stake or not. These extreme opinions,
however, failed to influence the general attitude towards chess, and by the 16th c.
the game had become a recognized pastime for men on the Sabbath and on festivals,
though as a rule on these occasions the stake was omitted, and special pieces of
silver were employed.*
In times of trouble the rabbis often prohibited games in general for a season,
but chess was often omitted from the ban. Thus in 1416 the Jews of Forli bound
themselves not to play dice, cards, or any game of chance for ten years. Exceptions
1 See Franz Delitzsch, Veber das Schach u. die damit verwandten Spiels in dm Talmudm , 1840.
3 An old responsum in a Bodleian MS. says that isqas (? read isqaqs) was sanctioned by
the Spanish rabbis (Dukes, Ben Chananja , 1864, 601). Moses Isserls (of Cracow, D. 1573)
approved of the game with bones called tshekh on the Sabbath, so long as it was not played
for money. Shiite hag-Gibborim on 'FruWn, 127 b (16th c., Germany), prescribes the use of
silver chessmen, but does not absolutely prohibit wooden men.
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
447
were made (a) in favour of one dice-game whose identity is doubtful, and of chess,
provided the stake never exceeded four silver bolognini, (6) in favour of cards on
fast-days or in time of sickness, provided the stake never exceeded one quattrino.
After the plague of Cremona, 1575, the three rabbis declared that * all games except
isqaqi were primary evils and the cause of all troubles and all games, with the
single exception of chess when not played for money, were prohibited for a year
(Lampronti, Pahad Yizhaq , Venice, 1789, iii. 54). Similar prohibitions obtained
in Venice in 1628, and in Frankfurt after the great fire of 1711. In the latter
case none but sick persons might play chess for fourteen years.
Abrahams quotes instances of personal vows to abstain from games for a season,
which occur frequently from the beginning of the 15th c. One, of April 1, 1491,
undertakes not to play any game except draughts (the translation is doubtful ;
possibly merels is meant) and chess.
Like all indoor games in the Middle Ages, chess was largely played by Jewish
women. Carrera (1617, p. 102) mentions a young Venetian Jewess as a player
of great skill.
There are a number of smaller Hebrew works on chess of the 12th to the
1 6th cc. which are accessible in Hyde and v. d. Linde. The more important of
these are made use of in Ch. IV, below.
Chess plays an important part in the final form of the curious mediaeval legend
of the Jewish pope Andreas. The pope is described as devoted to chess, and this
brought him into conlact^witH^fnany Jewish players, among others with the Rabbi
Simeon (Simeon hag-Gadol, a historical character who lived in Mainz at the beginning
of the 11th c.), who was esteemed as the first player of his time. The pope defeated
the rabbi in play, but the rabbi recognized him as his son Elhanan through his
making a particularly strong move which he had taught the latter in childhood.
The oldest form of the legend contains no reference to chess (Steinschneider, in
v. d. Linde, i. 187-8).
[There is no distinctive Hebrew name for chess ; the Jews generally trans-
literated the ordinary name in the country where they were writing. Thus we
have in Abraham b. Ezra 2 shahmat; in Catalonian works, 2 isq&qls, isqas,
4 isqas, isqaqs from the Cat. scachs ; in Italian works, 4 sqaqi, sqaqire, 4-6 isqaqi,
5 isqaqi 6 hisq&qi, shakh from It. scacchi, scacchiere, and in a Polish work 6 tshekh
from Pol. szach. The pieces are called : King, 2- melekh ; Queen, 2 fers ; 6-
shegel, malkah (=* queen); Bishop, 2- ftl ; Knight, 2-7 bus, 6 farash (= horse);
Rook, 2-6 ruh, 6 ruq, ruq ; al'anqa (a bird) ; merkaba (= chariot) ; migdal
(= castle) ; Pawn, 2- ragal, 6 gibbor. Check is 6 shah ; mate, 2- m&t, 6 shahmat.]
III. SOME INVENTORIES OF CHESS
I have collected many references to chess-sets in inventories, wills, and accounts
of the period from 1100-1600, and I give a selection of these here.
I. Spain.
The inventory of King Martin of Aragon, 1410, contains many boards and
pieces for chess and tables. Ivory and ebony, or jasper and crystal, appear as
the favourite materials from which the more costly sets were carved.
Digitized by Google
448
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Una bossa morada gran e dues poques morades fetes dagulla en los quals stan
daus. — XX Scachs entre vermeys e blaus de diuerses colors de vidre. — XXI Scachs
de Crestays = XV Scachs de jaspi = Taules de jaspi do jugar = X Taules de
Crestay. — Una pedre de jaspi obruda a manera de Scach ab un cordo negre.
— Un tauler gornit dargent ab son stoig de cuyro ab scachs de vori e de banns
gornits dargent: son XXXII pesses e XXX tanletes dargent smeltades, III han
argent ab stoix dargent e III de crestay. — Unes taules de vori petites en que
ha VI pesses ab les cubertes e son conseruades en un stoix de cuyr negre. — Un
tauler de taules de gingolers ab joch de scachs de la una part e ab algunes taules
debanus e de fust ab son stoix de cuyr. — Un tauler de jugar a taules ab les puntes
de jaspi e de nacre ab IV cases que ha pintades de figures e de la altre part
ha joch de Scachs ab les cases de nacre e altres de fulla dargent smaltades de blau,
e fall hi. I a , barre dargent. — III bossets de cuyr on ha jochs de scachs e de
taules. — Dues taules de jaspi e de crestay e de porfi gornits ab puntes dargent
e de la altre part scachs en que ha en les cases diuerses figures domens e de
babolyns e la vn conseruat en vn stoix de cuyr cruu negre e laltre en un tros
de drap de li ab jochs de taules de jaspi e de crestay. — Una capce plene de Scachs
de vori e de banus qui son XXXII. — Un tauler de Scachs e de taules de IIH pesses
ab stoix de cuyr e escachs. — Un altro tauler de Scachs petit trencat. — Una bosse
de cuyr blanch ab diuersos scachs e taules e altres mesquineses. — Un stoix de cuyr
negre on liauia conseruat un tauler de fust ab marquets e lo joch dels scachs 90
es lo blanch es de nacre ab taules de vori e negres e los scachs de vori e negres. —
Un tauler de scachs de vori e debanus ab I. circuit de ymatges poques dangels
de vori e apres ha I. cercle de banus tot pla ab marquets e apart de sota serqeix
a tauler de taules tot de banus ab semblants cercle e circuit ab I. stoix dell mateix
de fust de dues cases en la 1 * de les quals hauia XXXII taules e en laltre XXXII
pesses de scachs la meytat de vori el altre meytat de banus lo qual tauler ere
reseruat dins vn stoix de fust : a son mollo fet ab sou pany e clau pochs lo cual
fo stoiat dins un dels armaris demunt dits. — IV peus qui eren de l a taula de tauler
de scachs e de taules de jugar los cuals peus hauien cascun son leho qui pesaren
encamerats XXIII march et I onze los quals podien pesar nets entom XII marchs
de Barchinona qui a raho de . . . lo march valen . . . — Lo dit tauler de scachs
de crestay de fulla dargent e dintre embotil de fust — l a tauler de meniar en dues
pesses ab armes de Castella, de Portogal e Darago ab un joch de scachs al mig. —
l a capsa de fust cuberta de cuyr de camus ab I cordo de fil groch e morat en que
hauia III manechs de vori duas dents de leo dos scachs I de jaspis e altre de
calsadonia e vn baricle rodo petit. — Una capsa de fust pintada plana cayrada
ab alguns scacs de fust. — I sacli de cuyr blanch ab huns scachs e taulas de fust
e vna cadena de fust lo qual es conseruat en vn stoig de cuyr lis abte a tenir calzes.
(Brunet y Bellet, Ajedrez, 217-8.)
The inventory of the Prince of Viana, 1461, contains the following chess
entries :
Una bucheta de os lavorado a joch de scachs e taules e dins una avellana ab
les taules scachs e daus. — En hun stoig de cuyro negre hun taullel obrat de os
pera schachs e taules ab son joch complit dels scachs e de les taules de os. — En
altre gran stoig de cuyro negre hun gran taulell ab sos scachs obrat de os te entom
tota la istoria de sant Jordi obrada per personatges. — Hun taulell lavorat de os
ab son joch desoachs e de taules en ses bosses.
These sets passed into the possession of the royal family of Aragon, and are
mentioned in two later inventories with their estimated values in Catalan money,
these being respectively £3, £40, £65, and £33. (Bofarull y Maecero, Coleccion
de Documeni 08 inediios del archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Barcelona, 1847-76,
xxvi. 135, 136, 159, 199, 200, 220, 259.)
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
449
II. Fbance.
Ducange quotes from an inventory of 1320 :
Item unum scacarium de jaspide et alia parte de jaspide et calsidonio cum
familia, viz. una parte de jaspide et alia parte de cristallo.
Godefroi quotes the following :
1408, 1® P sept.-1409, l er sept. Compte de la recette generate de HainauU (Arch.
Nord) : Item au varlet Anthoine de la Fauconerie, pour i. jeu d’esches et de tables
qu'il raporte de Paris, ix. s.
1412. Camples roy. t in Laborde, £maux : Un eBchiquier de jaspre et de cristal
fait aux armes de feu pape Gregoire (Gregory XI, 1370-8, or Gregory XII,
1406-9), et est par dehors de cippres, et y a un marrellier 1 de marqueterie, et
est garni d'eschez de mesme, tout en un estui.
1416. Inv. de Jean de Berry, ap. idem: Une tres belle table ployant en trois
pieces, en laquelle est le marelier, deux jeux de tables, et reschiquier, faiz de
pourfiz de Romme. — Une table de bois marquette du jeu des eschas, et de tables et
de mareliers et sont les tresteaux tenant a la dicte table.
1429, 7 avril. Extent . test, de Jacques Caulier ( Arch. Taurnai) pour un esquic-
quiert, ungs taveliers.
In an inventory of the property of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (1467-
77), occur many chess items :
Unes besaces de pluseurs patenostres de toutes sortes, oh a dedens des eschetz
de cristal.— Ung petit tablier et ung eschiquier d’i voire, garni de tables, dedens
une boursse. Tablier et eschiquier de ciprfcs de quatre pieces. — Une layecte plaine
d’eschetz de cristal. — Ung eschequier dargent d’un coste et de l'autre cost4 armoy6
des armes de MS., garni d'eschetz de cristal. — Ung eschiquier d’ivoire noir et
blanc. — Ung bel eschiquier d’ivoire armoy6 des armes de Madame, et de l’autre cost6
ung tablier, et est en ung estuy. — Ung eschequier d’un cost4 d’yvoire, entailfc
k 1 entour bien et gentement, et de l’autre coste tablier. (Laborde, Les Dues de
Bourgogne , Paris, 1852, ii. 193-4.)
III. England.
The wardrobe accounts of Edward I for the years 1299-1300 show him in
possession of —
Una familia pro scaccario de jaspide et cristallo, in uno coffro. — Una familia
de ebore pro ludendo ad scaccarium (Liber quatid. garderobae a . r. Edw. /, 28,
London, 1787, 350, 351).*
An inventory of the effects of Roger de Mortimer at Wigmore Castle and
Abbey, 15 Edw. II (1322), contains —
alia coffre conti net j. speculum de amallis et j. familiam de ebore pro scaccario,
which was kept in his wife’s wardrobe (Arch. Journal , xv, 1858, 362).
A similar inventory of the property of Hugh le Despenser in 1397 mentions —
escheqirs faitz de noitz muge d’une part et de la racyne de gyngure d’autre
part, ove treis peirs meines de crestall et tables de ivoir, ove la meine de ivoir
et d’eban (Rot. Part. 21, Rd. II).
1 The mareliers are boards for merels, the taUiers for tables.
* Edward I, as a young man, had a narrow escape from death while playing chess. The
incident is related in Nicholas Trivet's Annates , ed. London, 1845, 282 : ‘ Adolescens cum
milite quodam in camera testudinata ludo scaccarii occupatus, subito nulla occaaione prae-
stita inter ludendum surge ns disoesserat, lapisque immensae magnitudinis, qui sedentem
conquassasset, in eodem loco ceciderit.’
1270 F f
r
Digitized by Google
450
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Joan Stevens of Bury (-Bury Witt #, 180) left in her will, 1459, 4 vnum par
de t&blis cum chesemen et tabilinenys.’ 8
In Henry VIIFs Wardrobe Accounts (MS. Harl. 1419) are two inventories
of the royal possessions. In the first occur —
One boxe blacke w* chessemen graven in bone. — One paire of tables of brassell. —
One bagge of grene velvett w* chessemen and tablemen for the same. — A chesse
bourde gilte w* a case to the same. — A paire of tables of bone clasped with silver
wt Tablemen & Chestmen. — A case of black leather conteynynge chestmen & table-
men w* a paire of tables. — A paire of tables of bone wt tablemen & chestmen. —
A chesse bourd with divers kindes of tabulls in yt to playe. — Oon paier of plaieing
tables of blacke and white bone with roynt plat & one locke of silver & gilte with
a set of chestmen of blacke & white bone to them in a case of blacke leather lined
with greane clothe. — A boxe blacke with chessemen graven in bone. — A payre
of tables of bone wt chestmen belonging to the same. — A payer of chestmen in
a case of blacke leather.
The second gives the contents of a closet at Qreenwich :
2 payre of playing tables of bone. — A payr of chesmen in a case of blacke
1 ether. — A blake satin bag with chesmen.
The 4 pairs of tables ' are pretty obviously folding chessboards with chess on
the outer sides and backgammon in the inner sides, for each of these boards has
men both for chess and for backgammon.
In an inventory of the royal wardrobe of Scotland of 1539 we meet with 4 ane
pair of tabillis of silver ourgilt with gold indented with jasp & cristallyne with
table men & chess men of jasp & crista] line ’, and in another of 1578 of 4 greit
chas men of bane ’.
In the Howard Household Books (1841, 514) occurs the entry, 4 Pay(d) to the
chesmaker for ij chesplayes, viijd.’
IV. Germany.
The will of Count Siboto of Neuenburg or Falkenstein, c. 1 180, quoted in Mon.
Boica , vii. 502, mentions —
unum scahzabel, unum wurfzabel — tria scahzabel, tria wurfzabel — elefantei lapides
tarn ad wurfzabel quam ad scahzabel pertinentes.
Lapides , Ger. Steine, Gestein , is a typically German term for game-pieces.
Count William IV of Holland bought at Venice in 1343, when starting on
a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, two chessboards for the use of himself and his
fellow-travellers :
Item Aernt van Kessel wedergegeven by Ysebouts hant, die hi gegeven hadde
bi my ns heren bevelen om 2 scaecborde ende sciven (i.e. table-men) ende scaccspel
daertoe 48 sc. backat, valent 9d. gr. 7 m.
And again :
Item om 2 tafelbort ende scaecspel ende sciven ende 1 coperen orinael 2 ducaten
valent 2 sc. 4 J d. gr. 1 ester. ( Qst. f 60).
Adolphus, Duke of Gueldres, bought in 1440 from Fyken v. Bourbon a bone
set of chessmen for 2 guelders, and a new chessboard with a ring to hang it up
by for 28 kronen:
s There are other early bequests of chessmen, e.g. one of 1562 (Lane. Wills , 1857, 183%
‘ A sett of chest men of oliphants teeth.*
Digitized by Google
CHAP. II
CHESS IN THE MIDDLE AGES
451
een beynen Sckaeckspoel voor ii gl. ende een nye Bret myt enen Ryngeskeit
voor xxviii kr. ( Tolnboek v. Lobede, s. a. 1440; in v. d. Linde, Net Schaakspel in
Nederland , 71).
In the inventory of the Duke’s property in 1447, a more valuable set of chess-
men is mentioned :
Item dat schaeckbret mit schaek ende wortafelspiel as half golt ende silver
(G. v. Hasselt, Bydragen voor d'oude geldersche maaltyden, Arnhem, 1805, 19 ;
in v. d. Linde, op. cit. y 71).
In another work (J. v. d. Holt, Koikenb., s. a. 1465 ; in v. d. Linde, op. cit. y 71)
the purchase of a bag to hold the board and pieces is recorded. The inventory
of Viglius van Zuichem of 1577 also mentions a velvet box for holding the chessmen.
f f 2
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER III
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
Earliest rules. — The chequered board. — Attempts at improvement. — Assizes. — Rules
in Spain. — In Lombardy. — In Germany. — In France and England. — In Iceland.
— Notation. — Science of play. — Openings. — Odds. — Other arrangements. — The
Courier game.
The earliest European rules are probably those which are given in the
earlier poems which are discussed in the next chapter. These poems only deal
with the rules in broad outline, but so far as can be seen these are identical
with the rules of the contemporary Muslim game. They may be conveniently
summarized thus :
Board : unchequered.
Position of the men : Bishops, Knights, Rooks, and Pawns as in modern
chess ; King and Queen on dl and el (d8 and e8), but no rule as to relative
position ; the two Kings opposite one another.
Moves : King, to any adjacent square, not commanded by a hostile man ;
Queen , to an adjacent diagonal square ; Bishop , a leap over any adjacent
diagonal square into the square beyond in the diagonal ; Knight and Rook,
as in modern chess ; all these pieces take as they move. Paten , as in modern
chess, except that it has no move of two squares for its first move ; capture, as
in modern chess ; promotion, to Queen only.
Termination : a game was won by checkmating the opponent’s King, or
by robbing him or denuding him of his forces — an ending called Bare King
in the sequel. There is no certain evidence as to how Stalemate was treated.
At a very early date it became usual in Europe to use a chequered or
parti-coloured board. This is no necessity of the game, but, as the Einsiedeln
Poem (a. 1100) remarks, it simplifies the calculation of moves, and is a ready
means for preventing the occurrence of false moves. Exactly when or where
the change was introduced is not known. The Einsiedeln Poem mentions it
as an improvement which some players had adopted, as if it were not usual
in the writer’s own circle. Three of the other poems describe the board
as chequered, generally white and red. 1 The Spanish work compiled by
Alfonso X of Castile in 1283 (hereafter referred to as Alf.) prescribes the use
of a chequered board. The Innocent Morality makes a parallel between the
alternation of black and white squares and the succession of death and life,
blame and favour.
1 The 12th c. Elegy gives the colours as white and red, black, grey or reddish. Later
works, e. g, the Innocent Morality , Alf., Cessolis, KObel, generally speak of white and black only.
Digitized by Google
chap, in
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
453
Once the use of the coloured board became general it was possible to
frame rules to govern the position of the board when placed for play. The
diagrams in Alf. have invariably a white square to the players right-hand
side, but other problem MSS. and the drawings of games of chess which are
to be found in early illuminated MSS. show that there was no uniformity
of practice. 2 The modem convention or rule that each player must have a
white square at his right-hand comer was certainly not established during the
mediaeval period. 3
The use of the chequered board also made it possible to frame a rule
to govern the relative positions of King and Queen. There is nothing in
Alf. bo show that Spanish players had formulated a law in the 13th c., but the
contemporary work of the Lombard Jac. de C exsol ix by placing the Black King
on a white square supports the modem rule of —
Rex ater in albo ; servat regina colorem. 4
The same arrangement is described in the later Corpus Poem?
At an early date European players began to make changes in the powers
of move of the chessmen and in the rules of the game. These changes
reveal an attitude towards chess which was destined to lead to far-reaching
results. The intention behind the early experiments is obvious, because all
the alterations of move were directed towards the improvement of one
portion of the game. They show that the European plaj’er, unlike the
Muslim, felt some disappointment with chess. While the game provided
him with a valuable means of recreation and an addition to the pleasures of
life, it did not afford him all the enjoyment that he anticipated. The game
was long in coming to a point, and the tactics of the prolonged opening play
were by no means easy to discover. The modem player, with all the
2 Thus the Problem diagrams in the three illuminated MSS. of the Bonus Soeius group
have the square hi white on the recto, and black on the verso of each leaf. This is clearly
due to the format of these MSS. The diagrams on front and back of each vellum leaf
exactly cover one another, and the illuminator found himself obliged to oppose black squares
to black owing to the transparency of the leaves. In MS. Cott., where the boards are white
and yellow, white and red, and white and black, only four diagrams show hi white as against
fourteen where it is not. The diagrams in the Italian MSS. Rice . and Gu . are evenly divided.
Of other early chess drawings, that of Otto Margrave of Brandenburg playing chess, which
I reproduce from a Paris MS., has hi black. The miniature in the Munich MS. of the
Carmina Burana has hi white. Three miniatures in the Bodleian MS. of the Vocux du Paon
(MS. Bodl. 264, f. 128) show respectively boards black and red (hi red), yellow and black
(hi black), and black and white (hi white). Among early printed books, the Florence
edition of the Italian Cessolis, 1488, the two Venice editions of Publicius's Ars oratoria , 1482
and 1486, Lucena, and the K6bel and Egenolif editions of Mennel’s Schachzabel , all have hi
white. Caxton, on the other haud, in the second edition of the Game and Hays of the Chesse t
c. 1480, has two pictures of games ; in one hi is white, in the other black.
s Lucena, after giving the rule rey bianco en casa negra : y rey negro en casa blanca , goes on to
advise a player who preferred the black men and could not secure them, to give the board
a half-turn, and so bring his white King on his Queen's left. Of course, lil is now black.
See the Spanish text, Ch. XI, appendix, below.
4 Cessolis, ed. Kopke, Brandenburg, 1879, 81, has : ‘Cum enim resideat in quarto quadro
cum sit ipse niger, habet a dextris in albo militem ; alphilem vero et rochum in nigro.*
Cessolis throughout describes the arrangement of the black pieces as viewed from the stand-
point of the white player, or as shown in a diagram in which the white are at the lower edge
of the board.
I have not found the hexameter line quoted in the text in any earlier work than Beale's
JRoyatt Game of Chcsse-Play, London, 1666.
6 See lines 6-9 of this poem, p. 519.
I
Digitized by Google
454
CHESS IX EUROPE
PART II
advantages of a literature on the analysis and principles of his game, is apt
to think that a more serious objection must have arisen from the fact that
the inevitable exchanges of the middle game can rarely have left sufficient
force for a quick and brilliant conclusion by checkmate. There is not,
however, the slightest evidence that the theoretical difficulty of giving mate
troubled the mediaeval player, who played perforce by the light of nature:
we shall see that the ending of Bare King was abandoned at an early date
in precisely that part of Europe where the standard of play was reputed to
be highest. If the European player found chess ‘slow*, it was because he
had no grasp of chess principles and no plan for the long introductory play
tafore his forces were at close grips with the enemy. The whole policy
of alteration of move was directed to the one end — how to quicken the
introductory play.
That this disappointment was a real one seems clear from a passage in
the MS. Alf., in which the writer speaks of ‘ the weariness which players
experience from the long duration of the game when played right through ’.
It is from this sense of weariness that he explains the existence of dice-chess,
and the popularity of the chess-problem with many players. Two ways of
avoiding the tedium of the Muslim game are here indicated, neither of which
was widely adopted or found in the long run satisfactory. The use of the
dice reduces the necessity for thought and the formation of a plan of
campaign, but it destroys the liberty of play which is so closely associated
with the differentiation of piece, and ruins the real entity of chess. Besides,
there were other games in which the dice worked more smoothly and more
appropriately. So far as the evidence goes, whatever popularity the problem
enjoyed in Europe among serious chess-players was due, not to the idea that
it was a substitute for the real game, but to the belief that the solution of
problems was one of the best means of acquiring skill in actual play. The
real patron of the problem was the gambler, who found in it rare possibilities
of trickery and deceit.
Three other possibilities remained which preserved the essential character
of chess and might add brightness to the game. These were the extension
of the powers of move, the rearrangement of the pieces, and the enlargement
of the board with the introduction of new forces. All of these were tried
in the Middle Ages, but the first is the only attempt at improvement which,
has stood the test of time. The second, in which the pieces were rearranged
so as to be more nearly in contact at the commencement of play, might have
survived if the reform of the fifteenth century had not come about: with the
modem moves of Queen and Bishop it brought the forces too close together,
and it dropped into disuse at once. The third possibility proved a failure.
Enlarged games of chess have rarely shown any vitality. The eight-square
board has been found by experience both large enough and small enough
a field for a game which demands the assistance of all the mental powers,
and yet is to be a recreation.
I shall first trace as far as possible the history of the development of move
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
455
prior to the great reform of the 15th c., and afterwards return to the other
attempts at improvement.
In the Middle Ages there was no tribunal whose word on the game of
chess could be final. All attempts at the improvement of the game were
from the necessity of the case individual at the outset, and each had io win
its way to universal or national acceptance. Hence the first result of such
attempts was a loss of uniformity, and the rise of local rules which
differentiated the game of one locality from that of another. It took time
for a happy improvement discovered perhaps in Spain to reach Germany,
England, or Iceland, and all the modifications did not commend themselves
to players in other countries. This led to the growth of what were called
Assizes f the different codes of rules by which chess was played in different
places or at different times. Thus we hear of the Lombard assize — the rules
of the game as played by the famous players of Lombardy. We also hear
in England of the long and short assizes , of which the former would appear
to have been the ordinary mediaeval game, and the latter a game commencing
from a different and more advanced arrangement of the pieces. We have
a reference to the former in the Scotch version of the Tristram romance,
Sir Tristrem (c. 1320; ed. S.T.S. 1886), in the story of how the Norwegian
merchants kidnapped the young Tristram.
U per com a schip of norway
To sir roh&ndes hold
YVip haukes white and gray 300
And panes fair y fold.
Tristrem herd it say,
On his playing he wold
Tventi schilling to lay.
Sir rouhand him told
And tau;t ;
For hauke siluer he $old,
pe fairest men him rau^t.
If A cheker he fond hi a cheire,
He asked who wold play. 310
pe mariner spac bonair :
‘ Child, what wiltow lay 1 *
‘ O^ain an hauke of noble air
Tventi schillinges, to say.
Wheper bo mates oper fair
Bere hem hope away.’
Wip wille
pe mariner swore his fay :
‘ For sope ich held per tille.'
Now hope her wedde lys, 320
And play pai bi ginne ;
Ysett he hap pe long asise
And endred bep per inne.
pe play biginnep to arise,
Tristrem delep at v inne ;
He dede als so pe wise :
He $af has he gan winne
In raf.
Of playe ar he wald blinne.
Sex haukes he 3 at and jaf. 330
11 Kohand toke leue to ga,
His sones he cleped oway ;
pe fairest hauke he gan ta
pat tristrem wan pat day ;
Wip him he left ma
Pans for to play,
pe mariner swore also
pat pans wold he lay
An stounde.
Tristrem wan pat day 340
Of him an hundred pounde. 6
The only other references known to me occur in the AF. Problem MS.
Brit. Mas., King’s Lib. 13 A. xviii (K) of about the same date. In this MS.
are two problems on f. 165 b, the first, No. 25, being said to be of the court
assise , and the second, No. 26, of the long assise. The latter problem (see
• The incident is given in other versions of the romance, but without the mention of the
long assize.
Digitized by Google
456
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
K 26 on p. 594) shows the ordinary arrangement of the pieces, excepting that
the positions of the Knights and Bishops are interchanged (probably un-
intentionally), but the conditions of play are abnormal, and the title of the
problem Couenant fet ley shows that these are to limit the operation of the
ordinary rules of the assize.
The existence of different national assizes made it necessary to formulate
some ruling as to which assize should govern the play when two players
accustomed to different methods of play met in contest. The question was
discussed by the lawyers in the Lombard Universities, and the common-
sense decision was reached that the rules of the country in which the
game was being played ought to be observed. 7 Another chess point which
interested the lawyers was connected with the End-game. If a player
undertook to mate with a Pawn, was he at liberty to queen it ? Cynus de
Pistoia (1310) decided thus: If the player undertook to mate with a Pawn,
not specifying any Pawn in particular, he could not claim to have kept the
conditions if he mated with a promoted Pawn, but if he undertook to mate
with a particular Pawn, he was at liberty to promote it and mate with it
as a Queen. 8 This decision was even invoked later in connexion with the
legal case whether a Bishop, promoted to be an Archbishop, was competent
to proceed with the trial of a lawsuit commenced before him before his
promotion. 9
In tracing the history of the earlier attempts to improve chess by the
introduction of modifications of move, we can use a variety of sources. First
in importance must rank the descriptions of the national assize of Spain at
the end of the 13th c., which are given by Abraham b. Ezra and in Alf. ; of
the Lombard assize of about the same date which are given by Cessolis and
in the introduction to the problem MS. Paris, F, fr. 1173 (PP) ; and of the
German assize which are given in the Cracow Poem and the KCbel and
Egenolff editions of Mennel’s Schachzabel. Next in order come the con-
clusions which are based upon certain peculiarities of rule special to particular
regions, as preserved in the earlier works of the reformed chess, and a few
indications drawn from the romance literature. There remain the moralities
7 Cf. Guido de Baysio’s Rosarium decreii t dist. viii : * Ludus ad scachos debet servare con-
suetudinem loci in quo luditur.’
* 4 Promittens dare mattum cum pedite certo est curandum an sit factus regina, quia
constat de corpore (peditis) et dignitas augmentata non mutat statum prioress. Bed si
promiai simpliciter dare mattum cum pedite, non possum dare cum pedite affecto regina,
quia artificium confundit officium.*
• Cf. John Andreas (D. 1848), Commentary on Duranti’s Speculum juris , sect. De judice
delegate : 4 Delegata fuit causa episcopo Pragensi. Novissime per dominum Clementem ecclesia
ilia facta est Archiepiscopalis. Quaeritur an Archiepiscopus procedere possit in causa prius
inohoata vel non inchoata. Si nomen Arnesti fuisset expressum, die intrepide ipsum pro-
cedere posse. Cerium est istum esse episcopum Pragensem. Non enim per dignitatem
arohiepiscopalem desinit esse episcopus. Unde et Papa se vocat episcopum. Augmentum
igitur honoris et jurisdictionis metropoliticae non tollit primam sed auget. Et interponam
ad propositum, per legem illam fuisse judicatum, quod qui in ludo schaoorum convanit
mat tare socium cum pedona victor est, si mattat cum pedona facta regina. Audivi Padua*
pronunciatum contrarium per leg. Distinguendo tamen procedit utrumque dictum, et sic
Bononiae in scholia disputatum fuit et terminatum : primum scilicet dictum esse verum,
quando conventio fuit de aliqua certa pedona, secus si de certa non convenisset, sed in genera
de pedona. Jam inducta distinctionem proban t et sic soluta est con trari etas.’
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
457
and the evidence of the problems, both of which have to be used with caution.
The writers of the moralities often attached more importance to their sym-
bolic interpretation than to the accuracy of the chess. The compilers of
a problem MS. gathered his material from sources both old and new. The
old problems, as we shall see in the case of Alf., were often already archaic ;
the new were composed with little regard to the strict rules of chess.
These early modifications of move extend to the moves of three pieces
only, the Queen, including the Queen created
in the course of the game by the promotion
of a Pawn, the Pawn, and the King. To
each of these pieces for its first time of moving
a wider range of move was permitted than
it strictly possessed; this being generally a
leap into what was called in the Middle Ages
a ‘ third * square, though in modern phraseo-
logy we should describe it as a leap to a square
two squares distant, since we no longer reckon
the square of departure as one of the squares
crossed. The diagram will make clear the
mediaeval mode of reckoning the distance of
squares from any given starting-point, in this
case e5.
A still more extended leap was allowed to the King in Italian chess.
There were also cases in which a player was permitted to make in one single
turn of play a combination of moves of more than one piece.
Although the original intention in these changes was nothing more than
the acceleration of the opening development, the changes had a more impor-
tant effect in another part of the game. It was now for the first time
possible for the player to gain a move in the End-game. The choice of move
permitted in the case of the unmoved Pawn and newly-promoted Queen made
it possible to win many Endings which under Muslim rules could only be
drawn.
In addition to the introduction of these modifications of move, alterations
were frequently made in the rules governing the termination of the game,
and in particular the endings of Bare King and Stalemate .
Diagram illustrating the mediaeval
method of reckoning the distance
of squares from the square e5.
Spanish Chess.
Our most valuable source is the MS. Alf., of which I have already made
considerable use in connexion with the Muslim problems.
This MS. opens with a long description of the game of chess which is out
of harmony with the rules followed in its Muslim problems and obviously
describes the rules of the game as played in Spain in the writer’s time,
i. e. about 1280. I print the Spanish text in exteneo in Appendix I to this
Digitized by Google
458
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAHT II
chapter, and only give a rapid summary of it here. Where, however, it gives
important information about the rales I translate it literally.
The MS. opens with the reasons for its composition, and gives a list of
the games to be described. Among these chess takes the precedence as being
the most regular and honourable of them alL The chessboard is described,
and the rule laid down that —
Half of the squares must be of one colour, and half of another.
Next follow the names and functions of the chessmen, in the course of which
we are told :
Also it is appointed for the Queen, that when she has been lost, any one of the
Pawns that can reach the extreme square on the other side of the board where the
major pieces are, is thenceforward a Queen, and can behave itself just as the first
Queen, and can move in the same way.
From the following section on the moves of the chessmen I extract :
The King .... cannot go more than one square, straight or aslant. . . .
The Queen goes one square aslant : she is to guard the King ,0 , is not to leave
him, is to cover him from checks and mates when these are said to him, and to go
farther afield and help him to win when the game is well opened. Moreover, she
can for the first move leap to a third square, either straight or aslant, and even if
another piece stands on the intervening square. . . .
The Bishops leap 3 squares diagonally. . . .
The Knight* leap 3 squares, counting 2 straight from them, and taking a third
aidant in any direction.
The Rooks move straight as far as they can go forwards or backwards or to the
right or to the left.
The Pawns do not go more than one square straight forwards. . . • But there
are some who are accustomed to play with the Pawns to a third square for the first
move. This is until a capture is made, for afterwards they cannot do this.
Next comes a section which describes how the chessmen capture. Of special
interest is:
But the Queen cannot take on its first move when it makes the move to the thii d
square.
The Pawns, however, although they can go to the third square their first move,
cannot take on it, but take aslant, advancing one square.
After this section follow others on the relative advantages of the chessmen 9
ii]>on the range of power of the pieces and the number of squares accessible to
each, 11 upon the shapes of the pieces, 12 and in conclusion the writer describes
10 A playful reference to this occurs in the writings of tho Parmese minorite Salim berm
(1250-1800). When describing the war in Apulia between the Emperor Henry VI (D. 1197)
and his wife Constance, the heiress of Sicily, he remarks :
i Fuit discordia et guerra maxima inter eos, ita ut sapientes et litterati dicerent : isti
non sunt vir et mulier bene sibi consentientes, secundum doctrinam Ecclesiastici xxv ;
jocolatores vero dicebant : si quis modo diceret regi scacchum, regina non defenderet eum.’
Salimbeni, M on. hist, ad Provincias Parmensem et Placentinam pertinentia f Parma, 1857, 175.)
11 The odffs rzada is described as a position in which a Queen and two Pawns mutually
defend one another, e. g. Pf3, Qg4, Ph5.
The cdffUada is a similar position in which a Bishop and two Pawns mutually defend one
another, e.g. Bb5, Pc4, Pd3. This arrangement often occurs in the problems.
18 Incidentally, Alf. lays down rules for the interpretation of the throws of tho dice in
dice-chess : viz. 6, the K moves ; 5, the Q ; 4, the R ; 3, the Kt ; 2, the B ; and 1, the P.
Digitized by Google
chap, m THE MEDIAEVAL GAME 459
a variety of chess in which the players were obliged to take whenever they
could do so.
We also speak of the game that is called forced. Because it must be played by
calculation, one must use force in it, for it all goes contrary to the player’s will. He
loses the greatest piece for a Pawn, and he must do it willingly, or ought not to
bring the man to such a square that the other can take it by force. . . . This game
is arranged just like the former, and the pieces move ancl capture in the same way,
except for the compulsion. So those wise men who play it must see that they do not
place the superior pieces in places where they may have to give them up for the
inferior and less valuable ones. And in this consists the whole science and difference
of this game. We have called it the Forced game , because of this compulsion. Since
some relate that the maidens in the laud of Ultramar (Mtrocco) first discovered it,
it is called the Maidens' game (juego de Doncellas). 0
This description of chess is far in advance of anything else that we possess
prior to the 16th c. It shows three important departures from the Muslim
rules: two of these became general throughout Western Europe, but the third
was abandoned even in Spain itself. The first innovation ip the Queen’s
leap — a privilege move allowed to the Queen for her first move in the game.
Thus the unmoved Q on dl had the option of moving to c2 and e2 if un-
occupied, and of taking an opponent on either of these squares, by virtue of
her ordinary move, or of leaping to bl or l>3 or d3 or f3 or fl, if unoccupied, by
virtue of this new privilege, whether the intervening square (cl, c2, d2, el, e2
as the case might be) was occupied or not, but it could not capture an opponent
on any of these five squares, nor did it check the hostile King on any of them.
Although the text says nothing about the power of a new Queen made by the
promotion of a Pawn to make the leap, it is clear from the problems that it
was allowed to do so. 13 This would appear to have been the earliest modifica-
tion of move attempted in Europe.
The second innovation is the introduction of the modern move of the Pawn.
The MS. was written at a time when the change was in process of adoption,
and there are still restrictions upon the liberty of making the more extended
move. Thus it is said that the privilege ceased as soon as either player
made a capture. It is important to note that the leap is otherwise free to
all Pawns, and not restricted to certain Pawns only, as was the practice in
Germany later, and as is the case in certain Asiatic varieties of chess at the
present day.
The third innovation is the restriction of the Pawn’s right to promotion
on reaching the 8th rank. In Muslim chess a similar restriction existed in
the chess as-su'dlya on the eight-square board, and in the older decimal
chess. 14 In Europe the same restriction is made in the Einsiedeln Poem f 15
and in the recently discovered Catalan poem, Scac/is d'amor . I have attempted
to account for the European restrictions on moral grounds : but these were
probably less cogent in early Spanish chess, in which no piece bore the name
13 E.g. Nob. 47 (** Ar. no. 214, where the position has been Europeanized somewhat, see
CB 216), 79, 81, 103 (Ar. no. 407, where the solution is Europeanized, see CB 277).
14 See p. 342.
15 See lines 67-70 of this poem, p. 514.
Digitized by Google
460
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
of Queen, and it is possible that the Alfonsine rule arose quite independently
of the earlier similar restriction in Southern Germany. V. d. Linde and v. d.
Lasa, neither of whom knew of the Catalan poem, refused to accept the
statement of the MS., and pointed out that the second problem in the MS.
contains 3 white Queens and 6 white Pawns. Evidently two of the Queens
must be promoted Pawns, 10 and both historians accordingly dismissed the
rule restricting Pawn-promotion as at variance with the practice of the
MS. This argument might have weight if we could be sure that the
problems were the composition of the author or his Spanish contemporaries,
or that any importance was attached in Spain to the possibility 17 of a
problem. It is certain, however, that the bulk of the problems, including
the one in question, were composed 6ome centuries earlier by Muslim
artists and must have been already archaic in Spain, while the non-Arabic
additions occur in other MSS. of undisputed European origin. Since
the latter MSS. show no trace of any acquaintance with the Spanish MS.,
it seems probable that King Alfonso obtained his non-Muslim problems from
European sources. Nor throughout the whole of the Middle Ages did
European composers attach any importance to the possibility of a problem.
Two minutes’ examination of Alf. 2 is sufficient to establish the impossibility
of the position. 18
The MS. makes no reference to the endings Bare King and Stalemate , both
of which were decisive in Muslim chess. The problems, however, suggest
that the former method of winning a game still survived in Spain, for not
only are two Arabic problems (Alf. 93 = Ar. no. 51 ; Alf. 94 = Ar. no. 78) in
which the game is won by baring the opponent’s King included in the
collection, which would hardly have happened had the ending Bare King not
continued decisive, 19 but those European problems which in other collections
show a solitary King have been modified by the addition of a blocked Pawn
of that King’s colour. The only explanation for this is that the addition
avoided an undesired solution by Bare King .
The Hebrew poem of Abraham b. Ezra, translated in the next chapter,
represents a still earlier stage in Spanish chess than is described in Alf., since
only one modification of the Muslim rules is recorded. The Queen (Fers) is
allowed for the first move a leap to the * third ’ square. 20
At the close of the mediaeval period Lucena ( c . 1497) describes the rules
of the old chess as they existed at the time of the introduction of the modern
game. We can supplement his brief reference by means of other works of the
16 The position is Ar. no. 889.
17 I. e. the possibility of the position being obtainable in the course of a real game.
18 White must have made at least four captures to secure his Pawn arrangement, and
there are still fourteen Black pieces on the board.
19 The titles of these problems are (Alf. 98) Los Blancos iuegan primer o e eUos vencen con los
sue iuegos mismos, and (Alf. 94) Los Prietos iuegan primero , e eUos son ven?udos.
80 In the Hebrew text of this poem, which Hyde printed (ii. 163-6) from a Bodleian MS.
of the 17th c., the lines describing the leap are differently placed, with the result that the
leap is transferred to the Pawn, and previous writers have accepted this reading without
question, although it gave a result inconsistent with the account of Spanish chess in Alf.
On investigation I find that all the other MSS. of the poem have the lines in the order which
I have followed above. See p. 609.
Digitized by Google
chap, in THE MEDIAEVAL GAME 461
following century, notably that of Ruy Lopez (1561). We learn thus that
at the close of the 15th century —
(1) The Queen could not capture by her privilege leap.
(2) An advanced Pawn on its 5th rank, which had just been passed by an
adversary’s Pawn by means of its power of making a double step for its first
move, could capture that Pawn the following move in passing, as though the
latter had only moved one step.
(3) Neither Lucena nor Lopez knew of any restriction to Pawn promotion.
The promoted Pawn became a Queen and could make a privilege leap its
next move. Lucena would have liked to allow a leap as a Knight in addition
to the older leap. 21
(4) The King for his first move could leap to any unoccupied third square
(e.g. from el to any of cl, c2, c3, d3, e3, f3, g3, g2, gl) provided he had never
been checked and in leaping did not cross a square commanded by a hostile
piece. 22
(5) Bare King, called Robado , was an inferior kind of victory, and only
won half the stake. If a player gave mate by capturing the opponent's last
piece, it counted as mate and not robado .
(6) Stalemate, called mate ahogado , was also an inferior kind of victory, and
only won half the stake.
If we compare the rules of the Spanish chess of 1490-1500 as given by
Lucena with those of 1283 as given in Alf., we see that the game must have
undergone a continuous process of development of move during the mediaeval
period. It is reasonable to believe that this is also true of the chess of
every other country of Western Europe.
Lobibard Chess.
The Liber de moribu* hominum et officii s nob ilium of Jacobus de Cessolis
belongs to the same half-century os Alf., and gives us a companion picture
of the Lombard game. We also possess in the introduction to the Paris MS.
PP of the 14th c., which is given in the second Appendix to this chapter,
an independent account of this assize. The following changes in the Muslim
rules appear :
(1) the King was allowed for his first move a leap to a third or more
distant square. In PP this is described loosely :
And the King leaps one square, or two, or three, or four, the first move, how and
in what manner he pleases, but so that he does not go through check.
Cessolis describes the move with more care, naming the exact squares to
which the King could leap. The liberty possessed by the K on el appears,
21 For text, see Ch. XI, App., below. [A 16th c. Spanish MS. (Brit. Mus. Add. 28710, f. 360 b)
gives this additional leap as a species of odds which might be allowed a weaker player:
4 Dama cavallota, es que tambien salta y ooge y da Jaque como cavallo y tambien se podria
decir esto de otras piefas como arfil y Roque cavalloto, pero no se suele decir sino de la dama
y la razon es porque considerando los ju gad ores, que la dama tenga movimiento de todas las
piecas del tablero salvo del cavallo, le dieron tambien ese movimiento diziendo le cavalloto.]
** Later Spanish writers allow the leap also after a check, provided the King had not
been moved.
Digitized by Google
462
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAKT II
therefore, to have been a leap similar to the Queen’s leap, to cl (omitted in
text), c3, e3, g3, gl ; a leap as a Knight, to c2, d3, f8, g2 — all these being
third "squares in the mediaeval sense ; and a leap to bl and b2 — these being
fourth squares. In no case could the King leap across a square commanded
by a hostile piece, or capture by the leap. Later evidence shows that the
King could not leap out of check, while the question whether an unmoved
King could exercise the privilege after he had been checked and had covered
it, was resolved differently in different places.
(2) An unmoved King and Queen could make a joint move for their first
move, the whole counting as a single move of the game.
(3) The Queen, and the promoted Pawn, could for their first move make
a move into certain third squares, viz. those which could have been reached
by two ordinary moves. The intervening square might be occupied by
another piece, but the privilege could still lie exercised. 28 Neither piece,
however, could capture on this move, and a Pawn queening on a square
within ‘leaping distance’ of the opposing King did not give check on that
move (e. g. White, Pe7 ; Black, Kc8. 1 Pe8 = Q did not check). Neither
of our authorities says this expressly, but it is established by the uniform
practice of the problem solutions.
(4) The Pawn had its modern move. Neither work says anything about
the right of an advanced Pawn to take in pasting, but it is clear from later
works that no such right was admitted in Italy, and that a Pawn (e. g. on c2)
faced by an opponent Pawn (e. g. on d4) could make the double step (Pc4)
without fear of capture. This was termed in Italy passar battaglia.
(5) A bared King was not defeated through being bared. As PP says —
And one may take all the men so that the King is left all alone, and he must move,
move for move, so long as it pleases the other side, and there is no help.
. — - (6) Stalemate was a drawn game. Neither work mentions the ending,
1 but the rule is established by the text of two problems in the Florence CB
[ MS. (F. 306, 313) which is given below, in Ch. VII.
While the Lombard assize was in broad outline followed in Italy, it is
clear from the contemporary accounts of the rules observed in different parts
of Italy in the 16th and early 17th centuries that there were many local
exceptions, especially with reference to the King’s leap. The details will be
found on a later page, 24 they show that in some places the leap was more
extended even than the Lombard leap, in others was limited to the Spanish
leap as in Lucena, in others was prohibited entirely. In some places the
2* PP makes the curious statement : * And when a Pawn is made Queen, whether in
a comer square or elsewhere f he leaps three squares the first move ... or one if it is agreeable
to him.*
This suggests a possible origin of the extension of the Queen's leap to the promoted Pawn.
) The Rook's Pawn is well known to be the easiest of the Pawns to queen, but the new Queen
thus obtained in the older chess had only one flight square open to it, and, if attacked on the
/ queening square, would generally be attacked still after making a move. PP seems to suggest
l that the Queen's privilege leap was first allowed to this Pawn alone, and was extended to the
V other promoted Pawns at a later date.
24 See Ch. XII, below.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
463
analogy of the combined move of King and Queen had given rise to a com-
bined move of King and Pawn. This is established by a passage in Damiano’s
work. 26
German Chess.
Our accounts of the German assize are later in date than those which
I have used for the Spanish and Lombard games: this is the less serious
because German chess lagged behind that of the rest of Western Europe in
development. Our authorities — the hitherto unused Cracow Poem of 1422,
and the additions to Mennel’s Schachzabel made by his republisbers, K6bel of
Oppenheim (c. 1520) and Egenolff of Frankfurt am Main (1536)— are par-
ticularly full, the latter in the descriptions of the moves of the pieces, the
former in the rules of the game. The Cracow Poem shows that there was
much uncertainty as to the rules at that time, and endeavours to give the
correct code. This makes it of special value from the historical point of view .
The material portions of the text will be found on pp. 522-6; that of
EgenolfFs Mennel is given as the third Appendix to this chapter. German
chess show’s the following changes from the Muslim rules :
(1) The King has the extended leap of Lombard chess, and possibly one
still more extended.
The King on his first move .... may, if he likes, ride three steps from the
square of his exit (which is to the fourth square) against his opponent, and take up
his position on the same square, or also ou the second, or on the third, all according
to his pleasure (Egenolff).
According to the Cracow Poem (421-9) no combined moves of two pieces
(such as that of King and Queen in the Lombard game) were allowed.
Kfibel and Egenolff, however, allow the combined move of King and Queen,
and permit the player when moving his King for the first time to move one
of his paw ns a step to make room for the King, and at the same time to move
the Queen also. They also allow the King to make the leap out of check,
but not across a square commanded by a hostile piece. In one place it is
stated that —
if an opponent would hinder him from such a move (to a third square), he may strike
him himself and remove him.
In the following paragraph, however, it is expressly stated that no piece,
King, Queen, or Pawn, can capture on its first privilege leap. This is also
implied in the Cracow Poem when it states that none of these pieces could act
as a guard to a piece upon a square which it could only reach by means of
the leap.
(2) The Queen and promoted Pawn have the power of leaping on their
first move that these pieces possessed in the Spanish and Lombard games
(Egenolff, and Cracow Poem).
54 Damiano also says the Pawn cannot passar battaglia to cover check. See Ch. XII, below.
Digitized by v^ooole
464
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
(3) The Pawn is allowed the initial doable step by all three authorities,
provided no man has been taken :
You must know that these Pawns, if they wish, for the first move can go straight
forward to the first or second square, so long as no man is taken. But when one or
more pieces are taken, then no Pawn may go farther than the next square before him,
with the exception that the two side Pawns which stand before the Rooks can at any
time, for their first move, move to the second square (Egenolff).
The restriction of the double step to four only of the eight Pawns, viz*
the KP, QP, and the two RP’s, must have been general in Germany. We
find it in the earliest German works of the reformed chess, and it survived
into the eighteenth century.
(4) Stalemate, according to the Cracow Poem, is a drawn game, though
some players treated it as equivalent to mate (384-402).
(5) The Cracow Poem gives Bare King as a win (475-87), though some
players supposed that the player whose King was first bared won the game.
An early 13th c. poem of the Minnesinger Reinmar v. Zweter seems to
suggest that players in his day ignored this Ending. 26 Kobel and Egenolff
have nothing to say about these two Endings.
French and English Chess.
We have no accounts of chess in France and England which we can place
beside those which I have used for other national forms of the game. We
have to rely upon scattered references in general literature, the earliest
accounts of the reformed game, and the doubtfully valid evidence of the
problem MSS. and the moralities. From the first we learn that two forms
of chess were played in both countries from about 1150 to 1450, known as
the long and short assizes, and differing in the opening arrangement and
probably in rule also. This makes it the more difficult to interpret the
position, for the rules of the short assize do not appear to have differed at all
from those of the Muslim game, while those of the long assize or ordinary
game underwent much the same development as in other countries. On
the whole, there would appear to have been little, if any, difference in rule
between the French and English game at any particular moment. The long
assize, to which alone I direct attention at this time, occupies a position
intermediate between the Spanish and Italian forms, the moves being those
of the Spanish, the rules of the Ending those of the Italian game.
The chief features of the development of the mediaeval game in France
and England would appear to have been these :
(1) The Queen, whether original or made by the promotion of a Pawn,
was in course of time allowed the privilege leap that I have described as
allowed in the three assizes already described.
86 Ich hAn den kunic alleine noch
und weder ritter noch daz roch,
mich stiuret niht sin alte
noch sin vende. (In ▼. d. Hagen's Minnesinger, ii. 204 b.)
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
465
The leap is made without remark in problems in the Anglo-French group
of MSS. in the case of promoted Pawns. There is, however, some evidence
that would seem to suggest that restrictions were placed upon the power of
the original Queen to make the leap. A curious problem in a late 15th c.
Latin MS. of French authorship (Paris, L 24274, f. 73 a = S 57) speaks of
a Queen as unable prelium saltern on its first move when the square over which
it would leap was commanded by an opposing Pawn. This must have been
an event of such rare occurrence that it would seem puerile to legislate for it,
and I am accordingly inclined to dismiss the rule as one of the trick con-
ditions that the mediaeval problemist so often added to his work. As a rule,
however, these conditions are set out at the head of the problem ; here
they are only to be inferred from the solution to the unsound problem and
its sound variation. Apart from this, the problem has a literary interest
as containing the oldest known reference to the Italian chess term passar
battagliaP
(2) The Pawn gained its modern move, and had the power of taking
another Pawn in passing , precisely as in modem chess.
I infer that this was so from the fact that the rule is given thus in the
earlier works of the reformed chess that appeared both in England and France.
Greco, who appears to have taken considerable trouble to master the local
peculiarities of rule, gives the rule as I have stated it, and in the unpublished
MSS. of his games which he made for English players he makes use of the
move PxPw passing .
(3) The King in course of time came to possess the leap as given by Lucena
for Spanish chess, but not the more extended leap of the Lombard assize.
The privilege continued so long as the King was unmoved, whether he had
been checked or not ; it could not be used to make a capture, nor to remedy
a check.
Here, again, I depend upon the evidence of the earlier works of the
reformed chess. There is, however, some evidence that would seem to suggest
that the King’s power of move had been reduced instead of being extended in
some parts of England and France. Thus the ordinary text 6f the Innocent
Morality (of English authorship) only allows the King to move to the four
adjacent squares of a different colour, thus making its move the complement of
the Queen’s ordinary move ; and this move is repeated in that chapter of the
Gesta Romanorum on chess which, based upon the Innocent Morality , is peculiar
to the English MSS. of that work. I hope to show, however, in Chapter V
that the existing text of the Innocent Morality has suffered interpolation in the
account of the King’s move, and that a portion of the text really belongs to
the Hook’s movfe. If this portion is removed, the passage gives the King’s
move as we know it in Muslim chess, in Neckam, and in the European
poems.
The same move is given in the fifth book of Rabelais’ Faicts et diets
Aeroiques du bon Fantagruel (printed at Lyons in 1564, after the death of the
27 For problem and text of the solution see Ch. VIII, below.
1270 G g
Digitized by Google
466
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
author) 29 at a time when we know that the ordinary move to any adjacent
square and the privilege leap were the rule in France. Any restriction of
move is opposed to the whole history of the development of chess in Europe ;
but while it is easy to account for the misstatements of the moralities, it is
more difficult to explain the very definite statement in Rabelais’ work. It is
very improbable that this writer was only imperfectly acquainted with the
rules of chess, and very reluctantly I think that we must accept his restricted
move of the King as having existed in the middle of the 16th c. in some
isolated French chess circles. In isolated places the rules must have often
varied in small points. 29
(4) In France, at least, the ending Stalemate was reckoned as a drawn game.
There are, however, a certain number of problems, specially numerous in
MS. Dresden 0/59 (= D), in which a player who could not legally move
when it was his turn to play simply forfeited his move, while his opponent
continued playing successive moves until it suited him to release his opponent’s
King from the position of stalemate and the ordinary practice of play by
alternate moves was resumed. 30 In other cases it is specially stated that the
player may not enclose or stale his opponent before mating. 31 The instances
seem rather too numerous for us to dismiss this practice as simply a problem
convention, and it possibly represents a phase in the treatment of the ending
Stalemate in France. It is somewhat remarkable that in the case of so many
problems in all the European collections it should be expressly stated that play
is to be by alternate moves, L. tractum pro tractu , Fr. trait pour trait .
Soon after 1600 we find that in England the player whose side was placed
in the position of stalemate was adjudged to have won the game. The reason
given for this in Saul’s Famous game of Chesse-play (London, 1614) is puerile, 32
and, as I have suggested elsewhere, I think that this was an innovation intro-
duced about 1600, possibly from Russian chess. 33 There is no evidence that
the rule went back to the mediaeval game.
** 4 Les Roys marchent et prennent lours ennemis do tout© fafon en carrl : et ne passent
quo de carreau blanc et prochain au jaulne, et au contraire : exceptez qu’fc la premiere
desmarche, si leur filiere estoit trouv£e vuid© d’autres officiers, fora les Custodes, ils les
peuvent mettre en leur si&ge, et h costd de luy se retirer * (oh. xxiv).
** There was a long discussion on the point in a series of papers, Chen in Europe during the
18th c., which Lake Allen contributed to the New Monthly Magaeine in 1822. In their prepara-
tion he had the assistance of Sir Frederic Madden. Forbes (109-15) exposed the hollowness
of much of the reasoning upon which Allen endeavoured to establish that the restricted
move was the rule in European chess at the commencement of the 18th c., but in his turn he
mistranslates the passage in the Innocent Morality, Allen’s statement is repeated in Rowland's
Problem Art , Dublin, 1887, and is there supported by a problem which is said to be taken from
a MS. in the British Museum, in which the King is not allowed to move angularly (White,
Rd6, Pci and e2 ; Black, Ke5. Mate in III by 1 Rf6, Kei ; 2 Rf5, KeS or di ; 8 Re5 or fi
accordingly, mate). I have examined every known chess MS. in tbe British Museum for
this problem in vain. There is nothing in the least like it in any of the European problem
MSS., and I believe that it is a modern forgery on the part of Mr. Rowland’s informant on
the subject of the mediaeval problems. There are other statements on the mediaeval
problem in this work which lend support to my opinion.
30 See D 24, 50, 58, 55, in Ch. VI, below.
31 See D 18, 21, 80, 87, 48, 54, 58, 64.
91 4 He that hath put his adversary's King into a stale, loseth the game, because he hath
disturbed the course of the game, which can only end with the grand Check-mate.*
33 See p. 891, and my article, 4 Stalemate *, BCM., 1908, 281-9.
V
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
467
(5) The evidence relating to the ending Bare King is contradictory, but it
is probable that players clung for a long time to the Muslim rule, by which
the player baring his opponent’s King won the game. Four problems in the
MS. D 84 are won by making the King teul, and two in K, 88 the text to the
problem K 51 beginning
Ceste guy ne enseygne point de mater
Mes enseygne le guy ganyer.
On the other hand, both of these MSS. have a large number of problems in
which the King to be mated is already bare, and the solution to another
problem common to the two English collections (P 25 = Ash. 20) begins
‘ Take is auf. & make hym bar ’ (Ash. ‘ Take Hys aufyn ande make hym bar ’),
and then goes on to the mate.
Several references in general literature attach importance to the ending.
Thus the English chess chapter in the Gesta Romanorum says of the King :
Sed quum non curat de deo nec habet familiam fit sibi chekmat,
which gives colour to the view that in the writer’s time the bare King lost
the game in England. Too much weight, of course, must not be attached to
the evidence of this morality, but the evidence for French chess is considerably
stronger. In the metrical version of Lee Eschez amoureux , the term ave is twice
employed as a technical term to describe the condition of a King who has
been defeated in some other way than by checkmate. 86 The same word is
used in Chrestien de Troyes’ Ivain (written <?. 1172). 87 The verb haver in the
Roman de la Rose 88 is closely connected, and establishes the chess meaning of
84 See D 12, 29, 44, 68.
85 See K 60 (Mai veysyn) and 61, in Ch. VI, below.
89 In Lea Eschez amoureux, MS. Dresden 0/C6, f. 28 a,
Mais ohascun s’est si bien tenu
Qu’il ny a mat ne ave 6u ;
and f. 26 b,
Ne me ohaloit de mat ne d'ave
where the prose version has 4 ne luy chaloit mais, s*il estoit niatz et desconfitz '.
87 Ed. W. Foerster, Halle, 1891 :
Se vos volez m'amor avoir
Et de rien nule m’avez chiere,
Pansez de revenir arriere
A tot le mains jusq’a un an
Huit jors apr6s la saint Jehan :
Hui an cost jor sont les huitaves.
De m'amor serolz maz et haves,
Se vos n’estes a icel jor
Ceanz avuec moi a sejor. (2670-78)
So also in two other passages quoted in Godefroi : — Thib. de Marly, Vers sur la mort, V
(Crapelet) :
Qui se paine d’ iaus pourcachier
Tant ne aves les ait fais ou mas ;
and J. Bruyant ( Menagier , ii. 7) :
pile et dlcharnd
have estoit et esehevelde.
Cf. also W. Foerster in Zeitschrtft f. romanische Philologie, 1881, v. 97, where he establishes the
term Mve as a terminus technicus of chess, and J. Mettlich, Die Schachpartie in .. .‘ Les eschez
amoureux *, MQnster i W., 1907, 27.
88 See below, Ch. IX.
G g 2
Digitized by Google
468
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST IT
the term. It is the OF. word for Bare King ; its existence is evidence of the
importance attached to the ending, while the fact that it is used in the Esckcz
amoureux and in Yvain as an alternative to mat shows that it was equally
decisive as an ending to the game.
(6) Two problem solutions in the English MS. Ash. point to the existence
of some recognized limit to the number of moves in which mate had to be
given when one player was left with the decisive advantage of a Rook or more.
The first occurs at the end of Ash. 20 (f. 12 b), a conditional mate in the centre
of the board * w*in ix drawghtis (moves)’, where the compiler adds the sentence,
‘ He will ande may tell hys ix drawghtis for thow hast a Roke abord.' The
second is in the solution of Ash. 36 (f. 20b), ‘Thow shalt mate hym with
a Pon at v draughtis yf thow play wel affter thy Roke, and if thou knowe itt
not thow shalnot mate hym at ix draughtis fior he woll tel his draughtis for
cause of thi Roke.’
There is nothing to show when these modifications of move and rule
reached French or English chess. They appear to have been unknown to
Neckam ( c . 1180), and none of the poems allude to them. The problem MSS.
Cott. and K, however, show that the Queen’s privilege leap at least was
known before 1300. On the other hand, two passages in K suggest that the
double step of the Pawn was late in reaching England. In one (K 5, Le guy
de damoyseles) the Pawn’s move is given with no mention of the double step,
in the other (K 26, Couenaunt fet ley) a problem which in Cott. (Cott. 8,
Couenant lei vint on f. 6 a) is solved in five moves is lengthened to one in eleven.
The solution in K begins, ‘ Le poun ke est en hp. (L e. h2) deuz foyz treyera/
which brings it to h4. There is no apparent object in prolonging the solution
to eleven moves, and I conclude that the player who altered the problem did not
know the double step. 89
Icelandic Chess.
The most extraordinary alterations in rule were those which were made by
the Icelandic players ; but it is not certain to what extent these changes belong
to old, and to what extent to new chess. These alterations relate to the con-
clusion of the game only; so far as the evidence goes, the development of
move in Iceland followed the same lines as elsewhere in Europe, probably at
some interval of time. In the romantic sagas (where the chess details of the
French originals are freely treated) stress is laid upon the method of mate.
Already in the Hague Saga we meet with special terms, such as krdktwuii (mate
with the Rook), pefcmdt (mate with the Pawn). /Wteteriumdl (according to
Ola us Yerelius, mate with King's Pawn), which is * the most disgraceful of all
mates’, biekujxmdt (mate with the Bishop). Icelandic chess has a number of
these expressions. 40
See the problems and solutions, pp. 5S6. 594.
** See below, Ch. XI I L The Mipu has also th< t^lsmvnr ;in mm MSS. tht UUU
snmr\ apparently meaning Bare King.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
469
The win by Bare King (Ic. bert) was never abandoned in Icelandic chess,
although it was regarded as a very inferior form of victory. If mate and Bare
King happened on the same move it was called ‘great Bare King’ (st6ra bert)\
if the last capture did not give mate, the game ended in ‘ little bare King*
(litla bert).
Chess Notation.
At the root of all advance in the science of chess-play lies the necessity of
discovering an intelligible system of notation, by means of which the squares
of the board may be easily defined and the moves of the pieces recorded.
The compilers of the European problem MSS. generally evaded the necessity
by the addition of letters, crosses, dots, and other signs upon the squares which
they wished to designate. The indolence that lay behind this is characteristic
of the mediaeval chess-player. There were, however, other systems of nota-
tion, and some of these are recommended in the problem MSS., although not
often used. The Spanish MS. Alf., with its strong Arabic colour, uses
a descriptive notation, learnt Trom Muslim players, that is practically identical
with the notation used by all English writers of the early 19th c. Thus e4 is
‘ la quarta casa del Rey bianco’, and e5 ‘ la quarta casa del Rey prieto *, and so on.
The Italian MS. Arch, uses the same notation, but I have only noticed one
instance of its use in the other MSS. of the older chess, 41 though it came to
the front again when the reformed chess introduced the analysis of the
Opening, and it is used in the Gottingen MS., in Lucena, Damiano, &c., for
the purpose of recording games, though not in the problem solutions. It thus
became the usual notation in Europe until the time of Stamma (1737), and has
survived in England, France, and Europe generally outside Germany, until our
own day.
A literal or algebraic notation was also used in Europe in the mediaeval
period. Like the descriptive notation, its use would appear to have been
borrowed from Muslim players. The French MS. PP describes it carefully in
the introductory chapter, which I give entire in Appendix IV. The files are
named a, b , to h y as in the notation used in this book; but the ranks are
lettered from the 8th rank to the 1st (the reverse order to that employed now),
the 8th rank having no special letter, and the 7th, 6th, . . . 1st being k , /, to
q ; thus e4 is en 9 (8 is/, and h2 is hp. The MS. PP itself nowhere uses the
notation ; but a former owner of the MS. PL, who probably lived in the
15th c. (possibly Charles, Duke of Orleans), regularly used it in his marginal
notes, while the Anglo-French MS. K uses in all its solutions a notation
which only differs in that the 8th rank is lettered i. 42 The diagrams in this
MS. are, for the convenience of the reader, bordered a to h along the top, and
i to q down the right-hand side. The notation of the MS. K is also used in
many MSS. of Les Eechez amour eux in the diagrams of the initial position of
41 Viz. in the MS. F, f. 161 b, where d8 is called punetus regine nigre and e8 punetus regie
nigri .
42 I give the solution of K 31 in extenso, p. 595, as an example of the use of this notation.
Digitized by
Google
470
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
the game therein described, while the prose text makes use of it in its account
of the play, justifying the use thus :
pour ce qu’on puist myeulx entendre et concevoir les traitz et le proc&s du jeu
ymagine par l’eschequier sensible, nous seignerons les poins de l’eschequier par
lettres. 4 *
This notation is essentially the same as that which Stamma reintroduced
from the East in 1737, which is the original of the normal notation of German
chess-players, and of the notation employed in this work.
In the early 16th c., Kobel made use of another literal notation in his
chess work, the diagram of which is given in Appendix III, while Italian
players began to use a numerical notation, numbering the squares 1, 2, to 64,
commencing from hi to al, h2 to a2, and so on to a8. Both of these
notations are clumsy and awkward to use. 44
Science of Play.
When we turn to the science and method of play, we find that the mediaeval
player possessed very little knowledge of the relative values of the pieces, or of
the underlying principles of play. Here he remained far behind the Muslim
players of the 10th c. He, of course, recognized that the Rook and Knight
were the strongest of the chess forces, 46 and he relied almost entirely upon
them when he had brought them into play. But he knew very little of the
value of the other pieces. The main use that he made of his Queen was to
keep her in close attendance on the King to interpose her when the opponent’s
Rook checked from the other side of the board. The Muslim masters
manoeuvred from the first to secure a road for the Queen into the heart of
the enemy's position, the European kept her near home. 46 The Cracow Poem ,
which places the Queen quite early on her third square, lays great stress upon
the importance of supporting it there, and uses for this purpose the King’s
Bishop and the Queen's Bishop's Pawn, neither of which should be moved
from the original position (see lines 42-4, 56-70, &c.). The Bishop was
a sore puzzle to the European player. He evidently found its move a difficult
one to remember, and the many references to the Bishop as a * spy ’ and
a i thief' bear witness to the frequency with which the more valuable pieces
fell victims to its attack. Still, the general opinion of the value of the piece
was not a high one, and the word aujin passed into ordinary use both in French
and in English as a term of contempt or reproach. 47 Only in the two Anglo-
48 Mettlioh, op. cifc., p. 9.
44 Other notations have been proposed from time to time without success, e. g. by Wielius
(1606), Wildt (1802, used by Koch), Kieseritzky (1846) ; see v. d. Linde, ii. 288-41. The Italian
numerical notation was used by Selenus (1616), and by a few unimportant writers of later
date. Its use has always effectively destroyed any influence the work employing it might
otherwise have possessed.
45 Cf. from Proven 9 al writers: P. Bremond, Ricos novas : En la mar, — 4 mot sai ab cavalier
gen jogar et ab roc ’, and G. Adhemar, Ben fora : — ‘ Aissi cum dels escas lo rocs Val mais que
l’autre joc no fan.* The term roc is used in French literature as a term of praise. See the
examples quoted below, Ch. IX.
46 Several references in literature seem to show an exaggerated opinion of the value of the
Queen. See below, Ch. IX
47 See the instances quoted below, Ch. IX
Digitized by Google
CHAP, m
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
471
French MSS. Cott. and K do we find a better opinion stated, and this may
be merely a result of the great role which the Bishop played in the mediaeval
problem. 48
The desirability of employing the King’s leap to remove this piece into
a position of greater security was early recognized by German and English
players, and some attempt was made to discover satisfactory ways of doing this.
The manoeuvre was termed in England ward-making, and in Germany to make
a hut {hut, fern. = guard) 49 ; in Latin, hospitari. The Cracow Poem, Kobel, and
Egenolff give between them several examples of hut* which they recommend,
and the latter writers advise the player to make his hut early, to make it on
the opposite wing to that chosen by the opponent, and to employ few rather
than many pieces in making the hut} 9 The huts accordingly become something
very like Openings, and I shall treat them so.
Pawn play, again, was but little understood. For this we have a curious
piece of evidence in the Vatican MS. Lat. 1960 (c. 1350). Four methods of
developing the Pawns are mentioned in the eighth chapter of this short
Tractatus de ludo scachorum , which I quote in Appendix V, viz. the advance
of the Pawns on both wings producing a scissors-shaped arrangement, the
advance of a central Pawn supported by the Pawns on either side producing
a pyramidal arrangement, an arrangement of the Pawns about the King which
the MS. calls circular, and an advance in a straight line. The firstv two are
said to be good for attack, the wing attack against a few, and the central
attack against many men, the circular is praised for defence, and the square
which also happens in the game is only of moderate value. There is not
much to be made out of this.
Some positions in the problem MSS. show that players possessed some idea
of the Opposition and of the principle of restraint. Apart from this we have
only a few isolated pieces of obvious advice, such as ‘avoid a discovered
check ’ 60 and ‘ beware of check-rook (a check which simultaneously attacked
a Rook).* Ingold in his Guldin Spil (1432-3 ; ed. Schroder, Strassburg,
1882, 33) quotes a Latin line which gives a simple rule for avoiding the
latter risk:
Disparibus campis numquam schach roch tibi fiet. 61
We may form some idea of the tactics pursued in the Opening from the
instructions which on the one hand the Cracow Poem and on the other Kobel
and Egenolff give for making the hut. In each case the treatment is
incomplete, since it only considers the moves of one player. It mast be
48 See the extracts from the solutions to the Quy de alfins (Cott. 11 and K 6), pp. 587, 590.
It is interesting to contrast the high praise accorded to the Bishop in Cott 11 with the
concluding line of the poem It pedes in the same MS.
48 See the quotation from Lydgate's Troy Book , p. 501, n. 6. Both the Eng. ward and
Ger. hut are regularly used also to translate the L. custodia in the problem MSS. A piece
defended by a second piece is said to be in the ward or hut of the second piece.
M Thus Charles of Orleans in one of his Rondels (Poesies, ed. Champollion-Figeac, 297) says :
Aux eschls s'estes bons joueurs
Gardez l’eschec A descouverte.
81 Cf. the similar rule (471-5) in the Cracow Poem. Cessolis also directs attention to the
danger of check-rook.
Digitized by v^ooole
472
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
remembered that all these writers use the German rules. The Cracow Poem
gives six Openings, the first general, the other five, called custodiae , urbes, or
pura (sing, pus), mainly concerned with the defence of the King. I summarize
the difficult text thus :
L (Kel) 1 Pe4 ; 2Pd4; 3Kte2; 4Ph4; 5 Pa4 ; 6Bh3; 7Ba3; 8Pg3;
9 Pf3.
II. (hi black, Kdl) 1 Pd4; 2 Pe4; 3 Qe3 ; 4 Pg3; 5 Ph4 ; 6 Bh3 ;
7 Rh2 ; 8 Kg2.
III. (hi black, Kdl) 1 Pd4 ; 2 Pe4; 3 Qe3 ; 4 Pb3 ; 5 Pa4; 6 Ba3 ;
7 Kb2; 8 Ktc3 ; 9 Ph4 ; 10 Bh3.
IV. (hi black, Kdl) 1 Pc4 ; 2 Pd4 ; 3 Pa4; 4 Ba3 ; 5 Kb3 ; 6 Qc3 ;
7 Bd3 ; 8 Ktd2.
V. (hi black, Kdl) 1 Pa4 ; 2 Ph4 ; 3 Ra3 ; 4 Rf3 ; 5 Ba3 ; 6 Pc3 ;
7 Pd3 ; 8 Ktd2 ; 9 Kbl ; 10 Qcl.
VI. (hi white, Kdl) 1 Pc4 ; 2 Pb3 ; 3 Pa4 ; 4 Ba3 ; 5 Pd3 ; 6 Kc3 ;
7 Qcl. Kdbel gives the following moves :
1 Pd4, Ktc6 ; 2 Pc3 (Pe3 is said to be inferior), Pa5 ; 3 Pa4 (to prevent
3 . . , Pa4.), . . ; 4 Ph4, . • ; 5 Ba3, . . ; 6 Bh3, . . . Now the player is to
forui his hut on the opposite wing to that chosen by his adversary, combining
the King’s move with the Queens leap, e. g. 7 Kc2 and Qd3. This is to be
followed by the development of the two Kts, and the two Rs are to be brought
together behind the unmoved Pawns opposite the opponent’s hut.
Egenolff adds to this three Openings in each of which the player makes
his hut early :
L 1 Pf4 ; 2 Pf5 ; 3 Pe4 ; 4 Pd3 ; 5 Bh3 ; 6 B (h3) takes the Pawn or
piece which had taken P (f5) ; 7 Be3 ; 8 Ph4 ; 9 Bg5 ; 10 Kf2 and Qf3
forming the hut .
II. The Iron ward (die eisern liutt). 1 Ph4 ; 2 Pe3 ; 3 Bh3 ; 4 Ktf3 ;
5 Kgl and Qfl.
III. 1 Pd4 ; 2 Pc3, Kc2, and Qd3, all as one move !
Kftbel advised the beginner always to begin by moving the Queen’s Pawn,
and said that it is usual to move it to d4. Otherwise, so he says, there is
risk of a mate in 3 or 4 moves, and he quotes a Latin saw in support of his
advice :
Ante Reginam debes producere primam.
We may accordingly regard the Queens Pawn Opening as the regular com-
mencement in the older European chess — a conclusion which is supported by
the descriptions of games which are to be found in some of the mediaeval
romances. Thus the game in Lancelot (c\ 1220) begins —
1 dP ^ , dP ^ ; 2 cP ^ , cP ; 3 Kt ^ , Kt -v ; 4 Kt ^ , Kt -v ; 5 R-%- ,
while the Vocux du Paon gives a long account of a game between Baudrains
and the lady Fezonas, in which the latter gives the odds of Knight and move
and undertakes to mate in the corner, which begins —
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
473
1 dP ^ , Ktc6 attacking the P ; 2Q^ to save the P, B-v to win Q or P,
or force the Q to retreat.
Both second moves are impossible in a game starting from the ordinary
arrangement of the men and played with the mediaeval rules, but probably
we must not tie the poet down to the accuracy of his record : his only aim is
to create a chess atmosphere for the story.
Two miniatures of early positions of games in progress also support the
popularity of the Queen's Pawn Opening in the Middle Ages. The first of
these is taken from a Munich MS. of Goliard poetry dating from the 12th c.,
which has been printed under the title of Carmina Burana (Second edition,
Breslau, 1883). It occurs on f. 91 b, between the two chess poems which I
quote in the next chapter. The first player has the black men (the black men
were the favourite ones in the Middle Ages, if the player had the choice of
men), the board is arranged so that hi is white, but the Black Queen is on
Game position from the Munich MS. Game position from MS. Alf. f. 5a.
of Carmina Burana , White is about to play.
the white square dl. The first player is drawn in the act of placing his
rook on h4. The game may have commenced —
1 Pd4, Pd5 ; 2 Pe3, Pe6 ; 3 Pf3, Pf6 ; 4 Pa4, Pa5 ; 5 Pb3, Pb6 ; 6 Ph4,
Ba3 ; 7 Ph5, Ph6; 8 Rh4.
The second miniature illustrates the Juego for f ado (see p. 459) in the Alfonso
MS. It is less accurate, for Black has played at least nine moves and White at
most seven. V. d. Linde corrected it without remark (Qst., 83) by placing the
Pawns on g4, c4, and a7 on g2, c2, and a5 respectively. In the MS. hi is
white, and the Black Queen on el is accordingly on a black square. The
corrected position may have been obtained by some such succession of
moves as —
1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pc3, Pffi ; 3 Pd3, Pd6 ; 4 Pa4, Pa5 ; 5 Pb3, Pb6 ; 6 Ph3,
Ph6 ; 7 Kte2, Kte7.
Both players have obstructed the egress of their Queen’s Bishop ; evidently not
much importance was attached to its early development.
A miniature of the 15th c., reproduced without stating the MS. source
in Champollion-Figeac’s Louis et Charles , Dues d' Orleans (Paris, 1844, plate 46),
shows a game (hi white) between a lady and gentleman in which the lady
is beginning the game by advancing her KtP. 32
M Miniatures of chess in mediaeval MSS. seldom throw any light on the game. The
board is often drawn with too few squares, and as a rule all the white men are placed on
black squares and all the black on white squares.
Digitized by boogie
474
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAJtT II
It is possible that some of the earliest analysis of modem chess may be
based npon the Openings of the older game. There are indications of this
in the play in the Openings 1 Pc4 and 1 Pf4 in the Gottingen MS., and in
Lucena. It has sometimes been supposed that the so-called Damiano Gambit
is a survival of old chess. It may be so as far as 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, PfB —
quite a good defence in the older game, since 3 Kt X P was utterly pointless.
The romances show that the game at odds was well known. They also
show that players took pride in securing certain mating positions, and were
ready to handicap themselves by undertaking to give mate with a particular
piece or upon a particular square. In the long account of the game in the
Voevx du Paon, the discussion as to the terms of the game between Baudrains
and the lady Fezonas is ended by the lady offering the knight the odds of
Rook or Knight and undertaking to say coi 68 in the far comer of the board
with a Bishop ; she also gives him the move, * for it is far better for her that
he should have it/ The mate with a Bishop, with a Pawn, with a Pawn
after a check with another Pawn on the preceding move, are all fairly frequent
in the problem MSS. In early times the mate in the centre of the board
was highly esteemed, especially in France and England. 64 In the banter
that went on between Chariot and Bauduinet during their game in Oger de
Danemarche, Chariot says that he does not think much of a player who can
only mate with a Knight or Rook ; the player who knows how to drive the
King into the four points and can then mate him with a Pawn, is the one
who deserves praise. By the four points are meant the four squares d4, d5, e4,
e5, in the centre of the board. To mate in a corner square of the board was
another favourite undertaking that is often mentioned in the romances. 66
Four other squares obtained a special name in the mediaeval period from the
difficulty of mating a King on them ; b2, b7, g2, g7, the four squares a Fers’s
move from the comer squares, were called les poyns estraunges in the
AF. MS. K.
Chess was usually played for a stake. Probably there was no game
played in the Middle Ages in which it was not the ordinary rule to increase
the interest by this simple device of attaching a prize to the victory and
a penalty to the defeat. If the stake is a less prominent feature of board-
games in modem Europe, it is solely due to the fact that in other games
99 An alternative term in French for mote, of which there are a few instances in literature.
It is the L. quietus, Eng. quiet, coy .
M See the extracts from the Rommant de la Rose, and Chaucer's Book of the Duchesse, in
Ch. IX, and from the problem MSS. K (where this form of mate is called le guy cotidian —
the ordinary game), Port, and Ash. in Ch. VI. In Les Esches amour eux (MS. Dresden, f. 27)
there is another reference to the/our points :
Mais celle demoura garnie
De deux rocz et d’aultre mesnie,
Si qu’elle mater me peuist,
En quelque lieu qu’il luy pleuist, —
Es quatre poins, ou aultrement,
A sa voulenta purement.
69 It ends the games in Les Esches amoureux, in the Vceux du Pa on, in Oger de Danemarche , in
Huon de Bordeaux, in Merlin , in Lancelot , and in Artur (MS. RicheL 887, f. 218 b : ‘ Et comencerent
le geu trois foil et materent en Tangle ’). The mate in the comer became a favourite metaphor
with French poets, see Ch. IX, below. *
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
475
we enjoy more opportunities of wagering money than were open to our
ancestors. Chess is often now played without a stake, but in the Middle Ages
the absence of a stake nsnally calls for remark as something unusual. 69 The
stake would ordinarily be of money only : thus Henry VII lost on one
occasion 56*. 8 d. 4 at Tables, Chess, Glassez, &c.’ 67 In the romances it is
often of a more serious character. In the first problem in MS. Cott., the
Knight has wagered his head against the hand of his opponent’s daughter in
marriage. In Gauvain, on one occasion, the winner is to do what he pleases
with the loser, on another, Galheret plays a lady on condition that if he win
he obtains possession of her magic castle, and if he lose he becomes her
prisoner. The reader will find many other wagers over chess in Chapter IX
and elsewhere.
From the custom of playing for a stake arose certain rather obvioos
parallels^ e. g. life is a game of chess between Man and the Devil, the stake
being the Man’s soul. More important for the development of chess was the
fact that the existence of the stake necessitated strict rules of play. The
man touched had to be played, and the move made had to stand. The oldest
existing codes of rules belong to the early works of the modem game, and deal
with precisely those points which the presence of the stake made important :
the penalty for false moves, for taking one of one’s own men, for playing
a pinned piece and uncovering check, &c.
Moreover the conduct of the bystanders had to be regulated. Chess was
treated as a social game, and the spectators in feudal days were by no
means silent. We have already seen in the chess incident in Ruodlieb how
the bystanders advised the nobles when they played with the envoy. In La
mart Aymeri de Narbonne (Paris, 1884, 2204-8), Hernauz prompts his brother
with a good move,
As eschta joe Guillaumes au cort n£s,
Hernauz et Bueves et danz Garins li her.
Oil troi se sont encontre lui tora6.
Hernauz ses frere lor a un trait mostr6
Par quoi li autre furent del jeu mat A
M E.g. in Ruodlieb , p. 411-13. Deduit in Lea Eschex omoureux plays the lady without a stake.
As Lydgate ( Reaon and sensuallyte , a 1412) translates:
But yt was don of noon hatrede 6853
But of love and frendelyhede
And her hertis to releve ;
For noon lyst other for to greve
But, lyke as I haue memoyre,
Oonly for to han victoire
With-oute surplus of wynnyng
Of any other foreyn thing ;
For they play for no profyte
But for Ioy and for delyte.
07 Losses at chess are recorded in the two following passages :
(Anno 1868) Item die mijn here (Jan van Blois) verscakede (i.e. lost at chess) jeghens
Cralen den piper, 8 oude soil den (De Lange van Wijngaerden, De Herren en Slad van der Gouda $
i. 677 ; cf. also 129, 671, 672 ; quoted by v. d. Linde, Het Schaakapel in Nederland, 68).
(Anno 1488) Myns Heeren gen. (the Duke of Queldres) in syn hant gedaen in gen. zomer
to Gel re, doe myn Heere van Moirss daer was, ende syne gen. tegen myn Joncker van Ghemen
schaeckten viii. Wilhelmus schilden en daerne to Buren, doe syne gen. laitaten dair waren
vi. Ryns gin. per Holthusen in profesto Martini per Luyken ii. Ryns gin. ten R. doe syne
gen. tegen Henricus schaeckten (in G. v.Hasselt, Rooxendaal , Arnhem, 1808, 287 ; quoted in
v. d. Linde, op. cit., 68).
Digitized by Google
476
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
In the Fosnx du Paon , the bystanders carried on a running stream of banter
and advice all through the game. In Oger , Bauduinet defends this concomi-
tant of chess as of the essence of the game. This was a tradition of chess
which had been handed oA by the Muslim players (see p. 184). In opposition
to the general rule, Huon of Bordeaux made it a condition in his game that
the spectators should keep silence.
That chess in the Middle Ages was a game involving risk of limb and
even life will appear in the sequel. Players had yet to learn to win without
excess of exultation, and to lose without loss of temper.
The Short Assize. The diagrams which I have used above in discussing
the mediaeval ‘Openings ’ all show positions in actual games in progress, the
players themselves being depicted in the miniatures. There are, however, two
other diagrams which show a different arrangement of the chessmen (but one
that can still be obtained from the normal arrangement) without claiming to
show positions in games in progress 4 These occur, the one in the early 15th c.
problem MS. D (Dresden 0/59), the other in some of the MSS. of both verse
and prose versions of Les Eschez amourenx , e. g. MS. Venice, MS. Paris Fr.
143, f. 355, and MS. Paris Fr. 1508.
IT* TKH
* V
T T f fWf T ?
M
M H & E
m y m m
m m m m
c : l:
m ' .
m*m*m m
jl
t m m*.m
Front MS. Dresden 0/69, f. 81b. From MS. Paris Fr. H3, f. 355.
In the Dresden MS. the position follows a diagram of the normal arrange-
ment of the chessmen (K dl and d8) to which the following text is attached :
Cest le premier gieu que xerces le philozophe trouua des eschies. Et pent
chascim eschet (i.e. chessman) passer .iii. poins au premier trait. Et puis il ne doit
alier fors selonc la nature de son trait seulement.
The second diagram in the MS. has the following text attached :
Cest lautre gieu que le philozophe trouua et en ceste assiete chascun est en garde
lun de lautre. Ion ne ks puet aler prendre en leur siege sans estre pris. Et le mieux
cst de traire tous iours en garde.
The diagram is somewhat carelessly executed, and I think the Kt(c7)
should be on d7 to preserve the symmetry of the arrangement, and to defend
the P (f6) since the text makes such a point of the fact that every piece is
guarded by another.
The other position shows the initial arrangement of the chessmen for the
game between the lady and her suitor, the account of which, occupying some
580 lines of the 30,060 of the poem, has given the romance its title. In the
Paris MSS. each square of the unchequered board bears its designation in the
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
477
notation of the MS. K, and the positions of the chessmen are indicated, not
by their proper names but by the qualities of which they are supposed in the
poem to be symbolical. The arrangement only differs from that intended
in the MS. D in the position of the Rooks.
The extraordinary point about both diagrams is. of course, the position of
the Queens, which are placed upon the same square as the Queen’s Pawns.
The posting of two chessmen upon a single square is so opposed to all the
usual rules of chess that v. d. Linde in copying the Dresden MS. rectified the
position without remark by advancing the Queen’s Pawns each a square to
d4 and d5, and the position is so diagrammed by v. d. Lasa in the Forschungen
(110), while Dr. Sieper (Les echecs amoureux , Weimar, 1898), in reproducing
the diagram of Paris MS. Fr. 143, omitted the Queens altogether.
It is, however, quite certain that the diagrams are not in error in this
point. As will be seen be-
low, the text of the romance
Les Eschez amoureux , in both
the original poem and the
prose version, expressly state
that the Queen and Pawn
occupy a single square, and
in the course of the game
the lover loses both Queen
and Pawn at one stroke.
A similar, but more ex-
travagant position, in which
as many as three pieces are
placed upon a single square,
is contained in the problem
MS. K (K. 25, Le guy de
ly enginous e ly coueytous\
where it is said to be of the
short assize,™
As a problem it is a very poor affair ; there is no forced mate, but the first
player (ly enginous) can mate the second (ly coneytous) in five moves in one of
the four points with a Pawn, provided the second player plays to win pieces
and not for defence. The MS. gives the solution 1 Kt(f2)e4, ^ ; 2 Kt x Ps(d6),
K x Kt ; 3 Bb4 + , Kd5 or e5 ; 4 Pe4, and 5 P m. It can, of course, be prevented
in many ways. The sole importance of the problem lies in the light it throws
upon the positions in D, and the MSS. of Les Eschez amoureux,
I think that we can fairly conclude that these latter diagrams also belong
to the short assize , the problem exhibiting an extravagant version of the same
assize. The name is derived from the shortening of the opening play which
follows from the more advanced arrangement of the pieces, and suggests that
the long assize was the game from the ordinary arrangement. The special
features of the short assize would appear to be —
58 Sec the extract from the AF text, p. 594.
POM
Roe
eh’r
"pOVL
cRv
Ray
Iwe
c3fo\
Roc
pou
PCM-
povi
pou
POU
pou
pdvi
pou
$
pou
pou
Roe
ferae
alftn
kt
ch*r
pou
Roc
pou
K 25. Le guy de ly enginous e ly coueytous.
Digitized by Google
478
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
1. The initial arrangement of the chessmen for a game was different from
that of the ordinary game of chess. Generally speaking, the chessmen occupied
a more advanced position. The Pawns were placed on the third line, the
Queen on her third square, and the other pieces were arranged symmetrically
on the second and first lines. The arrangement of the two sides corresponded
exactly.
2. In the opening arrangement it was permissible to place two pieces upon
a single square. Each piece, however, moved separately, and no piece could
move to a square already occupied by a piece of the same colour. This is clear
from the problem solution.
3. The rules of play were identical with those of the European games
before the introduction of any of the modifications of move. The game was
won either by checkmating or by baring the opponent’s King. The refine-
ments of the ending by which mate was given with a particular piece, or on a
particular square, played a prominent part in the games played from this assize.
There would appear to be an allusion to this assize, as contrasted with the
ordinary game, in Neckam’s chess chapter, in a sentence which has puzzled
chess writers considerably. Neckam says :
The Fawns are placed in one straight line, the rest of the chessmen according
to different arrangements being allotted different positions. Yet according to the
original invention of the game, the Fawns will be arranged on the second line of the
chessboard, the men of higher rank being posted on the first line . 59
If this be so, this variety of chess must have been played in Paris and England
in the latter half of the twelfth century.
I regard this assize as another of the European attempts to improve the
game of chess. It certainly adds interest to the game, and it would not be
a difficult matter to investigate the possibilities of opening play in the position
in the MS. D. I do not think that the assize is based upon anything that
existed in the ordinary Muslim chess, although the experiment of placing the
Pawns on the third line was attempted in the chess as-su'dlya. The resem-
blance of the Dresden arrangement to that of as-Suli’s development al-mutalahiq
is probably only a coincidence, which arose from the fact that both arrange-
ments represent attempts to arrange the chessmen as quickly as possible in
such a way that every piece on the board was guarded by another.
The romance Les Eschez amoureux describes in considerable detail the course
of a game played from its initial arrangement. The description in the poem
would have been unintelligible without the diagram, which, however, is not
given in all MSS. of the poem, and very difficult to follow without the fuller
text of the prose version. The use of the literal notation in the prose work
fortunately removes every possibility of doubt as to the course of the game.
69 Wright, the editor of Neckam, supposed that the first sentence referred to the ordinary
arrangement of the men, and the second sentence put forward a theory as to the original
arrangement of the board, in which the Pawns occupied the back line, and the pieces were
placed on the second line. V. d. Lasa (69), characterizing this as an unnatural rendering,
argued that both sentences referred to the same arrangement— that of the ordinary game.
I formerly held this view also, but the discovery of the evidence now set out has convinced
me that Neckam had two assizes in view.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
479
The first nine moves of the game are given exactly as they were played.
From this point the course of the game is only sketched roughly, until
a position is reached which is described so carefully that it can be set up on
the board, and the concluding play from this point in which the lady gives
mate in the angle with her Queen, is again given fully. The lady plays first,
using what we should consider the Black men. I give the moves in our
notation, and the texts of both versions. 80 The chessmen are to be arranged
as in the figure on p. 476 from the Paris MS. Fr. 148.
Moves.
Lady
Suitor
Pb6-1>5
Pb3-b4
Pc6-c5
2
2 Pc3-c4
Pb5 x Pc4
Poem. Prose version.
Adont commenclia la bataille, Le premier trait . . . de la
Qui me mist a desconfiture, damoiselle . . . fut d’ung sien
S’en orez toute l’auenture. paonnet qui estoit le second
Quant la damoisell entendit Severs sa dextre main, lequel
Le dieu d’amours plus n’atendit ; portoit en son escu 1’enseigne
Ains ala traire maintenant d'une rose . . . Elle trait done
D’un paonnet trop auenant, . . . premierement de bl en bm . . .
Ce fu de celluy qui secons,
Au lea de sa main destre estoit,
Qui la rose en l'escu portoit . . .
Nientmains quant elle ot tant (v. trait) l’acteur . . . trait aussi apr&s,
ainsy, pour deffendre son jeu contre
Je tray d’un paonnet aussy
Second vers ma senestre main.
Ce fu pour traire plus ad plain
Et plus droit encontre celly
Qui k veir tant m'abelly . . .
Adont la belle au doulz viaire,
Sans plus attendre a la retraire
Pour conforter son premier trait
D’un paonnet de doulz attrait,
Qui apprfcs l’autre estoit li tiers . . .
. . . Je trais et boute auant
Contre son trait comme deuant
Vn paonnet : ce fu cely
Qui en son escuchon poly
Auoit le tigi e figure.
Mais il n'y a pas demour6
Longuement, car elle le m'oste
En trayant du paon sur coste
Dont elle ot trait premierement
Et par ce trait meismement
Peuist ma fierge apprez reprendre
S’auis n’euisse du deffendre . . .
Nientmains je ne r ecu lay pas,
Ains voiz lore traire et me conforte
D’un paonnet qui la clef porte.
Si repris tout aussy le sien
la damoiselle, de son paonnet
qui portoit en son escu la
clef, . . . et fut celuy trait de
bo en bn.
Aprfes ce trait aussi secon-
dement la jeune damoiselle,
pour conforter son premier
trait, de cl en cm . . .
Et celluy aprfes secon de-
ment retrait contre celuy
aussi, e’est k savoir de co en
cn du paonnet qui le tigre
portoit . . .
Le tiers trait de la da-
moiselle fut en trayant sur
coste deBeaulte, e’est assavoir
de bm en cn, et lk print elle
Doulx Penser . . . en menassant
la fierge de son adverse partie
et le paon qui estoit avec
elle.
Et pour ce retrait il apr&s
ce tiercement de bn en cm,
oil il reprint Simplesce de
Regard en menassant aussi
90 I give the poem from photographs of the Dresden MS. which Mr. J. G. White placed at
my service, and the prose text from Prof. Mettlich’a Die Schachpartie in .. . l Les eechez amoureux \
Mdnster L W., 1907. For further particulars of the allegorical explanation of the chessmen,,
see Ch. VI below.
Digitized by Google
480
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Moves.
Poem.
Prose version.
2 Quelle auoit pris deuant le mien,
Pb4 x Pc5 En trayant par voye samblable
Contre sa fierge esmerueillable
Et contre le paon joly
Qui estoit assis aueuc ly,
A la tin que, s elle prenoit
Ma fierge, a quoy elle tendoit,
Que je repreisse la soye . . .
Quant celle me vit ainsy traire
Pc4 x P & Qd3 Elle n>atend y P 88 u y 0* une ) heure,
4 Ains prist ma fierge sans demeure
Et le paonnet ensement
Qui fu dez le commencement
Assiz en ce meisme lieu . . .
Bf8 x Pd 3
iM if
Pc5 xP $Qd4
Pd3 x Rc2)
Or cuiday je pareillement
Reprendre sa fierge ensement . . .
Mais je m’arrestay vn petit,
Se me suy adont perchgus,
Que j’auoye est6 dechgus,
Et que trop euisse mespris
Se j’euisse sa fierge pris :
Car elle peuist sans mesprendre
Yn de mes rocz pour n6ant prendre . . .
Si ques de ce trait me refrains
Et pris aussy comme constrains
Le gen til paonnet parfait
Qui m’auoit tel dompmaige fait
De l’auphin qui a destre fu
Qui le signe ot du ray de fu . . .
La belle de trfes gent atour
Se rauisa d’un aultre tour
Dont j'os plus fort temps que de-
uant ;
Ktd7 x Pc5 Car e ^ e ^ sad ^ r auan t
5 Son cheualier a le licorne . . .
Briefment la puchelle auenant
A la traire plus n’attendy
D’un cheualier que je vous dy
S'en prist de la premiere voye
Le paonnet dont je deuoye
Prendre sa fierge k 1' autre trait . . .
pareillement sa fierge avec le
paonnet aussi qui la gardoit,
car c’estoit son entencion,
sicome il faint, s’elle prendroit
sa fierge, qu’il reprendroit
aussi apres la sienne.
Le quart trait de la da-
moiselle fut aprfes ce, de en
en do , oil elle print sa fierge
de Beault6 et le paon qui
estoit avec elle . . .
Adonc se trouva decfiu
l’acteur, sicome il faint, et se
advisa que se il prenoit aussi
pareillement sa fierge et sou
paon il perdroit apr&s et pour
n6ant ung de ses rocz . . et
pour ce ne la print il pas;
ains trait lors de son alphin
dextre d efq en do , si print le
paonnet qui luy avoit oste
sa fierge dessus dite et son
paon . . .
Apr&s ce . . . elle fist saillir
son chevalier avant qui portoit
le unicorne . . . et en print lors
le paonnet dont il cuydoit
devant prendre sa fierge...
C’est proprement k dire que
Honte print Regard en tra-
yant de die en em.
(The lover is at a loss what to move, and thinks a long time.)
5 Pg3-g4
Toutesfois pour le jeu parfaire
Le dieu qui ne se pot plus taire
M'escrie que je me deffende
Et que je traye ou je me rende ;
Si que je tray vaille que vaille
Pour continuer la bataille :
Ce fu se sauoir le voules
Du paonnet de l’aultre l&s
Qui auoit le eigne pourtrait —
Je ne soz faire meilleur trait
E celluy aussi . . . trait apr&s
ce, quant il se ravisa, ung de
ses paonnetz devers sa dextre
main qui portoit l’enseigne
de ung fier eigne . . . et fut ce
trait de go en gn . . .
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. II!
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
481
Moves.
Poem.
Prose version.
Adont prist elle mon aulphin
Ktc5xBd3 + r Mais encore ot jl aultre fin,
6 Car c estoit eschec a mon roy
Dont je fus mis en tel arroy
Que j’en perdis mon rocq senestre . . .
A l’aultre trait apr&s aussi,
VI®, la jeune damoiselle trait
de son chevalier mesmes, des-
susdiz, de cm en do et la print
son alphin ... Et avec ce
dist eschec a son roy . . . car
elle en print anssi a l’autre
trait son roc senestre pour le
chevalier . . .
Kel-fl
Rc7 x Rc2
7
Ktd2-e4
Kt.d3 x Rf2
8
8
Kte4 x Kt£2
Kte7-d5
9
9 .Pe3-e4
1870
Quant j'oz cel eschecz percgu
Dont trop me trouuay dec6u
J'ostay mon roy & en voiz traire,
Pour ce qu’il estoit n^ccessaire
Si le fis reculer vers destre
Pour mains peril! easement estre.
Et celle qui peu me deporte
Prent tantost mon rocq si l'emporte . . .
(Omitted.)
A enuis l'euist respite,
Car ses jeux eBtoit sans pit6 :
Mais encor pas ne li souffist.
Car & l’autre trait qu'elle fist
Elle reuint raultre happer,
Je n'en pos amains eschapper;
Car il estoit aussy ou point
De son cheualier tout apoint.
Sans faille pour mon rocq secont
Pris je son cheualier adont
Du mien dont deuant trait auoie
Pour le mettre hors de sa voie . . .
Ainsy perdis je mes deux roz
Pour son cheualier que jou roz . . .
[Omitted in Dresden : Venice has —
Quant celle qui tant ha de pris
Vit que j'os son cheualier pris,
Elle fit salir l’autre auant (s. paour)
Pour moy plus greuer que deuant . . .]
Lors tray je sans delayement
Vn paon que en ordre yert quins,
Et vne grant pi&ce me tins
Contre la belle k mon pouoir
S*en yert li jeux biaux a veoir.
if li
Adonc l’acteur . . . retrait
son roy vers dextre pour
fouyr son eschec . . .
la damoiselle . . . ains print
tantost son roc a son VII®
trait . . . en trayant de son roc
. . . de ck en cp.
Et celluy aussi apr&s pour
son roc second conforter re-
trait aussi apr& d'ung de ses
chevaliers qui portoit le lyon
. . . de dp en en.
A Tautre trait aussi, VIH®,
la damoiselle qui n'estoit con-
tente du roc qu’elle avoit
pris, reprint son roc qui
portoit la coulombe en son
escut, . . . et le print de son
chevalier . . . en trayant de do
enf]).
Et celluy aussi le reprint,
sansdemeure, de son chevalier
dessusdit en trayant de en en
fP • • •
Quant la damoiselle advisa
qu’il avoit prins ainsi son
chevalier, elle fist son IX®
trait de son aultre senestre
chevalier, qui portoit l’en-
seigne du li&vre . . . et fut ce
trait de ek en dm .
Et celluy aussi retrait en-
contre elle d’ung de ses
paonnetz qui portoit le lie-
part . . . ct fut celluy trait de
to en en.
Digitized by Google
482
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
It would be too long, says the romance, to give all the moves of the game.
It will be sufficient to give the principal moves only. After many moves had
been made, and many pieces taken, the Lady made several moves with her
Queen and a Pawn which always followed the Queen to defend it and be
defended by it. At which moves the Lover marvelled greatly, and took so
much pleasure in them that he forgot all his game. But who could oppose
her moves ? Not even Philometer, nor Ulysses himself, the first discoverer of
chess. The Lady advanced her Queen and Pawns steadily, playing the latter
in good order to defend the Queen. The Lover moves now here, now there, as
the game required. After a while he moves his Pawn with the mirror (KBP),
and, dazzled by the sight of the precious chessmen reflected in the mirror, he
exclaimed that he did not mind whether he was mated or made bare (ave) by
his opponent. At last the game came to this position :
Black : Ke8, Rfl, g2, Qb4, Bc4, Pa5, f6.
White: Kal, Bel, Pf5.
The Lady had left him two pieces : pour ce sont ce* deux eschez du moin* neceesaire
an mat faire. But the Lady remained with so many pieces herself that she
could mate him easily on any square that she liked, even in the four points
themselves.
The game now concluded :
Poem. Prose version.
Elle fist son paon saillir Pour ce fist celle daraoiselle de son paonnet
Et sa fierge trfcs avenant dessus dit qu’elle avanpa deux traitz dont le
Pour parfaire le remenant. premier fut de am en an et le second fut de an
Quant ordonn6 les ot k point en ao et le tiers aprto fut de sa fierge de bn en
Elle dont je ne me plaing point co. Et pour ce que le Roy qui eat ainsi encloz
Du paonnet de bel arroy n'a point ou il puist traire si ce n’est de aq en
Me vint dire eschec k mon roy bq et de bq ©n aq retourner, et il convient qu’il
Qui s’estoit vers mon aulphin trais traye quant il ny a aultre eschec qui puist
Si qu'il convint, qu’il fust retrais traire, come il est en ce cas : se nous con-
En Tangle sans plus longue attente, siderons done bien, il est n6cessit6 que le
Et puis de la fierge excellente paonnet dessusdit, au quart trait qu’il fera, le
A la fin que tout consomm&t treuve lore en bq et qu’il luy dye eschec, en
Elle me dist eschec et mat. trayant de ao en ap. Et lore sauldra la fierge
qui traira de co eu bp, en luy disant eschec et
mat en Tangle.
That is :
Pa4 Pa3 Qc3 Pa2
1 Kbl ’ 2 Kal’ 3 Kbl* 4 Kal’
5
Qb2
mate.
There only remains the record of the attempts during the Middle Ages to
improve chess by means of the enlargement of the board. Three such varieties
of chess are described in the Spanish MS. Alf., viz. a game on a board of
10 x 10 squares, another on a board of 12 x 12 squares, and a third on the
ordinaiy board which was played by four players. No special stress is laid
upon these games in the MS., and I am inclined to think that the compiler of
the MS. obtained them from Muslim sources. I have accordingly already
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
483
described them in connexion with the Oriental modifications of chess. 61 The
only other game of the kind which is mentioned in works of the mediaeval
period is one which appeared at an early date in Germany and, after an
exceptionally long life for an enlarged variety of chess, only became obsolete
in the village of Strdbeck, its last home, towards the beginning of the
19th century.
This game, known as the Courier game> was played upon a board of 12x8
squares between two sides of 24 pieces each, the board being placed with
the longer sides adjacent to the players. Each player had the 16 pieces of
the ordinary chess, and in addition two Couriers, one Counsellor or Man,
one Schleich i and four more Pawns. The pieces were arranged as in the
diagram.
The pieces borrowed from the ordinary chess possessed the mediaeval
powers of move, wit the following modifications : the Queen could for its first
lllcWlsliMI
I iffliffliffliSUSUfi
8&E1&E1AII&C1&I1&
The Courier Game. After Selenus.
(C*s Courier; M = Rath or Mann ; S-Schleich.)
move leap to its third square ; the Rook’s and Queen’s Pawns only could make
the double step for their first move. The King had no power of leaping. The
Courier moved precisely as our modern Bishop ; the Schleich could move to an
adjacent square in a vertical or horizontal direction, i. e. to an adjacent square
of a different colour to its own square : its move was the complement of that
of the Queen in the mediaeval game. The Man could move to any adjacent
square : its move was identical with that of the King without the limitations
to the latter’s freedom of move. 62
It was obligatory to commence playing by advancing the two Rooks'
Pawns and the Queien's Pawn two squares each, and moving the Queen to her
third square. The opponent did the same, and the subsequent play proceeded
by alternate single moves as in the ordinary game of chess.
The game took its name from the Couriers, which were popularly supposed
to be the most powerful pieces. This estimation was certainly wrong ; the
Kook must have been far stronger.
The game was already in existence in the beginning of the 13th c., and it
is mentioned in the Wigalois of Wirnt v. Gravenberg (1202-5, ed. Pfeiffer,
« l See pp. 348-51.
63 We know nothing of the rules of Pawn-promotion. In the special StrObeck game, the
Pawn had to return to his original square by means of three ‘joy-leaps’ (see p. 392). It
is possible that this rule obtained in the Courier game also.
Digitized by Google
484
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Leipzig, 1847), a very free translation of the French Li bel inconnu of Renaud
de Beaujeu. Here it replaces the usual mention of chess :
10580 da lagen vor der frouwen fier,
wurfzabel (i.e. tables) unde kurrier
geworht von helfenbeine ;
mit edelem gesteine
spilten si, mit holze niht
als man nu frouwen spilen siht.
Si heten kurzewile vil
tod maniger hande seite spil
daz die fro wen kunden.
The game is also mentioned in two of the German (Alemanic) metrical versions
of Cessolis. Heinrich v. Beringen (early 14th c.) briefly alludes to the intro-
duction of the Couriers as an improvement of chess. 68 Kunrat v. Ammenhausen
(1337) tells at considerable length how he had on one occasion seen in Constance
a game with 16 more men than were in the ‘right chess’, each side having
a Triille (trull), two Couriers , a Bdtgeb (counsellor), and four Vendeltn (Pawns).
Excepting on that one occasion, he had never seen the game anywhere in
Provence, France, or Kurwalhen. 04
A painting in the Konigliches Museum, Berlin, said to have been painted
in 1520 by Lucas von Leyden, shows a game of Courier in progress. The
l) 0 &rd is chequered so that al is black.
Gustavus Selenus devoted a chapter of his Das Schach - oder Konig -Spiel
(Leipzig, 1616) to the three games of chess which were played at Strtfbeck,
* 8 Mt ieman sin iht m£r erdftht
dem spil ze bezzerunge,
daz velschet niht min zunge.
9700 dooh wizzet endeliohen daz,
daz sin niht mdr von drsten was.
Die kurrier sider sint erd&ht
und in daz spil durch zierde br&ht.
• 4 2628 Ouch wil ich zellen, die ich sach md,
als ich hab gesprochen 6 :
ze ietweder site aht steine,
vier grdsse und vier kleine ;
die grftssen wil ich nennen,
so milgent ir si erkennen :
es ist ein triille und zwdn currier
und ein ratgeb, das werdent vier.
die son ze ietweder site stftn
der rOcher ; ieklicher h&n
sol vor im ein vendelln :
die zellent, s6 mdgen ir sehzehen sin
das wirt ietwedrent ahter m6 ;
die tuont zuo dien, die ich nand 6 ;
s6 wirt ir Of das bret ze vil.
doch ist mir ze guoter m&s erkant
in Provenz und in Frank rich
und in Kurwalhen. * doch gesach ich
nie, das d& me steine hat,
wan ze Kostenz in der stat,
d& sach ich eins, kein anders nie
wan das, swar ich reit oder gie.
swas ieman anders hat gesehen,
2660 dem gan ichs wol, wil ers verjelien.
Digitized by t^oosle
Face page 484]
Digitized by
Google
The Chessplayers
By Lucas von Leyden. Kfcnigl. Museum, Berlin
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
485
and gives a valuable account of the Courier game, to which we owe all that is
known of the method of play. He names the special pieces in the game
Currier, 3fan(n) or Geheimer Baht , and Sckleich or Kurtzweyliger Baht , L. mono ;
and gives woodcuts of these pieces, the Courier being a man galloping on
horseback with a horn to his lips, the Man a long-bearded sage, the Schleich
a fool with cap and bells.
The village of Strobeck still possesses a board, on the one side marked
with the 8x8 board, on the other with the 12x8 Courier board, with au
inscription narrating that this game of chess and Courier was presented to the
village by the Elector-Prince Frederick William of Brandenburg on May 13,
1651. 6 * The inscription necessitates al in each game being white. The
original silver pieces were lent in the 18th c., and never returned ; but there
is a complete set of wooden men for the game. The use of them had been
forgotten when Silberschmidt and Lewis visited Strobeck in 1825 and 1831
respectively. In more recent days, e. g. in 1883, the game has been
occasionally revived as a curiosity. 66
APPENDIX
I. The Alfonso MS. of 1283.
(2 b) ... E por que el Acedrex es mas assessegado iuego e onrrando que Jos
dados nin las Tablas ; fabla en este libro primeramientre del & muestra como ha
a seer el tablero fecho. & quanta a casas ha en el. & quales son los iuegos & quantos,
& como a nombre cada uno dellos & en quales casas an de seer. & como los miieuen
iogando con ellos & tomando los unos con los otros & quales meiorias an los unos
trebeios sobre los otros. E como ban a seer apercebudos los jogadores de saber iogar
en guisa que uenzcan : & non sean uen£udos. & de como dan xaque al rey, que es el
mayor trebeio de todos los otros: que es una manera de affrontar al sennor con
derecho & de comol dan mate que es una manera de grant desonrra : assi como ail
uenciessen ol matassen. E otros iuegos a y de muchas maneras. Pero todos fueron
fechos a semeian^a de las cosas que acaecieron segund los tiempos que fueron, o son,
o podrien seer, mostrando de como los Reyes en el tiempo delas guerras en que se
fazen las huestes, han de guerrear a bus enemigos punnando delos uen$er. prendien-
dolos & matandolos o echandolos de la tierra. E otrossi como en el tiempo delas
pazes han de mostrar sus thesoros & sus riquezas & las cosas que tienen nobles &
estrannas. & segunt aquesto fizieron iuegos. los unos de .xii. casas. los otros de .x.
los otros de ocho. los otros de .vi. & los otros de quatro. & assi fueron descendiendo
fasta en una casa : que partieron en ocho partes. E todo esto fizieron por grandes
semeiangas segunt los saberes antigos : que usauan los sabios. Pero entre todos
los otros iuegos escogieron por meior & mas comunal el delas .viii. casas : por que
non es tan uagarosa, como el de las diez, o dent arriba. ni otros si tan appresurado :
como el delas seys, o dent ayuso. E por endel usan comunalmientre los omnes [3 a]
w Da«i Seren 88m1, » Churfe. Durchl. Zu Brandenburg und / Fiirst zu Halberst&dt Herr Herr
FRIEDRICH WILHELM etc. DIESES / SCHACH- und CURJEB-SpIEL am 13 MAY
Ao 1651 dem Fleken StrOpek / aus Sondern Gnaden verehret, und Bey ihrer alien Gerechtig-
keit zu schiitzen / gn&digst zugesagt, solches ist zum ewigen Gedeehtniss Hierauf verzeichnet.
•• See ScA., 1847, 214 ; 1858, 7 ; 1861, 223 ; 1888, 380. Also cf. a short article of mine,
4 The Courier Game,’ BCM. t 1902, 421.
Digitized by Google
486
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
en todas las tierras : mas que los otros iuegos. E la figura del tablero es que a de
ser quadrado. & ha de auer ocho carreras : Sc en cada carrera ocho casas que son
por todas sessaenta Sc quatro casas. E la meytad de las casas an de seer duna color
& la meytad de otra : & otrossi los trebeios.
De quanta 8 colores an de seer tod os los trebeios del acedrex.
Los trebeios an de seer treynta & dos. E los xvi. duna color : deuen se entablar
en las dos carreras primeras del tablero. E los otros dizeseyes dela otra color an de
seer entablados dell otro cabo del tablero en essa misma manera : en derecho delos
otros. E destos xvi. trebeios los .viii. son menores : que fueron fechos k semeianga
del pueblo menudo, que ua en la hueste. E los otros iuegos que son mayores es el
uno a seme i ante del Rey : que es sennor de la hueste. & aquel deue estar en la una
de las dos casas de medio. E cabo dell en la otra casa de medio : esta otro trebeio,
que es a semeianga del alfferez que tiene la senna de las sennales del Rey. & algunos
omnes : k que non saben el nombre. Sc llamanle : alfferza. E estos dos trebeios cada
uno iuega por si Sc non a otro ninguno en todos los .xvi. trebeios : que los semeie.
E en las otras dos casas al lado destas : estan otros dos trebeios que se semeian Sc
llaman los alffiles en Algarauia que quiere tanto dezir en nuestro lenguaie : como
eleff antes que solien los Reyes leuar, en las batallas, Sc cada uno leuaua al menos dos
que si ell uno muriesse : quel fincasse ell otro. E en las otras dos casas cabo destas ;
estan otros doB trebeios que se semeian & llaman los todos comunalinientre cauallos.
mas los Bus nombres derechos son cauaUeros, que son puestos por cabdiellos por man-
dado del Rey : pora ordenar las azes de la hueste. E en las otras dos casas de cabo :
(36) estan otros dos trebeios que se semeian otrossi, e llaman los Roques. Sc son fechos
anchos & tendudos que son a semeian 9 a de las azes de los caualleros.
En la primera az estan los iuegos mayores que dixiemos. E en la segunda los
peones. E como quier que estos iuegos son nueue quanto en las casas : no son mas
de seys segund se doblan. Ca los alffiles Sc los Cauallos Sc los Roques que son seys ;
tornan en tree. & con el Rey & con el alfferza & con los peones que son cada uno por
si : fazense seys. E pusieron los assi doblados. por que quaudo alguno daquellos
toman : que finque otro di aquella natura pora dar xaque & mate al Rey : b pora
ampararle. Otrossi pusieron del alfferza que quando se perdiesse : podiendo llegar
qualquiere delos peones fosta la casa postremera dell otra parte del Acedrex. onde
mueuen los iuegos mayores: dent aclelant fuessen alfferzas. Sc que se pudiessen
desponer bien como la primera & andar dessa guisa. E esto es por que suben del
estado de los menores al de los mayores.
El Rey pusieron que nol pudiessen tomar. mas quel pudiessen dar xaque por que)
pudiessen fazer salir de aquel logar do souiesse: como desonnrado. E sil aren-
conassen de guisa que no ouiesse casa do yr. pusieronle nombre xamat que es tanto
como muerto. & esto fizieron por acortar el iuego. Ca se alongarie mucho. si todos los
trebeios ouiessen a tomar : fasta que ffncassen amos los Reyes solos : o ell uno dellos.
Capitulo dell andamiento de los trebeios del acedrex .
El andar delos iuegos fue puesto otrossi por esta razon que uos diremos : ca assi
como el Rey non se deue arrebatar en las batallas mas yr muy a passo & ganando
siempre eldos enemigos Sc punnando como los venzca. assi el Rey delos trebeios : no
a de andar mas de a una casa en so derecho. o en sosquino, como qui cata a todas
partes en derredor dessi metiendo mientes en lo que ha de fazer.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
487
Ell alferza anda a una caea en sosquino ; Sc esto es por aguardar al Key Sc non
se partir del, Sc por encobrirle delos xaques Sc delos mates quando gelos dieren Sc
pora yr adelante ayu dandol a uencer quando fuere el iuego bien parado. Pero bien
puede la primera uez saltar a tercera casa o en derecho o en sosquino Sc aunque este
otro trebeio en medio. Sc esto es a manera de buen cabdiello, que se adelante en los
grandes fechos Sc en las batallas & acorre a todas partes alii o lo an 'mester. E en
este andamiento ayuntasse con los sub phones Sc bueluesse con ellos assi como si los
esforfasse que non se partiessen Sc estudiessen en uno pora fazer lo meior Sc en esto
aguarda assi, Sc a ellos teniendo los unos antessi : Sc parandosse ante los otros. E por
ende quando ell alferza esta assi trauada con los peones : Uamanle Alfferzada .
Los alffiles saltan a tree casas en pospunta a semeian$a delos eleffantes que trayen
entonce los Reyes, que no osaua ninguno parasseles delante St fazien les los que en
ellos estauan yr en sosquino a ferir en las azes de bus enemigos de guisa que non
se les pudiessen guardar.
Los Cauallos saltan a tree casas contando las dos en derecho dessi : Sc tomando
la tercera en sosquino a qual parte quiere. E esto es a semeianga delos buenos
cabdiellos, que acabdiellan las azes voluiendo los cauallos a diestro e a siniestro
pora aguardar los suyos, & vender los enemigos.
Los Roques iuegan en derecho quanto pueden yr antessi o a caga o a diestro
o a siniestro. Sc esto a semeianga de las azes delos caualleros que uan todauia quanto
pueden en derecho o contra qual parte entienden que sera meior. por que mas ayna
puedan uencer a aquellos con que lidian :
(4 a) Los Peones non uan mas de a una casa en su derecho assi como la peonada
de la hueste : non pueden andar si no poco por que uan de pie. Sc lievan a cuestas bus
arm as St las otras casas que an mester. Pero bien a y algunos que usan a iogar
delos peones a tercera casa la primera uez. St esto es fasta que tomen ca depues no lo
pueden fazer. E esto es a semeianca que quando el pueblo menudo roban algunas
cosas : que las lieuan a cuestas.
Capitulo de qual mantra dtuen tomar con los jueyos del acedrtx .
El tomar de los iuegos unos a otros es desta guisa. El Rey toma en todas
las casas que diziemos que podie yr : qualquiere trebeio dela otra parte que y este.
sino ouiere y otro alguno dela otra parte de aquel trebeio quel ampare. E esso
mismo fazen los otros iuegos mayores assi como los alffiles Sc los cauallos Sc los
Roques, mas ell alfferza non puede tomar la primera uez sisse despusiere yendo
a tercera casa. mas depues que fuere despuesta tomara en la segunda casa: en
sosquino. segunt es su andamiento.
Los peones otrossi como quier que puedan yr a tercera casa la primera uez si
quisieren : non pueden tomar en ella mas tomaran en sosquino yendo adelante a una
casa. E esto es a semeianga delos peones que se non pueden ferir estando en
derecho ell uno contral otro, aguardandosse : mas here all otro que esta en sosquino
que se : no aguarda del tanto.
Capitulo dela 8 auantaias de los trebeios dell acedrex.
Las auantaias delos trebeios que an los unos sobre los otros : son grandes. Ca el
Rey es acotado en guisa que puede tomar a todos & ninguno non puede tomar a el.
E esto es a semeianga del Rey que puede fazer iusticia en todos los que merecieren :
mas por esso non deue poner la mano ninguno en el : pora prender le ; nin ferir le
r
Digitized by Google
488
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
nin matarle : aunque el fiera o prenda o mate. Mas bien le puedeu fazer uerguenpa
en ties maneras : faziendol salir dela casa do esta, o embargandol la casa o quiere
entrar : & nol dexar tomar lo que quiere.
Ell Alfferza a otrossi grant auantaia : por que guarda mas de cerca al Rey que
los otros iuegos 8c es meior que los alffiles porque a mas casts en que puede andar
8c tomar que ellos. E otrossi guarda 8c toma adelante 8c atras : lo que los peones
non pueden fazer como quier que faga alfferzada con ellos : segunt es sobredicbo.
Los Alffiles an auantaia sobre los peones por que toman mas de luenne 8c fazen
otrossi alfilada desta guisa. Quando ell alffil esta en el tablero, si algun peon esta
depos ell a una casa en sosquino segunt su andamiento: guarda el peon al alffil.
E si otro peon esta en guarda del primero en la otra casa do ell alffil puede yr :
guardal ell alffil. E desta guisa se guardan todos tree uno a otro. 8c a esto llaman
AljffUada*
El cauallo a mayor auantaia que todos los otros trebeios dell 'acedrex, sino el
Roque, ca el que sopiere con el cauallo bien iogar mouiendol de la primera casa dell
un canto del tablero : tomara quantos trebeios fueren en todas las casas del tablero
que son sessaenta & tree : sin la casa dondel mouiere : que nunqua yerre de tomar
segunt su andamiento.
El Roque a mayor auantaia que todos los otros trebeios dell acedrex por que
puede yr en una uez dell un cabo del tablero fastal otro en su derecho, a qual parte
quisiere. si no estuviere en la carrera algun trebeio delos suyos quel embargue
o otro ageno que tome por que avera de fincar en la casa daquel que tomo.
Capitulo de como el lley <}* todos los otros trebeios del acedrex pueden andar tomar :
los unos en todas las casas del tablero : los otros en deUas.
El Hey puede andar & tomar en todas las casas del tablero en .lxiiii. uezes;
(4 b) & toruarse a su casa.
Ell alfferza puede andar en treynta & tree uezes todas las casas del tablero
que el la deue andar : & toruarse a su casa. pero nol contando quandol acaece por
fuerza de entrar dos uezes en una casa.
Ell alffil puede andar & tomar a seys casas del tablero con la suya : 8c no a mas.
El peon puede seer fecbo alfferza en .vj. uezes que ande las casas una a una
& toruarse a su casa pues que fuere alfferzado en tantas uezes : como la otra alfferza.
andando todas las casas del tablero que puede andar: E maguer que dos uezes
entre en una casa nolo podiendo escusar : que non sea contada mas de por una.
Ell andar del Roque non puede seer contado por que anda luenne & cerca por
todo el tablero poro quiere en so derecho a todas partes : segunt su andamiento.
E estos andamientos todos conuienen que los sepan aquellos que bien quisiereu
iogar ell acedrex, ca menos desto no lo podrien saber, nin entender los iuegos
departidos que an sabor de saber los omnes. por ell enoio que an dell alongamiento
del mayor iuego quando se faze todo complidamientre, bien como metieron por
aquella razou misma los dados en ell acedrex, por quesse iogasse mas ayna.
E pusieron el seys que es la mayor suerte del dado: al Rey que es el mas
onrrado iuego del tablero. E el cinco all alfferza. E el quatro al Roque. E el
tres al cauallo. E el dos : all alffil. E ell un punto que llaman As : al peon.
E por que los iuegos dell acedrex se departen de mucbas maneras maguer que
fagan en ellos iuegos departidos : en algunos y a que toman los trebeios todos : & en
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
489
los otros dellos. Queremos uos aqui fablar primeramientre clel iuego que se faze
de todos los trebeios complidos & mostrarmos de como es fecbo el tablero, & las
fayciones delos trebeios. mas las que se fazen meior & mas complidamientre : an de
seer fechas desta manera.
El Key deue estar en su siella con su corona en la cabe£a & la espada en la mano
assi como si indgasse o mandasse fazer iusticia.
Ell alfferza deue seer fecha a manera del alfferez mayor del Rey que lieua
la senna delas sennales del Rey quando an a entrar en las batallas.
Los alffiles an a seer fecbos a manera de eleffantes & castiellos en cirna dellos
llenos de omnes arm ados : como si quisiessen lidiar.
Los cauallo8 an de seer fechos a manera de caualleros armados: assi como
cabdiellos que son puestos por mandado del rey pora acabdellar las azes.
Los Roques deuen seer fechos assi como azes de caualleros armados que estan
much espessas teniendosse unos a otros.
Los P tones an a seer fechos a manera del pueblo menudo que estan armados
& guisados quando quier lidiar. Mas : por que en todas las tierras que iuegan el
acedrex serien muy grieues de se fazer tales iuegos como estos : buscaron los omnes
manera de como se fiziessen mas ligeramientre, & mas sin costa : pero que se contras-
semeien en algun poco a aquestos que dixiemos. E la figura dellos que es mas usada
en todas las tierras e sennaladamientre en Espanna es esta que aqui esta pin tad a.
(5 a) Pres que acabado auemos el iuego mayor del acedrex de como se iuega
complidamientre : Queremos dezir de los iuegos departidos que assacaron los omnes.
en el que son como cosas nueuas & estrannas de oyr. & por esso se pagan dellas.
Sc otrossi por que se iuegan mas ayna. Ca son iuegos contados. & sabudos. Sc sabeu
a quantas uegadas depues que iogaren: san dacabar. Pero fablaremos primero
delos mayores iuegos departidos que se fazen con todos los trebeios del acedrex :
que non cuellen ende ninguno. Sc depues diremos de como uan minguando fasta los
menos que pueden seer. E queremos Iuego dezir: del iuego que llaman for^ado.
E esto es por que como quier que se iuegue por cuenta : A en el dauer fuerga, por
que ua omne contra su uoluntad. perdiendo el meior trebeio por el peor, & auiendolo
a fazer : queriendo o non poniendol en casa que ell otrol aya a tomar por fuer$a,
segund ell andamiento del trebeio so quel pusiere. E este iuego se entabla bien
como el primero & daquella guisa andan los trebeios : & se toman unos a otros. siuo
que es y la fuer 9 a demas. E por ende an a seer sabidores los quel iogaren, que non
pongan los trebeios meiores: en logar que los ayan a dar por los menores e mas
uiles. Ca en esto yaze toda la ssabiduria deste iuego, & el depart imien to. E por
esta fuerga que dixiemos, le llaman iuego forgado.
Mas por que algunos cuentan que las donzellas le fallaron primero en la tierra de
Vltra mar : dizen le iuego de Donzellas.
II. Description of the Lombard Assize in MS. Paris Fr. 1173 (Pl\).
(f. 3 a) Pour chou ke tout chil ki che liure verront puissent mix et plus legiere-
ment sauoir et entendre comment ne en quele maniere ches partures ki en che present
liure sont contenues sont ordenees et selon quele assise eles sont baillies. car assises
se diuersefient en pluseurs manieres. si doivent tout sauoir ke eles sont ordenees
Digitized by Google
490
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
selonc lassise lombarde. ki est tele ke en che present eskieker est contenu. 1 Et deves
savoir ke selonc ceste assise li paounet salent au tiert point, le premier trait ke il
traient ou vn sans plus, et ne pueent prendre fors ke .i. point pres dans selonc dioite
prise de paounet. Et saut li rois (f. 3 b) vn point o .ij. o .iij. o .iiij. le premier trait
comment ne en quele maniere ke il li plaist. mais ke il ne voist par un eskiec. et
li roiine saut o .i. point o .iij. le premier trait et li roys et li roine jaent ensaale le
premier trait se il vuelent o chascuns par lui. Et puet on prendre toute le gent et
demeure li rois tous seus et li conuient traire trait por trait tant ke il plaist a se
contre parti e ne n’i a point daiue *. Et quant nns paounes se fait roine soit en langle
ou dautre part il saut .iij. poins. le premier trait en quel liu ke che soit. o .i. se il
li plaist. Et est ceste assise forte et soutiue et anieuse a bien sauoir, et pour chou
conuient ke on en ait lusage.
III. Extbacts fbom Egenolff’s Frankfort Edition of Mennel's
SCHACHZABEL, 1536.
(Title) Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels / griintlich bedeutung
vnnd klarer bericht / dasselbig kUnstlich zuziehenn vnnd spilen. Mit eim newenn
zusag ettlicher besouderen meisterstiick / nach der Current / welschen art / vn
von Hutten / deszgleichen ettlichenn besondern Regeln des Schachziehens /
vormals nie auszgangeu (followed by diagram of board with pieces arranged on
a and li lines, al being white, and 6 lines of verse addressed Zu dem Schachzieher).
(A. ij b) Von form vnd gestalt desz Schachzabel brets / vnnd seiuen vnder-
schyden feldern. — Das sachbret helt in jme Fier und sechtzigk vnderscheyd oder
veldt / Deren das ein halbtheil schwartz / vnd das auder halbtheil weisz sein
sollen / vnnd ist gestalt wie die nachuolgend Figur auszweist. . . .
(A. iij) ... Wie die Bilder odder stein
nach rechter ordenung vnnd art disz
Spiels inn das schachbret / gestelt wer-
den sollen / Vnnd zum ersten von den
Schwartzenn stein en oder Bildern. Der
schwax*tz Ktinig sol am erstenn gestelt
werden auff das weisz feldt / Vnnd sol
neben jme die Kttnigin stehn auff dem
schwartzen feldt / zu der rechten
seitten. . . .
(A. iv) Wie einn ieglicher Steinn
odder Bilde sein auszgang haben solle /
Vnd zu dem ersten von den Konig. —
Der Kiinig in seinem erstenn auszgang
so er zu feldt ziehenn will / mag (ob er will / drey schritte von dem feldt seines
aupzgangs / das ist auff das vierd feldt) gegen seinenn feindenn reittenn / vnnd auff
ub
ad
af
ah
be
bd
be
b f
bg
bh
bi
c
ccf
ce
cf
ecj
cb
ci
ek
d
de
cff
dn
dh
di
ak
ED
ef
eg
eh
ei
ek
el
em
f
ffl
fh
fi
f k
fl
! fm
fn
3
19
gi
go
hk
Inn
ho
133
1 The chess diagram on f. 3 a shows the ordinary arrangement of the board (hi white),
and the pieces red Kel, gold Ke8).
2 The reading here — quite distinct in the MS. — has led to a deal of trouble and erroneous
reasoning. V. d. Linde corrected the word daiue into dame , and assumed that dame meant
chessman or game-piece in general. On this he built up an elaborate theory of the origin
of the chess name dame for the Queen, and also of the origin of the game of draughts. Aiue
is the ordinary Picard form of the OF. afck, our word aid y with the same meaning. The
suggestion that aiue might be a form of ave , have (see p. 467), the OF. chess term for ‘bare
King is rejected as impossible by all the Romanic scholars whom I have consulted.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
491
dem selbenn feldt halten bleiben / oder auch auff dem zweitten / odder auff dem
dritten / alles nach seinem gefallen vnd gestalt der ziige seins widertheils / das er keins
schachs besorgenn dilrffe. Er mag auch zu dem selben seinen ersten auszgang ein
Fendlin so jn hindert / ftirsich stossen auff das nechst feldt / vnnd darnach ftirter
nach seiner ordnung gan. Das ist nach dem erstenn auszgang alweg auff. das
nechst feldt so vmb jnn ist / jm am meinsten geliebt. Also mag er gerings vmb
sich / auff das ander feldt gehn / hinder sich / ftir sich / vnnd neben sich tiber
ort / auff schwartz vnd weisz felder / alles nach seinem willenn / gefallen / vnd
gelegenheit / Vnd mag auch also nemen vnd rauben / doch hab er acht auff die
Schach.
Von der Ktinigin. — E Jnn jegliche Kiiniginn sol durch die felde jrer farb /
iiber ort / vnnd nit anderst spacieren mogenn gehen. Vnd so sie ausz jrem here
(das ist vonn jrem standt) zum ersten mal gehn wil / sol sie nit iiber zwen schritte
(das ist iiber das dritt feldt) sich herfiirthun. Darnach sol sie alweg auff das ander
feldt ghan. Jst sie weisz / so geht sie iiber eck auff ein weisz feldt. Jst sie
schwartz / so geht sie iiber eck auff ein schwartz feldt.
Von den Alten. — DJe Altenn gehnd vnnd springenn iiberzwerch auff das dritt
feldt / also. Welcher Alt auff einem weissenn feldt stehet / musz dasselbig nicht
verwandelenn / sounder widderumb auff das dritt weisz (A. iv 6) weisz (sic) feldt
geschrenckt iiber ort schreitten / hindersich / ftirsich / nebensich / vnnd mag
auch also auff alle ort rauben vn nemen. Der gestalt sol sich der schwartz Alt
auch haltenn.
Von den Bittern. — Die streitbarn Ritter mogenn allwegenn auff das dritt feldt
gegen den Feinden springen / also / Welcher auff einem weissen feldt geriist belt /
musz iiber ort auff ein schwartz feld sprengenn / vnnd sich inn dieselbig ordenung
schicken / vnnd welcher auff eim schwartzen feldt helt / iiber ort auff ein weisz
feldt springen. — Hie bei ist zumercken das der Ritter zwen spriing hat / ein nahern
vn ein fernera / welcher einer so vil gilt als der ander Exempel / der Ritter so
auff ag steht / mag auff bf springen / ist ein naber sprung / er mag auch auff ch
springen / das ist ein fcrner sprung / ist einer als vil als der ander / Deszgleichenn
mugen auch die andem fiir vnnd ftir durchs gantz spiel auszthun.
Von den Rachen. — Die Rach lauffenn schnell / vnnd widerstreben alien feinden /
sie durchreitten alle felder / weisz vnnd schwartz / hinder sich / ftirsich / neben-
sich / auff beiden seitten (aber schlecht / vn nit ttber ort) wo sie frey feldung vmb
sich habenn (das ist / so ferr jnen sunst kein stein im weg steht) vnd was sie
ergreiffen / rauben vnd nemen sie auch also.
Von den Fendlin. — Demnach alien obgenanten stein odder Bildern / als dem
Konig / der Ktinigen / Alten / Rittern / vnnd Rachen / Fuszknecht (das seind
Fendelin) fiir gestelt werden / solt du wissen / das dieselben fendelin / so sie zu dem
ersten auszgehn wollen / mogenn auff das erst odder zweit feldt schlecht ftirsich
gehn / alle die weil nocli kein stein genommen ist. So $ber einer (B. i) odder
mehr steinn genommenn seind / so mag als dann kein Fendlin ferrer dann auff
das nechst feldt / vor jm / gehn / auszgescheiden die zwey ort fendlin / die vor
den Rachen stehnd / mogen zu alien zeitten jres ersten auszgangs gehn auff das
zweit feldt / Vnnd mag kein fendlin ftirsich / sonder musz alweg tiber ort nemen
odder rauben. Wann auch ein Fendlin vnuerhindert were von seinem gegentheil /
so mocht es allweg auff das nechst feldt ftir vnnd ftir gehn / als lang bisz es zu
r
Digitized by Google
492
CHESS IN. EUROPE
PART II
dem ende an die spang koinpt. So es die erreycht / so hat es erlangt die freiheit
der frawen / also / das es darnach widemmb heim gehn mag / als die Kfinigin
ttber ort / die auch zu dem erstenn auff das dritt feldt / vnnd darnach auff das
ander odder zweit feldt / alles nach jrem willenn / schreitenn mag.
Von den Priuilegierten oder gefreitten steinnen. — Also hastu hie non zumerc-
kenn / das ausz oberzelten steinnen etliche seinn / so sondere freiheyt vnnd recht
haben / als erstlich der Konig / Soldier mag wie oben gemelt / des ersten zugs
vff das zweitt oder dritt feldt gehn / so jm geliebt / Jtem ob jn ein fend an solchem
seinem auszgang hindern wilrde / mbcht er denselbigen fur sich stossenn vnnd jm
platz machen. Auch mbcht er so es von nbten were / vnnd es sein gelegenheit
erfordert / die Kiinigin im ersten mit sich auszfiiren neben seiner seitten als weit
als er geht / doch sol er sie auff jrer farb lassen. Deszgleichenn mag die Kiinigin
im ersten gang auch auff das dritt feldt gehn so es jr geliebt / Item die zwen eck
fenden mogenn allweg vff das dritt feldt ziehen in jrem ersten auszgang / es seien
steinn geraubt odder nit. Aber die Uberigenn stein habenn kein freiheit / Bonder
miissen bei jren ordenlichen rechten bleiben.
I^pch so merck hie bei disc gemeine Regel. — (B. i b) Demnach der Konig /
Kttngin / vnnd die Fendlin vor andern steinen im erstenn auszgang ferrer zu gehn
macht haben / Solt du wissen das der selben keins in seinem ersten gefreitten
auszgang rauben oder nemen darff / sonder darnach inn den andern ziigen / nach
dem ersten auszgang / das behalt in gedechnusz.
Noch ein Regel. — So dem Konig ein Schach gebotten wiirt / musz er weichen
vnd so es sein erster auszgang were mocht er in das dritt feldt (so es die not also
erfordert gehn) entweichen / er dorfft aber in solchem seinem auszgang durch kein
Schach gehn / das ist / so jm vff dem feldt dardurch er gehn wil / kttnt ein Schach
gebotten werden / darff er durch das selb nit schreitten / sonder mtist es sunst
vmbgehn.
Vngefarliclier bericht vnd anweisung wie sich ein angehender Leeriung desz
Ritterlichen Schachzabelspiel schickenn vnnd lernen solle / dein streit anzuheben /
die stein zu ziehen / sein Feinden zubegegnen / widerfechten / abbrechen / nemen /
vnd sie fahen solle. — So nun der Schwartz vnnd Weisz Konig zu streitten vnnd
auszzuziehen bereit seind / vnnd einer wider den andern fechtenn wil / als dann
sol der / so am erstenn anhebt / seinn vngewapnet fusz volck (das seindt die
Fendlin) wider die streitbarenn Ritter / vnnd die starckenn Rach seins gegentheils /
in das feldt zuziehen ordnen / sie reitzen / vnnd gegen jnen fechten lassenn / vnnd
inn solcher ordnung / wie nachuolgt / sie anschicken.
Zu dem ersten / soltu nach dem Spruch der Alten Schachzieher / alweg deu
Fendenn vor den Frawenn am erstenn ziehenn / dann so du nit thust / mag dich
einn fiirsichtiger Schachzieher im dritten oder vierden zug matten / Vnnd wirt
dieser Fende gemeiulich den erstenn zug auff das dritt (B. ii a) feldt filrsich gezogen /
wie auch oben gemelt.
Nach diesem ersten zug hab acht auff deinen feind / vnnd zeiicht er zum ersten
seiner Ritter einen / so verware du dein vorgezogen ersten Fendenn / mit deinenn
andern Fenden / so werden alsz dann bald drey Fenden auff einn ander warten.
Hie merck / das du den selben dein ersten auszgezogen Fendenn / nit mit dem
Fenden der vor dem Konig steht verwaren solt / lasz jn vor dem Konig stehn /
vnnd ziehe ein andern zu hilff dem ersten.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
493
Nach diesera zug sehe dich aber wol fiir / vnnd ziehe der ort Fenden einen der
Yor dem Each steht / Vnnd nach dem selben ziehe den andern Fenden yor dem
Each auch / so dein Feindt dir dasselb feldt nit verstelt / Vnnd mogen die selben
ort Fenden auff das drit feldt gehn / es sei geraubt oder nit / wiewol etlich sollichs
nit znlassen wollen.
Darnach ziehe deinen Altenn hinder den Fendenn der bei der Kiinigin gestanden
ist / vor das Each.
Demselben nach / ziehe den andern Altenn auch auff das feldt darauff er gehort
vnnd gelit.
Nach dem / mach deinn hut auff welche seit dich dunckt am bestenn / vnnd
also / das ie ein stein den andern verwaren moge / Vnnd hab sonderlich acht welch
seit deinn widertheil sein hut machen wil / das du dein hut auff die ander seit
machest.
So das also auszgericht / als dann ziehe deinn Ritter beide herfiir / vnnd lasz
sie ein weil allein Ritterlichen fechten / redlich rauben / vnnd was sie ergreiffen
mOgenn / nemmenn vnnd inn sack stossen.
Auff das sehe dich wol vmb / vnnd wirt es dir mtiglich / so ziehe die beide
Rach zuhauff / hinder die vnuerwartenn Fenden. Dann so dieselbenn Fenden
genommen werdenn / odder hinweg gezogenn / so sehenn dein Rach vonn eim ort
zu dem anderen / vnnd mogenn leichtlich raubenn vnnd nemen.
Du junger Schachzieher / hab inn deinem ziehenn alweg (B. ii 6) auffsehens /
das du iiber eck / odder iiber ort ziehest / also / So deinn gegentheil / sein hut auff
der linckenn seittenn / vnnd du deinn hut auff der rechtenn seittenn hast / so
ziehe deinn Each auff der linckenn seittenn herfftr / alsz bald es sich schickenn
wil / vnnd arbeit fiir vnnd fiir / iiber eck / zu deines gegentheils spitzenn / an
dem ende seiner hut / das du daselbst mogst inbrechenn / so magstu desto Ritter*
licher gesigenn / vnnd das feldt behalten.
Vnd solt wissen / das nichts grossers in disem Ritterlichen spil ist / dann das
du die augen nit in seckel legest. • . .
(E. iii a) Von hiitten / was die seien / vnnd wie die zumachenn sampt etzlichenn
gutten Exempeln. — Ein ieder Schachzieher thut weiszlich vnnd wol wenn er in
6einem spilen erstlich den Konig in ein sicher hut stelt / vnnd demnach mit dem
iibrigenn zeuge gegen den feinden arbeittet. Nun ist ein hut anders nicht denn
dasz der Konig mit etlichenn geprelich lichen steinen also verselien vnnd versichert
wirt / das er riiig stehen / vnd des Schachbiettens / durch solchen schirm seiner
stein / sicher sein moge / welches dann gar ein grosser vortheil vnd behelff in
diesem spil ist / Dann so der konig blosz steht / vnd zun (E. iii b) seittenn odder
sunst mag alweg mit dem Schach reycht werdenn / so wirt er gar leichtlich veldt-
fliichtig / vnnd musz einn statt nach der andern raumenn / dessenn er dann alles
durch die hutten gesichert sein kan.
Die beste hutt ist die / so sich alle stein wol zusamen schliessenn / vnnd ie
einer den andern doppel verwart. Auch ist die hutt besser vnnd bestendiger an
orten dann mittenn im veldt/ vnnd ntttzer vonn wenigenn steinenn dann von vielenn.
Einn gutt vnd sicher hutt zumachen / so zeug wie volgt. Erstlich deinn konig
seer vff hm / so zeug denn Fendenn vor dem Alten vff ek. im zweitten zug vff di.
im dritten dense lb gen zuhulff den fenden vor dem Konig vff ei. demnach zeug
den Fenden vor der Kiinigin vff nechst veldt das ist fi. (mit solchen dreien zttgen
Digitized by google
494
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
der fenden magstu es ongeferlich haltenn). demnach zeug den einn Altenn vff fn.
vnnd bo das veldt mit di bezeichent / durch die ersten Fenden geraumpt vnnd
gesichert ist / so zeug denn selbigen Altenn vff fn. volgents daselbst drauff / vnd
dann den anderen Alton vff fk. den Fenden vff go. zeug vff em / den Alten vff fk.
zeug vff dk. demnach zeug den Konig vff cm. vnd fiire die KUnigin mit jm ausz
vffs dritt veldt vff f 1. So nun die steinn also stebnn / so heist es einn hutt / vnnd
ist der Konig vorm Schachen sicher.
Ein ander gute hutt so man die eisern hutt nennet. — So der Konig vff. hi.
steht / so zeug den einen ort Fenden vff e. demnach den fenden vorm Konig vff hk.
das ist sein nechste statt / dein Altenn am Konig zeug vff f. dein Ritter an selben
Alten zeug vff fh. demnach zeug den Konig vnd fiire zusampt mit jme ausz die
KUnigin in eim zug / also / das der Konig stehe vff hi. die Kiinigin vff hk. So
(E. iii a) ist also die KUnigin Uber eck erstes auszgangs gangenn ins dritt veldt /
So nun die stein also stehn / so heist es die eisern hutt vnnd ist einn gute
sichere hutt.
Nocli einn gute hutt / vnnd die behend zumachen ist. — Der Konig stehe vff km.
Nun so zieg den Fenden vor der KUnigin ausz / vffs dritt veldt / das ist eh. denn
so zeug den Konig ausz vffs gi. so findt er aber ein Fendenn vff dem selben veldt /
den mag er (wie oben gelert) im erstenn auszgangk wol fUrtschiebenn / vnnd an
die statt stehn / Item mit dem konig zieg als bald auch die KUnigin ausz in dritt
veldt vff fi. also hastu inn zweienn zUgenn auch einn gutte hutt.
Sunst sein noch viel gutter hutenn / aber ausz teglichem brauch wirdestu die
selbigen wol selber erfaren / vnnd lassen sich auch die hutten (wie sunst disz gantz
spiel) besser mit dem augenscheinn lernenn / dann ausz dem vorschreibenn.
Auch soltu es nit verstehn / als ob die zttge also eben vff einander gezogenn
werdenn mogenn / sonder magstu wol einn andere ordnung dariu fUrnemenn / vnnd
ietzt hie dapn dort einen ziehen / so du die stein doch endtlich also ordenst wie
ich dir angezeigt hab / vnnd wie sie in der hutt stehn solenn.
Wie sich der gegentheil halten soil. — Der gegentheil so er vermerckt wie seinn
widderparth vmbgeht / sol er sich befleissenn desselbigen fttrhaben zu brechen /
vnnd ime also vnder augen vnnd in wegk zu ziehenn das er die hutt seins willens
mit fug nit machen konne / sonder ime in alle weg fUrkommen vnnd ablauffenn
was er mag / Auch mitler weil sich auch zu einer hutt schickenn / vnnd gleicher-
weisz seinen Konig einschantzen vnd versichern.
(E. iii b) Etzlich gemeine Hegel im Schachziehen.
I.
Wiltu das spil behaltenn /
So ziehe den erstenn vor denn Alten.
II.
1 Hm Fondeu vor der frawen klug
Soltu ausz ziehen im ersten zug /
Autv Ueginam
t>vl>en producere primam.
III.
Hut gegen hut
Thet selten gut /
IIII.
Ybersehen
Ist geschehen.
Y.
ZUrnen viel
Yerleurt das spiel.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. Ill
THE MEDIAEVAL GAME
495
IV. Description of a Chess Notation in MS. Paris Fr. 1173 (PP.).
(f. 4a) Pour chou ke plaisans cose et delitaule est a tons entendans quant une
cose est ordenee et despond ue par vne brief inaniere. soutiue et sustanssieuse selonc
le sage qui diet, ke les bries paroles soutuies rendent lentendement del home volentiu
a oir et a entendre, car moutepliances de paroles engenrent anuianche an cuer. Et
ie vous ai exnpris a traitier du ieu des eskes comment ne en qucle maniere il puet
estre abregies par partures et coument on fait les assises a se volente selonc ce ki on
les veut auoir de pan de trais o de pluseurs.
(f. 45) car tant est li ieus soutieus et biaus ke nus
ne porroit croire la grant quantite des partures ke
on i porroit trouucr ki le soutiuere aroit. Mais tout
ne puet mie iestre sent par .i. home si ne les puis
toutes sauoir ne monstrer. Mais chou vous en mon-
sterrai ke mes entendemens en puet comprcndre.
par le plus brief et le plus araignant maniere ke ie
porrai. Et tout cil ki voelent aucune parture re-
porter par escrit ne pueent mie auoir leskekier
appareilliet por lor parture asseoir. Si fu besoins
ke aucuns liom sages et soutieus trouuast aucune
brief maniere de faire co/nment li point del eskekier
seroient nomme. par coi on peust en brief parole une parture escrire et retcuir.
Et est la maniere trouee tele comme en cest part a deseure est contenu. Et doiuent
tout sauoir ke li premiers poins del eskiekier ki siet deseure en le partie senestre est
apieles .a. et li autres apres ensiuans uenans vers le destre partie est apeles .b. et
ensi tous iors siuans par lordene del abece duskes v destre angle, ki est apieles .b.
Et li autres poins ki est desous .a. est compos de .a. et de .k. et est apeles .ak. et
chieus desous .al. et ensi tout li autre par lordene del abece. Et tout en autele
maniere est il desous .b. et desous .e. et desous tous les autres. car tous iors est il
compos de lune de ces let tree, et de .k. v de lettre si mint si comme (f. 5a last line) vous
porres en leschekier apertement veoir.
V. From MS. Vatican. Lat. 1960, f. 28.
VIII. Pars. Qualiter motus scachorum productionem acierum significat.
Secundum autem quod scacherium scachis est altrinsecus exornatum variis ludi
processus varios modos acies produceudi demonstrat. Aliquando eniin scachi ex
utraque parte scacherii producuntur et fit in processu quasi forficularis figura.
Aliquando pedona de medio producitur et ceterae a later ibus subsec untur et fit
pyramidalis figura. Aliquando ordinantur pedites circa regem et fit quasi circularis
figura, aliquando omnes equaliter producuntur in bellis. Si contra paucos pugnetur,
ad illos capiendos forficulariter procedendum est, si contra multos pyramidaliter, talis
enim acies de facili frangi non potest, et hae duae maiorem efficaciam contra hostes ;
circularis vero pro defensione est utilior. Quadrata vero sicut et in ludo ad modium
utilis est.
□
a
□
a
□
D
m
□i
gg
Eg
S3
Eg
S3
03
13
123
m
□
SI
01
01
01
OH
m
23
G3
0
C3
m
a
S3
[23
03
S3
ES
[23
2]
m
SI
m
m
E3
S3
03
03
S3
S3
(23
o
21
2|
2]
2]
33
in
□
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE.
Introductory remarks. — The Einsiedeln and Winchester Poems. — Alexander Keckam,
De scaccis . — Cod. Benedictbeuren. — The Elegy (Qui cupit ). — The Deventer
Poem . — It pedes, and the Corpus Poem. — The Reims Poem. — The Vetula. — The
Cracow Poem. — The Hebrew poem of Abraham b. Ezra, and other Hebrew
works.
I propose in the present chapter to deal with the didactic literature of
early European chess, the chess evidence from which has only been sum-
marized in Chapter III. In this literature I include two descriptions of the
game which form portions of larger works, and a number of poems dealing
exclusively with chess which have the appearance of having been intended
for the instruction of beginners, or, perhaps, of being mere school exercises
in metrical form. As a rule these poems only deal with the game in broad
outline, and omit all reference to the minutiae of rule, the local varieties, or
the less striking methods of terminating the game. They are often obscure,
and we can only recognize the author's meaning because we know from other
sources what he was desirous of saying. The mediaeval writer was expert
neither in description nor in definition. With a few exceptions all these
works are in Latin.
It is not easy to determine the date or place of origin of these poems.
Only one poem has a date attached to it ; the poems generally occur in
MSS. of composite form containing entries of very different date, and only
exceptionally is any date attached to any single section of the manuscript.
We are accordingly thrown back upon palaeographical considerations when
we attempt to assign a date to any particular part of a MS., and the con-
clusions that have been drawn in this way have been very startling.
Occasionally the history of a MS., but more often the nomenclature of the
poem, has enabled me to suggest the probable nationality of the author.
Attention was first directed to the existence of mediaeval poems on chess
by Hyde, who included the texts of two of them in his Mandragoria * 9 and
added the text of the Hebrew poem of Abraham b. Ezra with a valuable
Latin translation. Next Mossmann printed all the texts known in his time
with the various readings found in the different MSS. ; then v. d. Linde
attempted in the QuellenttudieH to date the poems from internal evidence ;
and finally v. d. Lasa devoted a luminous chapter in the Forechungen to
a criticism of the chess rules as given in the poems. As literature these
Latin poems have but little importance or interest. I accordingly only
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
497
propose to give brief summaries of their contents, and shall only go into
detail with reference to points of obscurity or of special chess interest. The
original texts, with a list of the accessible MSS. (to the number of which
I have been able to make several additions), will be found in the Appendix
to this chapter. The following is a list of the works to be discussed in the
chapter itself :
Language.
Name of work.
Country of
origin.
Date of
oldest MS.
i
Date of work.
Latin
Einsiedeln Poem
S. Germany
11 c.
11 c.
Winchester Poem
England
1100-60.
Early 12 c.
Neckam, De scaccis
England
c. 1180
Codex Benedictbeuren
S. Germany
? 12 c.
The Elegy ( Qui cupit )
?
12 c.
? 12 c.
Deventer Poem
France
18 c.
1 ? 13 c.
Fournivall, Vetula
France
18 c.
It pedes
9
1 ? 13 c.
Corpus Poem
England
15 c.
1 16 c.
Reims Poem
France
Cracow Poem
Germany
1422
1422
Hebrew
Abraham b. Ezra
Spain
1450
12 c.
Bonsenior b. Yahya
Spain
1450
The oldest of these works is an elegiac poem of 98 lines, which exists in
two MSS. at Einsiedeln in the canton of Schwytz in Switzerland, from
whence it is generally known as the Einsiedeln Poem. The older MS. occupies
both sides of a single leaf, which has been bound up in modern days with
other stray leaves in a composite volume (Einsid. 365). It bears the original
title Versus de scachis . At a date but little later than the date at which it
was written this leaf was used in the binding of another MS. (Einsid. 125)
in such a way that the back of the leaf containing lines 68-98 was still
exposed to view. Some industrious scribe next copied this visible portion
into another volume (Einsid. 319), and, possibly not recognizing the subject-
matter, he added a new title, Be aleae rationed Photographs of both MSS.
were submitted by v. d. Linde and v. d. Lasa to a number of German
palaeographists, with the result that a variety of dates beginning with
900—50 and ending with the 12th c. were assigned to them. Curiously, all
these experts agree in regarding the incomplete copy as being written in the
earlier hand. V. d. Linde thought that he could detect signs of the influence
of the work of Cessolis, and accordingly placed it in the 13th c. at the earliest.
With this conclusion I cannot agree ; I see nothing that necessarily compels
the knowledge of Cessolis’s work, while the whole nomenclature points to
a much earlier date. I am convinced that the chess evidence requires that
the poem was written before 1100. In this opinion I am confirmed by
Mr. Falconer Madan, who kindly examined the photographs for me and dated
the complete text 11th c. and the copy c. 1100. They are accordingly
among the oldest European documents of chess. There is no reason to
1 Cf., however, the instances quoted on p. 409 of the early use of alea in connexion with
chess.
1270 1 1
Digitized by Google
498
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
suppose that the poem was composed anywhere else than Einsiedeln: the
nomenclature agrees with that exhibited in other MSS. of early German
chess. The complete MS. is presumably the author’s holograph, and therefore
complete. V. d. Lasa thought that there was a hiatus after line 66, but the
poem, though not very logical or orderly in arrangement, still seems to me to
follow a natural line of thought. Nor do I see any grounds for supposing
that the order of the lines has been disarranged.
The poem may be summarized thus :
(1-10). If it is lawful to play games, here is one which you will rank first among
delightful games. It is free from deceit, no stake is necessary, and it does not
require dice.
(11-20). The board contains 8 by 8 squares (tabulae), which some players make
chequered. The two colours help calculation and make the moves easier to follow.
(21-44). The game is played with 32 men, 16 on either side, one side being
white, the other red. Different men have different names and moves. On the
first row 8 men are arranged ; the King (rex) and Queen (regina) in the middle ;
next these their supports, the Counts (comes, later cwnrus = the Aged one), are
placed to hear with their ears the spoken words of their lords ; next the Knights
(eques) ; and the Rook (rochus), or rather the Margrave (marchio) in his two-wheeled
chariot, occupies the corner squares. The second row is filled by the Pawns (; pedes ).
(45-54). The game is commenced by moving the Pawns: each moves to the
square immediately in front, and takes aslant a piece that confronts it on an
adjacent square of the same colour.
(55-61). Any piece that is taken is removed from the board, excepting the King,
who never falls.
(62-66). The King moves to any adjacent square, the Queen to a square of the
same colour ; she cannot change her colour.
(67-70). The Pawn which reaches the eighth rank can move afterwards like the
Queen, provided the original Queen is no longer on the board.
(71-76). The Aged one moves aslant to the third square. He cannot change
his original colour of square.
(77-82). The Knight moves to the third square of a different colour ; he can
reacn any square of the board.
5 83-86). The Rook goes always in a straight path as far as the player chooses.
87-98). The Knights and Rooks are the chief fighting forces. When they are
taken the battle soon dies ; they should be carefully guarded. The King is never
taken, but when be is surrounded by his enemies the game comes to an end.
The most striking feature of this rather tedious poem is its freedom from
Arabic terminology. The words check and mate are not used, and it is only*
the name of the game, scachi p in the title, and the word rochus that show that
the writer is dealing with a game that is not of European invention. The
nomenclature of the game is drawn from that of the state, and not from that
of the army. There is even an attempt to substitute a new name for the
Rook, borrowed from the political life of Germany. On the other hand,
1L 41—2, in placing this Margrave in a two-wheeled chariot, seem to show
a memory of the original meaning of the term Rook. With the exception
of the rule respecting Pawn-promotion, the rules are identical with those of
Muslim chess ; there is no reference to any leap for Queen or King, and
11. 47-8 preclude the possibility of the Pawn’s initial double step. The
Pawn is promoted to the rank of Queen, but only after the loss of the original
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
499
Queen. There is a similar restriction in the Spanish MS. Alf., and I have
already attempted to explain the reason for it.
The poem lays great stress upon the fact that chess is not a dice game,
and not necessarily played for a stake. ( There are no fraudulent perjuries, you
do not injure your body or any of your limbs , you pay nothing , and compel no one
to pay , no player unll be deceitful . Bice will effect anything by an injurious game ,
this game avoids all by its straightforwardness .) This agrees well with the
position in Germany in the Ilth c., as illustrated by the passage in Ruodlieb.
The chequered board was in process of introduction, and the poet shows that
he fully realized the advantages of its use.
The next of these Latin poems according to date is a poem of 36 lines
from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, of the first half of the 12th c.,
which Hyde printed under the title Be Shahiludio: Poema tempore Saxonum
exaratum. The MS. itself gives no title to the poem, and Hyde’s title is
certainly misleading as regards date. I prefer to call it the Winchester Poem ,
from the fact that it occurs in a MS. of miscellaneous contents which was
written at Winchester.
Here again it is probable that we possess the author’s own holograph.
In the MS. the poem occupies a blank page between a work against the
monks by a certain Serlo, otherwise unidentified, and a poem Contra simoniacam
Romam .
The contents of this poem follow :
If any one wishes to make a War-game to play at war, let him arrange the men
thus upon the plain of tabulae . The King (re x) first, on his right the Queen (regina),
next the Bald-head (calvus) as a guard. (The King for his first move takes the
second square; he cannot go farther.) Next the Horseman (equestris), and the
two-faced Rook (bifrons rochas) is at the end of the line. On the other side of
the King are a Cavalier (caballarius) and a Rook. The Pawns {jpedes, -itis) are in
front. The Pawns {pedestris ) commence the battle ; they go straight forward,
cannot return backward, and they take in a diagonal direction. The Bald-head
moves diagonally to the third square ; he lies in ambush like a thief. The Knight
(eques) takes the Knight, the Pawn the Pawn, and the Rook the Rook, but the Bald-
heads have a compact never to harm one another ; nor can one Queen interfere with
another since they are allotted to the Kings as a guard. The Queen rules two
squares diagonally in every direction. When the Pawn (pedestris) reaches the end
line he changes his name and is called Fers (ferzia) and is given the Queen’s move.
The King is invulnerable ; when he is attacked, check ! (scachum) must be said ; then
he must move to another square, and if there is none possible it is checkmate (scacha-
mattum).
There is some want of fixity about the names of the pieces, the Knight being
named eques twice and equestris and caballarius once each, and the Pawn being
pedestris thrice and pedes twice. I think it is clear that the poet was more
familiar with the names of the pieces in some language other than Latin.
Calvus (Bald-head) for the Bishop recalls the curvus of the Einsiedeln Poem
and the alte of early German chess. We shall see immediately, however, that
the idea of this piece as an old man was not confined to Germany, but existed
in England also. There may possibly be an allusion to the tonsured clergy
in the use of calvus, which would make the name a forerunner of the modern
i i 2
Digitized by Google
500
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAttT II
English Bishop. The absence of any reference to the name aufin is some-
what remarkable in an English work, for the ordinary English nomenclature
of Norman times keeps close to the Arabic. The view of the Bishop as a
thief lying in wait to capture an unsuspecting wayfarer is a favourite one in
mediaeval works. No special word is used for the chessboard, and there is
no description of it, so that we cannot tell whether the chequered board was
in use in England in the early part of the 12th c.
The Queen is described as placed on the right-hand side of the King.
It is obvious, however, that the poet is only speaking of the arrangement
of one 6ide of the board, for later on he expressly says that the Queens cannot
attack one another. Unfortunately we do not know whether he is describing
the white or the black pieces.
The moves of the chessmen are given very briefly, and the moves of the
Knight and Rook are omitted entirely. The account of the Queen’s move
is very obscure; the words ‘let her rule two squares diagonally in every
direction * mean, I suppose, the diagonally adjacent squares, bint being loosely
used for secundi and the squares being counted in the mediaeval manner. 2
Otherwise the statement can only refer to the Queen’s original position at
the edge of the board, when only two squares were open to her. The King’s
move is brought in very awkwardly in the middle of the account of the
arrangement of the pieces. It is thus described : ‘ Let the King about to go
against the King hasten cautiously, seeking in the first place to take possession
of the second square, for he refuses the liberty to be led afar.* V. d. Lasa
thought that this might be an obscure reference to the King’s leap, over-
looking the fact that in this case tertiam , and not alteram , would have been
used. The lines clearly limit the King’s move to the eight (at most) squares
adjacent to the one from which it moves. The Pawn is called Ferzia after
promotion, and receives the Queen’s move : this is a typically English
restriction of the name ‘ Fers ’.
The lines dealing with the powers of capture are loosely expressed. Taken
literally, they imply that the Knight could only capture a Knight, the Pawn
a Pawn, and the Rook a Rook. This is, of course, absurd ; the author is
contrasting the freedom of those pieces with the restricted powers of the
Bishop and Queen. He means to say that the three first pieces could take
any piece even of its own rank, but that the two last pieces had a smaller
amount of liberty and were unable to take an opponent of their own rank.
We may compare this poem with chapter clxxxiv, Be scaccie , in the Be
Naturis Rerum of the great English scholar, Alexander Neckam. Neckam,
the foster-brother of Richard I, was born at St. Albans, Sept. 1157, and
educated at the monastery of his native town. At an early age he was placed
in change of the dependent school at Dunstable, and in 1180 he was in Paris
and already iamed as a teacher. Within the next ten years he produced
a number of works on science, rhetoric, theology, and philosophy, the Be
As is obviously the case in this poem, from the use of tertius in describing the Bishop’s
move.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
501
Nalrnis Rerum being one of the most considerable of them. In 1213 he
became Abbot of the Augustines at Cirencester, and died in 1217 at Kempsey.
The chess chapter follows one on dice games, which he ascribed to the
Trojans. Of chess ( ludus scaccorum) he says in effect :
Chess was invented by Ulysses. There are different arrangements of the men,
but in the original game the Pawns are arranged on the second line and the pieces
on the first line of the board. The Pawn (pedes) moves straight forward, but takes
obliquely. When he reaches the last line, he becomes a Queen (regina), changing
his sex, and thereafter moves obliquely. The Old man (senex) f commonly called
Alphicus, is a spy wearing the form of Nestor. His move is oblique and twice that
of the Queen. The Knight (miles) unites the moves of the Queen and Pawn, and
the resulting move is partly oblique and partly straight. The Rook (i roehus ),
symbolizing a lightly equipped soldier, was formerly called Janus biceps , and is
accordingly made with two heads ; he follows a straight path. The King (rex) moves
both aslant and straight, and can never be taken.
Returning to * the vanity of chess ’, Neckam goes on to marvel at the absorption
of players in their game, at the importance they attach to the victory, at the readi-
ness with which they renew the game, at the sudden fits of passion to which the
players seemed peculiarly prone. Often the game degenerated into a brawl. How
many thousands of souls were sent to hell in consequence of that game in which
Reginald the son of Eymund, while playing with a noble knight in the palace of
Charles the Great, slew his opponent with one of the chessmen !
Neckam begins, accordingly, by ascribing the invention of chess to
Ulysses. There would appear to have been at least four views current in
the early Middle Ages relative to the origin of chess. Two of these associated
the game with the town of Troy, one making it a Trojan invention, the other
a Greek one ; a third associated the discovery with Attalus Asiaticus, while
the fourth placed it in the time of Evil-Merodach, the son of Nebuchadnezzar,
and named the philosopher Xerxes or Philometor as the inventor. Neckam's
statement is repeated in the V elula discussed below, whence it was taken by
the prose commentator on Les Eschez amoureux , and the 14th c. Vatican
MS. I960. 8 I have not been able to discover its sourca The parallel state-
ment that chess was a Trojan invention obtained its wider currency from its
occurrence in the Latin Historia Troiana of Guido de Columna, which was
written in the 13th c. 4 This work was translated into most of the Western
European languages, and we possess two English versions, the more ambitious
being the work of that prolific writer John Lydgate, 1412-20.® The
tradition is not due to Columna, but may be traced back to his ultimate
3 1 Scacorum ludum ab Vlize inuentum, ne marcido torperefc ocio obsidentibus Troiam
Qraecis nonnulli autumant.' The MS. then continues, following Cessolis : 1 a pluribus uero
repertum a Xerse philosopho babilonioo captiuitatis tempore imperante Babilonijs Euil-
merodach sevo rege. ’
4 Book V, ch. iy (ed. 1486, c2b, col. 1) : * Huius ergo ciuitatis diuersorum ludorum diuersa
genera diuersis in ea adinuentionibus statuerunt. Ibi prime adinuenta fuerunt schacorum
solacia curiosa. Ibi ludi subito irascibiles alearum, hie repentina damns & lucra momentanea
taxillorum.*
• Lydgate, Troy Book (E. E. T. S., 1906, I. ii. 806-28) :
And yer was founde by clerkys ful prudent,
Of ye Ches ye pi eye most glorious,
Whiche is so sotyl and so meruelous,
pat it wer harde $>e mater to discryue ;
For pm^e a man stodied al his lyre,
Digitized by Google
502
CHESS IX EUROPE
PACT II
authority, the French Homan de Troie of Benoit de Ste More, written
11®/
The third tradition, which ascribes the invention to Attains Ariatiens.
is f«n>iliir to students of Chancer, who gave it in his Book f the Duchettc.
Chancer obtained it from the Bommant de la Rote , where Jehan le Menng
gives as his authority the Policratieus of John of Salisbury. This last work,
however, only names (I. v) Attains as the inventor of certain dice-games, of
which the names are given, and chess is not one of them. The reference is
to Attains Philometor, King of Peigamoe, who is named in Pliny’s Nat. Hist ^
xviii. 3 and xxviiL 2 (Warton, Hist . Eng . Poet ., 1871, iiL 91).
The fourth tradition was adopted by Ceseolis, and owes its general accept-
ance in the Middle Ages to the popularity of the Liber de moribus kominmm
et officii* nobUium .
Xeckam’s nomenclature is interesting. The Arabic name of the Bishop
makes its appearance, though the L. seuex is given as the more scholarly
name. The piece again appears as a spy, lurking for his enemy. There is
also, as was the case in the Winchester Poem , a very clear reference to the
shape of the Rook.
There is no account of the chessboard, and the moves, which are not very
clearly explained, show none of the European modifications. There is an
interesting story in illustration of the fact that the chess King is free from
capture. In a chance skirmish in the vicinity of Gisors, 1110, Louis VI of
France was nearly taken prisoner. An English knight laid hands on him,
and shouted that the king was taken. 4 Ignorant and insolent knight,*
exclaimed the king, 4 not even in chess can a King be taken/ This story
He schal ly fynde dyuers fantasyes
Of wardys makyng, A newe iuparties (MS. C im parties)
per is )er-i n so gret diuersite.
And it was first founde in )ds cite,
Duryng pe sege, liche as seyth Gnydo,
Bat Iaeobas de Vitriaco (? error for Ceasolis)
Is contrsrie of oppynyoon :
For, like as he makyth mencionn.
And affermeth folly in his avys,
How Philometer, a philysofre wys,
Yn-to a kyng, to stynte his cruelte.
Fond first )>is pleie A made it in Calde ;
And in- to Grece from )>ense it was sent.
The second English version is the anonymous poem in alliterative verse, the Destr. Troy,
written c. 1440, 1619-23 :
In J*i Cite for sothe, as saith vs the story,
Mony gaumes were begonnen pi grete for to solas. 1620
The chekker was choialy Jere chosen )>e first,
The draghtes, the dyse, and o^er dregh gaumes
Soche soteftie pu sought to solas horn with.
(To the requirements of this form of verse we owe the inclusion of the game of draughts,
this being one of the earliest references to the game.)
• Unc el monde n’ot majedttto 3165
N’afetement qu*en polst dire,
Dont len £ust deduit ne joie
Que ne trovassent cil de Troie.
Eschte et tables, geus de dez
I fa, i$o sachez, trovez,
Et maintes ovres convenables,
Biches, mananz et delitables.
Digitized by Google
Digitized by
[Fact page 503
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
503
is repeated in other works, e. g. Mouskes, Chroniqne , and is probably well
founded. 7
Upon the whole, Neckam appears to have thought poorly of chess. He
did not understand the fascination that the game exercised over players, and
the evil passions that it roused so often in his day. Like Cardinal Damiani,
he speaks of c the vanity of chess * ( vanitae Ittdi scaceorum). The allusion to
the chess story in the Charlemagne romance of Renaud de Montaubon is im-
portant : it is one of the earliest references to that romance, and shows that
the chess passage belongs to a still older recension of the romance than any
we now possess.
There are still two other Latin poems that must be placed in the 12th c.,
in addition to the Hebrew poem of Abraham b. Ezra, which I shall discuss at
the end of this chapter. One of these, Codex Benedictbeuren , only consists of
four lines and therefore throws no light upon the rules. V. d. Linde printed
it as the oldest European chess poem, but I do not think this claim can
now be seriously maintained. The text is obviously corrupt : if we substitute
tot cape for the meaningless tost capra in the third line we have a brief but
vivid picture of the noise which accompanied a keenly fought game of chess
in Southern Germany. The first line is an attempt to include the names of
all the chessmen in a single hexameter line. We shall meet with other
attempts shortly. Check-rook (scachroch) is named as a frequent precursor of
the mate (mat).
The poem is followed by a miniature showing a game in progress, of
which I have already made use because of the light which it throws upon
Opening play.
The second poem, which I call the Elegy, from its ordinary title in the
MSS., Elegia de ludo scachorum, is one of the most widely spread of all
these poems. I know of no less than seven different MSS., of dates varying
from the 12th to the 16th cc., of which three are in German libraries, two
in Italian libraries, one is in France, and one is at Oxford. The last was in
pre- Reformation days the property of the Priory at Bridlington, Yorkshire.
There is nothing to show in what country this poem of 38 elegiac lines was
originally composed.
The poem may be summarized thus :
If any one desires to learn about the famous game of chess (egregium scacorum
ludum ), let him attend to this poem which I have written on the game. There are
eight stations (loca) on the board ( tabula V which are alternately white and red or
black or grey or reddish. In the first is placed the Rook (rochus), in the second the
Knight (eques, in the Jt. MSS. equus), third the Aufin ( atficus , other MSS. aljinus ,
cd/inis), who is the royal guard, fourth the King (rex), fifth the Lady (femina), after
this the former nobles recur. The Pawn (pedes) advances and takes to the right and
left ; when he reaches the limit of the board he takes the Queen’s (regina) move, and
changing -sex wields royal power. The Pawns begin the game. The Rook goes the
7 A similar allusion occurs in a political poem on the battle of Neville's Cross, 1346, in
which David II of Scotland was captured. Wright’s Political Poems and Songs (Rolls series,
London, 1869, p. 46) :
Regem Scotorum licuit cap turn retinere,
Regem seaccorum iura vetant cape re.
Digitized by Google
504
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
whole length of the board in any direction he likes, provided he is not obstructed.
Any piece can take any other. The Knight runs rapidly and misleads the opponent.
The Aufin of the three ways is to be dreaded, with his horned head, for he misleads
the opponent. Pawns take ^pieces and pieces Pawns, and both perish in the m£l6e,
but the King is not taken ; when he loses his wife { conjunx ) there is nothing of any
value left on the board. Often is he mate, and every one shouts Mate ! mate 1 mate !
Then, if you like, you can play it over again.
This is the most difficult of all the poems. The confused order of ideas,
the repetitions, the omissions, and, above all, the extraordinary importance
that is attached to the Queen, have raised doubts as to the accuracy of the
text. V. d. Linde ( Qst 91) gave an emended text which had been prepared
for v. d. Lasa by Dr. D. Deutsch of Berlin, an authority on mediaeval Latinity.
But since 1880 three other MSS. (D, R, and F) have been discovered, and none
of these lend the slightest support to Deutsche emendations.
The poem describes the board as coloured, and places the King’s Rook on
a white square. We do not know, though, of which side the arrangement is
being described. The moves of Rook and Pawn alone are clearly given.
The promoted Pawn becomes a Queen ( regina ), the original Queen being
called femina . The Knight and Bishop, from their oblique moves, are styled
deceivers ; there appears to be here a reminiscence of some interpretation like
those that we shall meet in the Moralities. The lines about the Bishop are
obscure, and the MSS. vary considerably in their readings. The correct
reading would appear to be —
Alficu* trivius comuta fronte timendus ,
Ante retro comites decipit invtgiles.
But N has alficu* curuus , F a (finis constat , and D alficu* curnus uelud et fur fronte
timendus . Trivius is an adjective derived From the noun triviu?n, a place where
three ways meet, and in classical Latin was used as an epithet of those deities
whose temples were erected at these places. It is used in two other poems
in connexion with the Bishop, and appears to be loosely used with reference
to the Bishop’s leap into the 1 third ’ square. The reading curvus in N has
in its favour that Curvus was undoubtedly used as a name for the Bishop in
early times. 8 Comuta fronte , of course, alludes to the shape of the chessman.
But undoubtedly the chief difficulty of the poem is the position allotted to
the mediaeval chess Queen. Unfortunately the move of this piece is not
given; but when speaking of the progress of the game and the diminution
of the pieces by capture, the poet continues : ‘ The King alone remains
untaken when his wife is taken away : when his wife is taken away, nothing
is of value on the board ’ ; or as four MSS. (A, N, R, and B) have it, ‘ nothing
remains on the board ’ ; while of the Queen obtained by the promotion of
a Fawn it is said : ‘ the man become a woman abides a lord wielding royal
power, he governs and reigns, here he takes, there he gives way.* In this
last regiferus (W tegiferus) 9 may contain a recollection of the word fer* 9 for
8 Y. d. Lasa (87) rejected trivius , and suggested constants as probably correct. I cannot
agree.
9 M ass man n adopted the emendation regni ferus. Ferus arbiter is rather strong for the
mediaeval Queen, though, as v. d. Lasa points out, not more so than Vida's crvdelis virgo for the
modern Queen.
V
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
505
which fera is used in some problem MSS. The writer could hardly have said
more bad he been writing of the Queen in the reformed game, with her
greatly extended power of move. V. d. Lasa leaves the difficulty as insoluble,
after pointing out that the repetition in lines 33 and 34 is pointless, and
accordingly possibly due to a scribal blunder in some early copy that lies
behind the existing texts. I think that it may be due to moralizing influences,
to the existence of which I have already called attention. Similar exaggerated
valuations of the Queen are not unknown in mediaeval literature: I have
collected several examples in Chapter IX below. 10 In most of these cases,
however, the poetical justification for the high estimation is more evident.
Another poem of wide distribution is the Deventer Poem , which has
received this name from the feet that its existence was first made known by
Hyde from a MS. said to be of Flemish origin, in the library of Deventer,
Holland. Since then it has been found in six other MSS., one in Italy, two
in England, two in France, and one (quite late in date) in Germany. It
probably dates from the 13th c., and, since the Bishop is called stultus , it will
be of French origin. It is rather interesting to see that in two MSS. (C and D)
the scribe has added a gloss to the name stultus — in C, alfinus , in D, li aufins.
The poem consists of 37 leonine hexameters, and presents few difficulties.
The text may be given in brief thus :
If any one wishes to know the beautiful game of chess ( scacorum ludum decorum ),
let him learn this poem. The battle takes place upon a square board, chequered
with different colours. The two Kings (rex) arrange their forces in two lines. In
the van are the eight Pawns {pedes). Behind are the swift Rooks (rocus), the fierce
Knights (eques) who war unfairly, and the King, Queen { regina ), and the two bodies
of Fools (siolidus, in B solidus). The old archer (architenens veins = Pawn) begins
the battle ; he moves aslant to capture, and when he reaches the limit of the board
he is promoted and called Fers (fercia, B forcia). The Knight {miles) goes obliquely
and changes his colour. The Rook goes straight, awkwardly and swiftly ; he can
go forwards and backwards. The Fool (stultus), a leaper of the three ways, is like
a thief and a spy ; if he is white to begin with, he can never become red. The
royal Fers (Fercia regalis , B forcia, A gregalis) is a leaper of four ways and keeps
her colour. The King can move to any of the eight surrounding squares, he must
move in reply to checks (scacdbus), and if he is unable every one shouts Mate ! mate l
mate! (mattum).
The board (asser quadratus) is described as chequered, the individual squares
{ tabulae ) being red and white. There is a little uncertainty as to the nomen-
clature, though the alternatives in the case of Bishop and Knight are
synonymous. The mention of the Pawn as an * old archer ’ is probably due
to poetic licence and borrowed from the military tactics of that day ; it is
the solitary appearance of the archer until Vida re-introduced the name as
a poetical name for the Bishop. The Pawn becomes a Fers on promotion,
though this name, apparently, is not restricted to the Promoted Pawn.
Trivius is again used as an epithet of the Bishop, while quadrivialis is used
of the Queen. I suppose that this adjective refers to the fact that the Queen
could move in four directions as a maximum; it certainly does not imply
10 See p. 763.
Digitized by Google
506
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
a leap to a ‘ fourth 1 square (e. g. from dl to d5). Its use is, therefore, not
strictly parallel to the use of trivius for the Bishop.
The pieces are called red and white, not from the colour of the aide upon
which they belong, but from the colour of the square upon which they happen
to be standing ; each player has accordingly a red Bishop and a white one.
This was a common method of describing the chessmen in the Middle Ages,
and is the one used by Cessolis and his translators.
To this century, if not to the twelfth, belongs a short poem beginning It
pedes ad helium , which has been found in MSS. in London, Cambridge, Paris,
and Berne, while separate lines appear in a Wolfenbuttel MS. of Cessolis as
headings to the different chapters of the fourth Book. The poem is written
in leonine hexameters, but varies in length in the different MSS. from seven
lines to fourteen. Of the seventeen lines which a collation of the MSS. pro-
duces, the initial pair are a memory of the lines beginning the Deventer Poem,
while the concluding pair (obtained from the English MSS.) clearly come from
elsewhere. The first is a hexameter line formed out of the names of the chess-
men, different from those in Codex Benedictbeuren and in the Vetula , and
also different from the popular line of the Vocabularies :
Rex, rocus, alphinus , miles , regina, pedinus .
There is a reference to the second line in Alanus, Be Parabolic .
The poem deals very briefly and clearly with the moves of the chessmen
as existing in Muslim chess. The pieces are called rex, regalis femina, alphilus
(< africus , alpheus in other MSS.), miles , rocus , and pedes ; the concluding hexa-
meter varying with regina , alphinus , roc, and pedinus . Other technicalities are
punctum for the square of the board, scaccum , scaccare (vb.), and matus (adj.).
The word trivium is again used in describing the Bishop's move.
The brevity of this poem led to its amplification at the hand of some
Englishman, whose version we possess in two closely connected MSS., of which
the older is in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. This, the
Corpus Poem , consists of thirty-eight hexameter lines with the MS. title
Incipit modus et scientia ludi scaccorum. The hexameters are partly leonine,
and partly rhyme in pairs — a sure indication of the composite nature of
the poem. 11
The contents of this poem follow. The portions borrowed from the pre-
ceding poem are printed in italics.
Let those who wish to know the famous game of chess, attend to our lines.
The game is played upon a square and chequered board (tabula). The magnates are
placed on the first line, and the Pawns (pedes) on the second. The King (rex) and
Queen (regina) are in the centre, the white King being on a red square, and the red
King on a white square ; each Queen (femina) is on a square of her own colour.
Next is the Aufin ( alphicus ), then the Knight (miles), and at the end is the Rook
(rochus). Eight Pawns are associated with the eight nobles. The enemy are
arranged similarly, and the game is ready. The Pawn begins the battle , he advances
slowly , cannot retreat , and takes aslant. When he reaches the end of the board he is
u Thus lines 1-13 rhyme in pairs, the companion to the haltiasgihiBd missing ;
then follow 19 leonine lines, and the i inn linliim fi I isms mpm ilijmn in pairs.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
507
given the Lady’s (domino) move. The Rook takes far and near when there is no
obstruction , but he has no power in an oblique direction. The Knight is a strong
piece, and leaps aslant, leaving the centre, and he changes the colour of his square
each move. The Aufin lays snares in the three-ways, leaping diagonally . The Queen
{regalia femina) has an oblique move and lays snares in the two-ways. The King
(regia maiestas) defends all the adjacent squares. He cannot be taken, but when
attacked, ( Check ’ (scak) must be said. When he has no flight-square, his whole side
are vanquished.
The position of the King is carefully described, and agrees with the rule
of the modem game : to complete it, all that is wanting is a direction as to
the placing of the board. The promoted Pawn is given a special name, but
domino has replaced the earlier fercia .
Another poem of the 13th c. is the Be natura scatorum , which exists in
a single MS. at Reims. In its fourteen lines it deals solely with the original
moves of the chessmen, with an obscure reference to check (cacus) and check-
mate in the concluding four lines.
There is an interesting digression upon games in the Vetula, a Latin
romance which is now recognized as the work of Richard de Foumivall,
chancellor of Amiens in the 13th c., but which was popularly ascribed to Ovid
in the Middle Ages, one of whose adventures it purports to tell. According
to Jehan Lefevre, procureur en Parlement, who translated the poem into French
in the 14th c. (La Vieille , ed. Cocheri, Paris, 1861), the poem was discovered
in an ivory casket in Ovid’s tomb 400 years after his death — an ingenious
way of evading the doubt as to its classical origin which its absence in the
Latin MSS. of the poet’s works might have aroused. The games described
in the Vetula include tables, chess, merels, and rythmomachy. The chess
passage occupies sections 31-33 of Bk. I, and comprises fifty-nine lines in all.
In the French version this extends from 1. 1417 to 1. 1672.
This poem approaches very close to the Moralities, in that it attempts
a complete explanation of chess as symbolical of the motions of the heavenly
bodies. It may be summarized thus :
There is another game, chess, which Ulysses invented at the siege of Troy to
prevent the nobles suffering from ennui in time of truce or sickness. He is much
to be praised for it. It was very clever to think out six types of move so that no
two games are ever identical. He drew his inspiration from the movements of the
planets. There are six chessmen (scad), and three leap into the first field, and three
into the second. The King (rex), Pawn (pedes), and Maid (virgo) leap into the first
field. The Maid goes aslant, the Pawn in a direct line, and the King combines
the two moves. The King and Maid can go forwards and backwards, the Pawn
forwards only, except that he takes diagonally forwards. When he reaches the end
of the board, he is given the Maid’s leap. Into the second field leaps Rook (roccus),
Aufin (alphinus), and Knight (miles). The Rook goes in a straight line, and alone
has no limit to his leap, but can move for a shorter or a greater distance than to the
second square. The Aufin leaps aslant, and the Knight combines both moves. The
King is the Sun, the Pawn Saturn, the Knight Mars, the royal Maid (regia virgo)
Venus, the Aufin, himself a Bishop (episcopus), Jupiter; and the wandering Rook
the Moon. Mercury is the promoted Pawn. Chess is a noble game so long as it
is played in moderation and is not played to amass money. To play with the
Jielp of dice is to defile it ; the man who first did this either could not appreciate
en was gneedy of gain.
Digitized by Google
508
CHESS IN EUROPE
part II
It will be noted that the modern method of numbering the squares is
adopted in this poem. Although dating from the 13th c. the description
of the moves shows no sign of any acquaintance with any of the European
changes, although these must have been already in common use in France.
The nomenclature is somewhat unusual ; we should not expect to find the
Queen called virgo, and the recognition of the Aufin as a Bishop is rare in
Continental chess. The Vieille has roy, fierge (La roine que nommons fierge) 9
alphin or auphin (L'auphin porlant d'evesque mitre), chevalier , roc (roch), and
peon (after promotion fierge ). A paraphrase of the poem in MS. Paris F. fr. 143
(ff. 3v-4v) has roy, fierge, alphir , chevalier , roc (pL rocz), and paonnet (pi. paonnez ;
after promotion fierge ).
The recognition of the infinite variety of chess, the condemnation of the
use of dice and of the playing for a stake, show that Fournivall was in advance
of his time. The original owner of MS. Florence, Nat. Lib. XIX. 7. 37 (F),
found this high tone uncongenial, and, in extracting part of the Tetula passage,
he altered the concluding lines so that his text expressly approves the play for
a stake.
The last of the Latin poems describing the mediaeval chess is one of 488
lines in a Cracow MS. (Jagellonne, 1954) which bears the title Be Ivdis
Scaccorum , and is dated 1422. I have already made considerable use of the
contents of this, the Cracow Poem , pp. 463-72. The poem is written in
execrable Latin — the writer usually substitutes sunt loquentes for loquuntur —
and is very obscure. A very brief summary is all that I can give here. The
more interesting portions of the poem itself will be found in the Appendix.
Lines 1-14. The inventor of chess. Some attribute it to the Trojans at the
time of the Siege; others to a Greek King ; others to the Romans. Ulysses is the
real inventor.
Lines 15-25. The pieces.
Lines 26-45. The ordinary method of opening the game.
Lines 46-180. The Wards (I, 53-80; II, 81-108; III, 109-140; IV, 109-
MO; IV, 141-160; V, 161-180).
Lines 181-383. Rules for mating (K, Q, R v. K, 181-191 ; K, Kt, R v . K, Q r
192-203 ; ?, 204-7 ; ?, 208-217 ; K, R, Q r. K, Q, 218-231 ; K, R, B v. K, Q, P,
232-240; K, Q, 2R, Kt, B o. K, Q, R, B, Kt, 241-250; K, R, B t?. K, B, 251-
266; K, B, Kt, Q v. K, B, 267-279; mate with B, 280-300 ; with two Bishops,
301-383).
Lines 384-488. General rules (Stalemate, 384-403 ; privilege leaps only allowed
before the first capture, 404-420; combined move of King and Queen forbidden,
421-429 ; the new Queen, 430-437 ; pinned pieces, 438-470 ; check-rook, 471-474 ;.
Bare King, 475-488).
There is no uniform nomenclature for the chessmen, and a number of terms
are used for the Bishop (senex, antiquus , vetus, inveteratus ), Knight (miles, eques r
quirites, tragilis), and Pawn (pesculus , cliens, servus, vema, juvenis). The use of
lapis for a chessman, of abscacco for discovered check, and the names of the
Bishop, betray the German origin of the poem.
In the concluding section of the poem the writer gives first the incorrect
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
509
statement of the mle which some players used, and then the correct rule as
fixed by Ulysses. Thus in treating of Bare King (475-488), he says :
When your lord King and also the hostile King at the end of the game have yet
one man only, and the King wishes to bare and despoil the other, some say and
maintain that he who robs the other last remains the winner. This saying is also
seen to be similarly false. But this ought to be said and maintained, that he who
robs the other first remains the winner. For the bare King is despoiled of his own
strength ; also to be bared is like being killed. Every game ought to be mate or
bare (nudatus). The King who was first robbed or despoiled of his Pawn (slave),
that King has truly lost the game.
The section which precedes this passage deals correctly with the question
whether a pinned piece lost its power of giving check thereby. This question
long troubled German players. V. d. Linde (16. Jr A., 113) refers to a dis-
cussion on the point in a German magazine of 1783.
Nearly half the poem is occupied with hints as to how to give mate.
This part of the poem is perhaps the most obscure of any, and is of very little
importance or interest. It is the earliest European attempt to deal with the
End-game, but it deals in the main with those features of it in which mediaeval
players were most interested — the mate in general, and the mate with the
Bishop in particular.
To the Middle Ages also belong four Hebrew works on chess, three of
which are in verse. Of these the most important is a poem of seventy-six
lines which Hyde first printed with a Latin translation from a MS. in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford (Mich. Add., 67, f. 33 b, of the 16th c.). Since
Hyde’s death three other MSS. have-been noted, the earliest being Brit. Mus.
Add. 19668, f. 70 b, which is dated 1450. A collation of the other three MSS.
was made by Steinschneider for v. d. Linde, and is included in the Geschichte ,
i. 198.
All four MSS. ascribe the poem to the celebrated Spanish rabbi Abraham
b. Ezra (B. at Toledo, 1088 ; D. ? 1167). Steinschneider (v. d. Linde, i. 159-68)
and Egers, who has edited b. Ezra’s poetry, argue against this authorship—
‘ with too much emphasis,’ says Abrahams (Jewish Life in Mid . Ages, London,
1896, 390). From the point of view of chess there is no anachronism in-
volved in accepting the authorship of b. Ezra. The poem describes a con-
dition of the rules which was already obsolescent in Spain when the Alfonso
MS. was compiled in 1283. If b. Ezra did not write the poem, it must have
been written by a contemporary.
A translation of this poem will be found in the Appendix to this chapter.
In this I adopt the order of the lines in the three MSS. which were not known
to Hyde. This order differs from that of the poem as printed by Hyde and
v. d. Linde ; the printed text places my lines 33 and 34 six lines earlier,
between lines 26 and 27 ; that is to say, it transfers the privilege leap on the
first time of play from the Queen to the Pawn. I have always felt that
Hyde’s text introduces a difficulty at this point, for the MS. Alf. implies that
the Queen’s leap was introduced prior to the Pawn’s double step. The dis-
Digitized by Google
510
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
covery that the older MSS. do not uphold the order of the Bodleian MS.
removes the inconsistency and brings the rules of the MS. into harmony
with those of the Alfonso MS.
In broad outline the poem is similar to the Latin poems which we have
been examining. The game is played between pieces of two colours which
are symbolized as Ethiopians (Black) and Edomites (Red), and the former
commence the game. The moves are those of Muslim chess with the single
exception already mentioned ; the Queen’s privilege leap is permitted.
The text is not always clear, and it is possible that it is corrupt in places.
V. d. Lasa found a difficulty in the lines describing the move of the Bishop.
The move itself is given with sufficient accuracy, but the poem appears to
contrast the value of the Bishop and Queen to the advantage of the former.
It is, of course, certain that the Queen was considerably more valuable than
the Bishop in the mediaeval game.
Hyde also published a prose Hebrew work on chess which he ascribes to
the rabbi Bonsenior b. Yahya, who is otherwise unknown. The text had been
printed earlier, without the name of any author, in Berachyah han-Naqdan’s
Mishle Shiialim , Mantua, 1557/8, f. 86 b. It occurs, however, in MS. Brit.
Mus. Add. 19668, f. 73 b (written 1450), as by b. Yahya. This treatise is
written in elegant prose, but the sense is not easy to unravel. Hyde’s text has
never been collated with the Brit. Mus. MS., and, in addition, his translation
is not always reliable. A summary is all that is possible.
The (White) King stands at the beginning on the fourth square, with the Queen
( sheget ) on his right ; each has two Knights (Jarash or sus), two Elephants (Jtl), and
two Rooks (riiq) on the flanks. Before them are two others whose station is not
hidden, these are heroes (gtfibor), The King moves one square in all directions, the
Elephant aslant to the third square, the Knight one square aslant and then a me
straight, the Rook straight but with no power of leaping over a man. The King
must not be left bare. The Queen for her first move goes two or three squares in
each direction, and afterwards one step only aslant. The Black King raises his head
on the fourth white square and has his Queen on his left. Otherwise there is no
difference between the two sides. Black wins because of the number of his Pawns
( gnebed ), who move straight forwards and take aslant, and on reaching the limit of
the boanl become Queens.
The passage which apparently substitutes two pieces whose moves after-
wards are omitted for the White Pawns is clearly quite corrupt. The Pawns
are themselves called gibbor in other Hebrew chess MSS., and it is probable
that they are intended here, and the existing sentence which has puzzled all
translators is due to a blundering attempt to correct an unintelligible reading
in an earlier MS.
It is clear that the mediaeval game in a stage not much later than that of
the preceding poem is intended. The MS. is probably of Spanish origin,
where there was in the Middle Ages a noted Jewish family of the name
b. Yahya.
Steinschneider, in his valuable monograph Sehach lei den Juden (v.d. Linde,
i. 155-202), gives the Hebrew text of two other poems which deal with the
\
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
511
mediaeval game. The longer, from a Bodleian MS., consists of thirty-eight
lines and is the work of Solomon b. Mazzaltob of Constantinople (1513-1549).
The other, only fourteen lines in length, is derived from a Vatican MS. of the
15th c. Both are imitations of the older poem of Abraham b. Ezra, and add
nothing to our knowledge of mediaeval chess.
APPENDIX
ORIGINAL TEXTS
L Alexander Neckam, de Natubis Rebum, c. 1180.
(Ed. T. Wright, in the Rolls Series, 1863.)
Cap. clxxxiv . — De Scaccis .
Fateor me plus debere Graecis quam Dardaniis. Unde ex quo de ludo Troum
inventioni abnoxio paucis egi, de scaccorum ludo, qui se Ulyxis subtilitati debere
fertur a nonnull is, scribere non erit molestum.
Pedites igitur in una linea disponuntur, reliquis secundum varias dispositiones
varia loca sortientibus. Secundum primitivam tamen ludi adinventionem pedites in
secunda linea scaccarii ordinabuntur, dignioribus personis in prima linea dispositis.
Pedes directo tramite incedit, nisi cum iniurias suas in hoste persequitur. Tunc
enim gressum obi i qua t, cum praedo efficitur. Cum vero expleto cursu ultimam
tenet lineam reginae dignitatem adipiscitur, sed sexus privilegio destitui videtur.
Tiresiatur veniens ad Gades suas noveque fruitur incessu, Iphis alter. Ovidius : —
Sequitur puer (comes) Iphis euntem
Quam solita est maiore gradu. 1
Angulariter incedit postquam sublimatus est qui in directum tendebat quamdiu
privata erat persona.
Senex Nestoris personam gerens explorator est, qui vulgo Alphicus dicitur.
Reginae geminat cursum, gressum obliquans, tan quam insidiator.
Miles, illorum militum qui castra sequuntur repraesentans personam, reginae
gressum cum incessu peditis unico transitu metitur, partim obliquans cursum,
partim directo tramite legens iter.
Rochus expeditissimum militum in re militari repraesentans, qui et ab antiquis
Ian us biceps dictus est, unde et duobus capitibus munitur, nunquam cursum
obliquare dignatur, semper directum iter observans.
Rex vero nunc pro nutu dignitatis ipsius gressum obliquat, nunc in directum
movetur; cujus haec est privelegiata dignitas, ut capi non queat. Unde et rex
Francorum Ludovicus Grossus, cum a rege Henrico L confectus esset, fugae sese
committens patrocinio, milite quodam strenuo acerrime fugientem persequente, sed
et habenas equi apprehendente et proclamante regem esse captum, ‘ Fugi * inquit
( indisciplinate miles et proterve ; nec etiam regem scaccorum fas est capi ’. Et
gladium vibrans, ictu fulmineo corpus militis in duas divisit portiones.
1 Metam. ix. 785.
Digitized by Google
512
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Sed ad vanitatem ludi scaccorum redeamue, cui tantam diligentiam adhibent
ludentes ac si magnum emolumentum ex victoria essent consecuturi. Quid ? Immo
victori videtur se laurea dignum esse. Confunditur qui ludum amisit ac si magnum
discrimen incurrerit. Instauratur iterato ludus, disponuntur acies altrinsecus,
exeunt a locis suis pedites, tamquam primitus cum hostibus congressuri. Totum
se intra se colligit uterque ludentium, vires ingenii sui uterque ex successu ludi
raetitur. Et dum ingenii acumen existimatur feliciter exercitari, fatigatum nimis
hebetatur. Emergunt repentinae indignationes, et furorem animi indignantis
inclusum prodit nunc pallor oris liventis, nunc igneus rubor vultum accendens.
Saepe in medium convitia proferuntur, et ludus non in serium negotium nobilitatur,
sed in rixam degenerat. O quot millia animarum Oreo transmisBa sunt occasione
illius ludi quo Reginaldus filius Eymundi in calculis ludens militem generosum cum
illo ludentem in palatio Karoli magni cum uno scaccorum interemit.
II. The Einsiedeln Poem.
[MSS. (a) MS. Eiusidlensis, 365 ; Versus de Scachis. (6) MS. Einsidlensis, 319 ;
De aleae rations.
(a) occupies a single leaf which was formerly a portion of the binding of MS.
Einsid. 125, when only the latter part of the poem, 11. 65-98, was visible, (b) is
an early copy of this visible part. The original leaf was carefully loosened from
the binding by Gallus Morell, the Superior of the Monastery, in 1846, and inserted
in the composite volume, MS. 365.
The text was printed by Hagen, Carmina medii aevi maxima, m partem inedita,
Berne, 1877, pp. 137-141, in the Nordisk Skaktidende , Copenhagen, 1877, pp. 77-83,
with a Danish translation, and iu Vetter’s Das Schachzabelbuch Kunrats v . Ammen-
hausen, Frauenfeld, 1892, p. xxxiii, note c. A German version by Hagen is in
Der Bund , Berne, 21 Oct. 1876, and in the Sch. } 1876, p. 335, and an English one
by H. Aspinwall-Howe in the Montreal Gazette , c. 1890-1. Collated from
photographs.]
Versus de Scachis .
Si fas est ludos abiectis ducere curis
Est aliquis, mentem quo recreare queas.
Quern si scire uelis, hue cordis dirige gressum,
Inter complacitos hie tibi primus erit.
Non dolus ullus inest, non sunt periuria fraud um,
Non laceras corpus membra vel ulla tui.
Non soluis quicquam nec quemquam soluere cogis;
Certator nullus insidiosus erit.
Quicquid damnoso perfecerit alea ludo
Hie refugit totum simplicitate sui. • 10
Tetragonum primo certain inis aequor habetur
Multiplicis tabulae per sua damna ferax.
Quamlibet octonos in partem ducite calles,
Bursus in oblicum tot memor adde uias.
Mox cernes tabulae aequi discrim inis octo,
Octies ut repleas aequoris omne solum.
Sunt quibus has placuit duplici fucare colore,
Grata sit ut species et magis apta duplex.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
513
Dum color unus erit, non sic racionis imago
Discitnr : alternus omne rependit iter. 20
Illic digeritur populus regamque duorum
Agmina : partitur sing ala quisque loca.
Quorum quo numerus ludeoti rite patescat,
Post bis quindenos nouerit esse duos.
Non species eadeni, nomen non omnibus unum :
Quam racio uaria, sic neque nomen idem.
Nec color unus erit diuisis partibus sequis :
Pars hmc si candet, ilia rubore nitet.
Non diuersa tamen populorum causa duorum :
Certamen semper par in utroque manet. 30
Sufficit unius partis dinoscere causae ;
Ambarum species, cursus efc, unus erit.
Ordo quidem primus tabulas diuisus in octo
Prefati runs agmina prima tenet,
In quorum medio rex et regina locantur,
Consimiles specie, non racione tamen.
Post hos acclini comites, hinc inde locati,
Auribus ut dominum conscia uerba ferat.
Tertius a primis seques est hinc inde, paratus
Debita transuerso carpere calle loca. 40
Extremes retinet fines inuectus uterque
Bigis seu roc bus, marchio siue mag is.
Hos qui precedit (retinet quis ordo secundus
A2quorie), effigies omnibus una manet :
Et racione pari pedites armantur in hostem
Proceduntque prius bella gerenda pati.
Liquerit istorum tabulam dum quisque priorem
Recte, quae sequitur, mox erit hospes ea.
Impediat cursum ueniens ex hostibus alter :
Obuius ipse pedes proelia prima gerit. 50
Namdum sic uni uenieus fit proximus alter,
Dissimiles capiat ut color unus eos,
Figenti fuerit cui primum lata facultas,
Mittit in obliquum uulnera saeua parem.
Obuius ex reliquis dum sic fit quisque ruina
Hac preter regem precipitatus erit.
Quilibet hie merit, non ultra fugere fas est :
Tollitur e medio, uulnere dumque cadit.
Solus rex capitur nec ab sequore tollitur ictus,
Irruit, ut sternat, nec tamen ipse ruit. 60
Hie quia prima tenens consistit in sequore semper,
Circa se est cursus quemque label la sibi.
At uia reginse facili racione patescit :
Obliquus cursus huic color unus erit.
Candida si sedes 1 fuerit sibi prima tabella,
Non color alterius hanc* aliquando 3 capit.
mo K k
Digitized by oogle
516
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Elegia de Ludo Scachorum*
Qui cupit egregium scacorum noscere ludum
Audiat, ut potui carmine composui.
Veraibus in paucis dicam sibi prelia litis.
Quatuor in tabula bis loca sunt uaria ;
Albescit primus, rubet atque colore secundus,
Aut niger aut clacus b pingitur aut rubeus. 0
In primo rochus committer© bella minatory
Statque secundus equeB d ludicra iura tenens,
Tei*tius alficus custos regal is habetur,
Quartus rex retinet, femina quinta sedet. 10
Post illos procerum reuocabitur ordo priorum.
Procedit peditum turba uelox nimium.
Stat pedes, et dextra rapit et de parte sinistra
Quern sibi diuersum cernit et oppositum ;
Et si quando datur tabule sibi tangere summam,
Regine solitum preripit officium.
Vir factus mulier regiferus e arbiter beret,
Imperat et regnat, hinc capit inde labat.
Bella mouent primi pedites, labuntur et ipsi
Et reliquis timidam dant moriendo uiam. 20
Per spacium tabule roco conceditur ire
In qua parte uelit, si nihil obstiterit.
Maior maiores rapit, et fallendo minores
Sepius, et minimis fallitur a sociis.
Belliger insignis prudens celer aptus et armis
Currit eques rapidus, f quo patet arte locus ;
Decipit insontes socios et fraude carentes
Terret et insequitur, hinc capit hinc capitur.
Alficus & triuius b cornuta k fronte timendus
Ante retro comites decipit inuigiles. 30
A dominis minimi, domini capiuntur ab imis,
Sic mixti procerum turba perit peditum.
Rex manet incaptus, subtracta coniuge solus,
Coniuge subtracta, nil 1 ualet m in tabula.
Sepius est mattus seruorum turbine septus
Et mattum suffert si uia nulla patet. n
'Omnia enim mattum clamat mattum sibi mattum ;
Sic quoque ludatur denuo si placeat. 38
Va&ious Readings. a A, R have no tide; D has De ludo skakkorum ; N De scacchis libellus.
b A claucus; D glaucus; N blancus; R flaucus. c R, N uarius. d N equus. • W tegiferus.
* N equus rabidus. * R alphicus ; F alfinis. h D, N curuus ; R trinus ; F constat. k D uelud
et fur cornuta. 1 A } N rex. m A, N, R manet. a D t N, R end here.
VI. The Deventer Poem.
[The following MSS. are known to me :
A = MS. Deventer, 1791, last leaf ; of c. 1400. (37 lines.)
D *= MS. Coll. Arms, London, E. D. N. No. 11 ; of 13th c. (28 lines.)
E = MS. Montpellier, 10, f. 1 ; dated 24 March 1380. (33 lines.)
Digitized by Google
chap, iv THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE 517
B = MS. Bodleian, Oxford, 2067. 46, f. 66 ; of 15th c. (31 lines.)
O = MS. Orleans, 308 (261), pp. 7-9 ; of 15th c.
C = MS. Padua ; of 15th c. (30 lines.)
F = MS. Berlin, 236 ; of 18th c.
Printed, by Hyde, 1694, 181 ; by Massmann, 126 ; by v. d. Linde, Het Schaak-
spel, 24. I have examined A, D, B, C.]
De Scachis.*
Si quis scacorum ludum uult scire decorum b
Hoc carmen discat, si docte ludere gliscat.
Asser quadratus, uario colore notatus
Depictusque bene, fit campus litis amene.
Hie fit formosa sine sanguine pugna iocosa.
Ordine duplici 0 bini reges inimici
Agmina componunt. Pedites in fronte reponunt
Principio belli reges sub sorte duelli.
Si quot sint scire cupis, oc toque potes reperire.
Roci d ueloces stant post, equitesque feroces 10
Hi stant ; utrique gemini bellantur inique.®
Rex et regina stolidorum f corpora bina
Agmine supremo latitant post hos quoque nemo.*
His ita compositis si litem scire uelitis,
Aures aptate quum loquor enucleate.
Architenens uetus h miscet certamina letus,
Tendit in obliquum cum fallere uult inimicum.
Si ualet extremum tabule perstringere k demum,
Tunc augmentatur, tunc fercia 1 iure uocatur .®
Miles it obliquo bello metuendus iniquo ; 20
Si prius albescit, dum prosilit ipse rubescit.
At rochus m seuus dextro graditur modo leuus,
Uelox ipse quoque, si uult salit ante retroque.
Stultus saltator triuius, quasi fur speculator,
Si rubet in primo, nunquam candescit in imo. n
Fercia ° regalis p saltatrix quadriuialis *
Postquam candebit nunquam rubicunda parebit.
Restat oportunus tuto rex tot hostibus unus ;
Iste suam gentem regit ut uidet hunc uenientem.*
Quatuor et totidem cum uult loca circuit idem. 30
Hostibus hie obicit scaccibus, post denuo dicit, r
Affirmo uere si se nequit inde mouere
Omnis homo mattum clamat mattum sibi mat turn. 9
Reges utrique discurrunt semper ubique,
Et modo dextrorsum modo sursum nuneque deorsum.
Obuius hie scacum geminat scacum sibi scacum ;
Si steterit mattum omnes clament sibi mattum. 37
Various Readings. * A y D have no title; B Ludus scaccorum ; C Incipit Indus scacorum.
b B, C, D place line 6 before line 1. 0 A triplici ; B } D cum triplici ; C quadruplici. d D roxii ;
C prompti. ® B omits this line . r B solidorum. g C omits this line . h A, B cetus ; C ectus ;
D setus. k B y C pertingere ; D contingere. 1 C fortia. m C rectus (gloss rochus) ; D roccus ;
“ This and the preceding line follow line 27 in D. °Ctertia; B fforcia. p A gregalis ; C regall ia
(regina). C uel quadrivialis ; D obliqualis. r B, D omit this line. • B, C, D end here .
Digitized by boogie
518
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
VII. The Hexameter Line.
[In Catholicon Anglicum, 1483, s.v. Hoke; MS. Brit. Mus., Harl. 1002, f. 113
(Wright-Wiilker, A.-S. and OE. Vocabs., I. xvi); in Waleys’ Summ. Coll., I. x.
vii (ed. Zell, Cologne); in Hales, Destr. Viciorum, 1497, IV. xxiii ; and in MS.
Brit. Mus., Sloan 3281, f. 81 a. J
Rex, rocus, alphinus, miles, regina, pedinus.
VIII. It Pedes ad Bellum.
[I know the following MSS:
C = MS. Brit. Mus., Cotton Cleop. B. ix. f. 10 6; of end of 13th c. (14 lines.)
T = MS. Trin. Coll. Cambridge, O. 2. 45; of 13th c. (14 lines.)
B = MS. Berne, 531, ff. 50 6 and 197 a ; of 15th c. (9 lines.)
P = MS. Paris, 1170, of 15th c. (7 lines.)
H = MS. Wolfenbiittel, Weissenb. 89 ; 15th c. MS. of Cessolis in which 6 lines
from this poem are quoted at the commencement of the chapters of Book IV.
The poem is printed in Hagen, Carm. med. aevi , Berne, 1877, p. 141, No.
Ixxxiii ; in Vetter, Schachzabelbuch Kunrats v. Ammenhausen , 1892, p. xxxiv, note c,
and in Qst ., 93 and 191. A German translation by Hagen is in his Rathsdpoesie ,
Biel, 1869, p. 35, in Der Bund , Berne, 21 Oct. 1876, and in the Sch. 1876, p. 337.]
Carmina Ludi Scachorum.*
Ludum scachorum si tu uis scire decorum,
Hoc carmen lector discas, et ludere gliscas.
It pedes ad bellum prior, incipit ipse duellum,
Pergit in obliquum punctum feriens inimicum.
Alphilus b in triuiis c parat insidias inimicis,
Pugnat potenter, temptatque ferire latenter.
Miles in aduerso puncto mediante relicto
Prosilit, et fortem prosternit fortior hostem.
Linea si pateat roco d capit omne quod obstat.
Pergit in obliquum regalis femina punctum. 10
Rex loca circa se clipeo defendit et ense.
Si scacces regem, regalem perdere sedem
Cogitur, et totus sit rex de sede remotus.
Die regi scaccum ; si semita non patet illi,
Mat us erit factus nusquam latuisse coactus.
Miles et alphinus, rex, roc, regina, pedinus,
Et inter scaccos alphinus inutilis astat.®
Various Readings. Lines 1 and 2 occur only in B ; they are taken from the Detenter Poem.
Lines 12 to the end occur only in C and T. B also omits lines 4 and 6. P lines 4 and 8 (for
which it substitutes line 6) ; C and T line 11. H has only lines 8, 6, 7, 9, 10 and 11. * This
title is from B 2 , the other MSS . have none. b B affricus ; C alpheus. c P tern is, d B, 2?, P rochus.
* Cf. Alanus, De Parabolis 9 4 Sic inter scacchos alphinus inutilis exstat, inter aves bubo.’
IX. The Corpus Poem.
[A composite poem, based apparently on No. VTI, in two MSS. :
C = Cod. Corpus, Cambridge, 177, f. 50 6, of 15th c.
L = Cod. London, Bibl. Reg., 12 ee. xxi, f. 103, of 15th c.
Extracts from L were given in Allen’s paper, ‘ Chess in Europe during the Middle
Ages’, in the New Monthly Magazine , London, 1822, iv. 319 and 417, and v. 125
and 315.]
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
519
Incipit Mod/m et Scientia Ludi Scaccorum.
Egregium ludum : scaccorum scire uolentes
Intendant nostris : scriptis ut sint sapientes
Luditur iure tabula : quadrataque uariata
Liuea prima tenet : magnates nobiliores
Altera iure 1 tenet : pedites quoque debilioi es
Rex sedet in medio : cum quo Regina locatur
Albus rex rubro* : spatio primurn poteatur 8
Et rubrus 4 niueum : spatium rex iure tenebit
ffemina rubra rubro : candens 6 niueo possidebit 6
Proximus Alphicus est : ilium post hue 7 quoque miles 10
fline sedet rochus : qui scit prosternere uiles
Octo nobilibus : octo pedites copulantur
Conueniunt hostes : post hoc et bella parantur
It pedes ad bellum : prior incipit ille duellum
Semper procedit : paulatim nec retrocedit
Uadit in obliquum : cum ledere uult inimicum
Lex sibi iure datur : domine si fine locatur
Rochus quern cernet : prope uel longe ut 8 sternit
Nec 9 est in hello : quisque uelocior illo
Si nihil 10 obstiterit : hostes tunc undique querit 20
Hie tamen obliquis : parcet cunctis inimicis
Miles ab obliquo : puncto median te relicto
Prosilit et fortem : prosternit fortior hostern
Cum uenit ad bellum : saltando mutat agellum
Alphicus in triviis (MSS. inter imis) : parat insidias inimicis
Saltans incedit : per obliquum sic quoque ledit
Condit in obliquum : regalis femina passum
Semper et in binis 11 : parat insidias inimicis 19
Regia maiestas : datur ingens atque potestas
Per loca uaria 13 se : clipeo defendit et ense 30
Ante retroque ferit : hostes et sternere querit
Si seruat legem : non debet tangere regem
Cum quis insidias : regi per uerba minatur
Rex illi cedat : ne deuictus uideatur
Nam dum scak* dicunt : regi si cedere nescit
Mox captiuus erit : et sic crimen sibi crescit
Deuicto rege : paiiter socii superantur
Cetera turba iacet : nec ha bet quo rege rogantur. 38
Various Headings. 1 C in. 2 C rubeo. 3 C potiatur. 4 C rubeus. 5 L andens. • C resi *
debit. 7 Chunc. 8 C cito. 9 C non. 10 C nichil. 11 C bimo. 12 C t L inimico. 18 Ccerta.
X. Dk Natuea Scatobum.
[MS. Reims, 1275 (I. 743), p. 183. A composite volume from the Abbey of
St. Arnoul of Metz. 13th c.]
Nil pedes excedit, numquam redit, anteat, errat
Dum capit, in fine fercia noinen ei.
Digitized by Google
520
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Seruat in alfino primum nature colorem
Qui torte sequitur per tria puncta uiam.
Saltanti similis oblique miles oberrat
Cui numquam remanet qui fuit ante color.
Hocus agit totum nisi sint obstacula lustro,
Antea, uel retro, uel per utrumque latus.
Paulatim per puncta nagans propriique coloris
Non oblita manet fercia qualis erat. 10
Non tangit regem. Rex nil transit, uariatur
Quern cacus demat sepe timere facit
Interea predantis spacium si uenerit hostis
Preda fit illius, linea cuius erat.
XI. The Vetula. Bk. I.
[MSS. of this Poem are fairly plentiful ; there are two in the Brit. Mus., HarL
3353 and 6263. The poem waB printed, Cologne, c. 1470 and 1479; again 1533
(place and printer unknown) ; Frankfurt, 1610; Wolfenbiittel, 1661 and 1702.]
xxxi. Est alius Indus scacorum, ludus Ulyxis,
Ludus Troiana quern fecit in obsidione
Ne vel tederet proceres in tempore treuge
Vel belli si quis pro vulneribus remaneret
In castris : ludus, qui castris assimilatur
Inventor cuius iure laudandus in illo est.
Sed causam laudis non advertunt, nisi pauci,
Quam subtile fuit, species sex premeditari
Saltus in campis, quos tantum multiplicnre
Possemus, quod ab initio nulli duo ludi
Omnino similes fuerint ! advertite pauci,
Quod sicut vultus hominum sibi dissimilantur
Hactenus in tantum, quod non fuerint duo, qui non
Distingui possent, cum tantae disparitatis
Causa sit in coelo ; (quia coeli nulla figure
Est alii similis, tanta alternatio motus ;
Quam septem faciunt, per bis sex signa, planetae 1)
Et tamen est numerus finitus motibus ipsis,
Sicut et astrorum domini scripsisse leguntur :
Sic ludus, factus motus coelestis ad instar,
Est ex finitis saltus speciebus in agris,
Infinitata tamen est multiplicatio ludi.
xxxii. Sex species saltus exercent, sex quoque scaci,
Miles et alphinus, roccus, rex, virgo, pedesque ;
In campum primum de sex istis saliunt tres,
Rex, pedes, et virgo. Pedes in rectum salit, atque
Virgo per obliquum, Rex saltu gaudet utroque.
Ante retroque tamen tarn Rex, quam virgo, moventur,
Ante pedes solum, capiens obliquus in ante,
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
521
Cum tamen ad metam stadii percurrerit, ex tunc
Sicut virgo salit. In campum vero secundum
Tres alii saliunt, in rectum roccus, eique
Soli concessum est, ultra citraque salire.
Oblique salit alphinus, sed miles utroque
Sal turn componit. Coeli veniamus ad instar,
xxxiii. Campos, signa, modos saliendi, scito planetas ;
Rex est Sol, pedes est Satumus, Mars quoque miles,
Regia virgo Venus, Alphinus episcopus ipse est
Juppiter, et roccus discurrens Luna. Quid ergo
Mercurius ? numquam non omnibus omnia ? certe
Omnia Mercurius : cuius complexio semper
Est convertibilis ad eum cui iungitur ipse ;
Sunt et astrorum domini scripsisse leguntur ;
Aut quia Mercurii complexio frigida, sicca,
Sicut Satumi, licet intense minus. Ex quo
Pervenit ad metam pedeB, ex hinc Mercurii fit,
Praesertim quia tunc salit ut virgo, Venerisque
Mercuriique locus doctrina quaeritur una.
Et mediis cursus est idem semper eorum ;
Sicut et astrorum domini scripsisse leguntur.
Nobilis hie ludus, nulli suspectus, et omni
Personae licitus, moderate dum modo ludat,
Dum modo quaeratur victoria sola per ipsum :
Non lucrum, ne cum praedictis annumeretur.
Cum deciis autem qui primus lusit in illo,
Foedavit ludum, languebit namque satelles
Immotus, nisi sors deciorum moverit ipsum
Nec fuit hoc factum : nisi vel quia non nisi pauci
Ludere noverunt tractim ; vel amore lucrandi.
[This passage is extracted in the prefatory matter of MS. Florence, Nat. Lib.
xix. 7. 37 (Florence CB), but it is shortened to 24 lines, and the order of these
is different. After the introductory six lines, this MS. continues with lines 16-19 of
xxxiii, which it utterly perverts thus :
Nobilis hie ludus nulli suspectus, et omni
Persons licitus, moderate dum modo ludat,
Dum non pecunia queratur sola per ipsum
Ne cum predictis deeijs anumeretur.
The MS. then continues with the lines of xxxii (omitting 1. 6) and concludes with
the first line of xxxiii.
The following extracts are from the French translation La VieiUe :
1. Car six especes de saillir Ne puent les eschecs faillir, Qui sont six, si com vous
orrez. En deux pars veoir y pourrez : Roy, roc, chevalier et alphin, Fierge et peon,
tendans afin De leur ennemis desconfire.
2. Et quant le peon fait sa trache, Tant qu’il vient au bout de Testache, Lore
de fierge fait tout l’office Et est pareil en exercise.
3. La roine que nommons fierge Tient de Venus qui n'est pas vierge, Aimable est
et amoureuse, Debonnaire et non orgueilleuse.
4. L’aulphin, portant d'evesque mitre, De Jupiter ensuist le tiltre, Signifiant
religion ; Moult bonne est sa conjonction.]
Digitized by Google
522
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
XII. The Cracow Poem.
[MS. Jagellonne Lib., Cracow, 1954, pp. 405-420. A critical edition is promised
by Freiherr v. Holzhausen.]
Ad me transire debet qui uult bene scire
lludum scacorum ; cum sit ludus dominorum,
lludus multorum qnoque debet esse iocorum.
Sunt aduersantes plures et commemorantes,
Scacorum factor ludi, seu quis fuit auctor. 5
Sunt affirmantes quidam, necnon reputantes,
lludum prot(r)actum presertim tunc fore factum
Quando plebs vrbem perlustrauit Troianam.
Sed quidam fatur prorecto sic meditatur,
Quod Grece ludum rex vnus edidit istum. 10
Sed sunt ponentes alii simul atque loquentes
Quod pridem Rome ludus factus fuit isfce.
Nunc omnes vere debent istud retinere,
Vlixes ludum prudens qui condidit istum.
Ludum querentes scacorum sunt retinentes 15
Normas presentes, quas scripserunt sapientes,
Cum quibus exorte trahit semper sine sorte,
lludus scacorum lapidum tractus variorum.
Sunt triginta duo lapides ludo memorato,
Assere ponuntur per quos scacos oriuntur. 20
Sunt lapides isti sex in specie memorati,
Hii sunt rex, regina, senex, pari ter quoque miles,
Pesculus atque rochus, hiis sit ludusque totus.
Nunc sistit fandum necnon vbique palandum,
Qualiter exire debent lapides resilire. 25
Sit tibi (MS. tibus) primus iens regis propfius modo cliens,
Hie tibi saltabit ternum campum properabit ;
Necnon exibit properanter tunc simul ibit
Regine ternum seruus digue super aruum. 1
Post hoc miles iter mox arripiet sibi dexter 30
Tunc prope reginam, sic deuitesque ruinam.
Post hoc exibitque rochi tunc pesculus ibit,
Huius et illius qui stat ad ternum siue secundum.
Sepe manet ludus ex hoc firmus quoque tutus,
Raro fit peius cum proximus est locus eius. 35
Antiqui dextri gressus fietque sinistri
Ante rochum super ad campum medium quoque planum,
Et faciet sal turn campum tunc immediatum
Militis ipsius cliens dexterque sinister.
Pesculus antiqui dexter simul immediatum 40
Transiet ad campum, rapiet tunc quoque alienum,
Sed cliens veterem qui stans est ante sinistrum
Propter reginam nullus debet properare,
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
523
Idem regiue custos quia dicitur esse :
Pesculus oppositi faciet simul hoc senis idem. 45
Nunc est tractandum, pariter necnon reserandum,
Qualiter in scacis hunt vrbes tibi petis.
Nunc harum fore sistunt aut quinque figure,
Nam cum regina fiet custodia bina
Ad palmum prima dextrumque secunda sinistrum. 50
Quod sit primus iuuenis domini regis tibi cliens,
Regine cursum seruus faciet tibi rursum.
Prima custodia. Hii faciunt terminis cito mancipites duo saltum ;
Post hoc regina teraum tunc transiet ipsa.
Yt demonstratum prius est et commemoratum 55
Pesculus antiqui nigri seruus quoque dextri
Albe regine nunc custos dicitur esse,
Atque senex albus fiet custos simul eius.
(Hoc semper tu ne debes sic retinere,
Si tua regina fuerit tunc nobilis alba ; 60
Assere tunc uerso fiet contrarius ordo,
Ipsius niger senis extunc vema sinister ;
Atque senex doctor albus fiet tibi semper
Albe regine domine custos tibi nempe.
Aduerso scriptum ludo semes memoratum, 65
Et cum regina domina fuerit tua nigra,
Albi tunc veteris hie pesculus atque sinistri
Custos regine fiet domine tibi nigre,
Atque senex niger illam temptet tibi semper.
Assere tunc uerso, reliqu(u)m sensum retinebis, 70
Quod cliens albi seu pesculus inueteratus
Antiqu(u)s niger simul hanc temptetque sinister.)
Exponens iuuenem dextrum stans ante quiritem
Hie faciet Baltum campum tunc immediatum.
Pesculus ante rochum tenium capiet sibi campum. 75
Concipiasque rochum dextrum qui stat tibi palmum,
Hunc iuuenem dexter antiqu(u)s tunc commitetur.
Intra rex vrbem confestim tunc sibi factam,
Rex tunc a scacis locus hie tutus sibi pacis ; —
Primaque sic nota tibi sit custodia tota. 80
[Four more 1 wards ’ are described with similar prolixity. Then follows ;]
Regule de De ludis varios scacorum dicere formas
mattis. Ast U0 | 0 di uergas nunc mattandi dare rationes.
Si quern mattare cupis, non excoriare,
Rex super aduersans quern campum sit tibi pergens,
Ad campum similem proprium sic tu loca regem ; 185
Pouere reginam semper debes prope regem.
Similiterque rochum tunc in fine retinebis ;
Linea tunc reliqua prope lamen sit locus eius.
Aduersa regis excessimque uetat idem,
1
i
Digitized by Google
524
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Reginam propriam ponas similiter anteque regem ; 190
Mattum percipiet confestim rex inimicus.
Regula Regula mattalis rursum datur altera talis.
secunda. Rex milesque rocbus si ludi fine manebunt,
Et rex aduersus reginam si retinebit,
Reginam tollas eius veterem sibi mittas, 195
Extremum lamen regem tu pelle, repelle,
In riga reliquaque rocbum ponas prope lamen.
Quo rex aduersans vadit, penses diligenter.
Ast equitem contra regem ponas memoratum,
Qui regi gressum vetat vlteriorem. 200
Ast equitem proprium loca semper tu prope regem,
Ante tuum regemque rocbo mattum dabis illi.
Tuncque rocbum proprium custodit rex berus ipse.
[Nine more rules of this kind follow . Then we come to the general rules.]
Ad lamen regem cum sis pellens inimicum,
Atque vias omnes sibi clausisti quoque gressus, 885
Ast cuius famulans regis gressa similiter eget,
Quidem dicentes sunt prorecto retinentes,
Id quod vere rex mattus dicitur esse
Et quod sit certe sit ludus perditus iste.
Hoc nullus vere dictum debet retinere, 890
Hoc dictum certe quia falsum dicitur esse
Quod rex sit mattus et ludus commemoratus,
Ex quo rex nullus nec poteris fore mattus
Ludus nec alliquis raro nudus fine factus (MS. fact is).
Ext re mo fine, qui dant matti quoque causam 395
Insuper in campo cum rex stet sine soluto,
Quo rex mattus eget prorecto nec babet ilium
Claussus et abstractus fertur ludus memoratus.
Si sic fit tractus idem ludus quoque factus,
Tunc nullum lucrum fertur nec dat quoque dampnum, 400
Ex quo non mattus rex per scacum nequit captus,
Cum stans sit campo rex idem certe soluto,
Hunc regem mattum per scacos nec fore factum.
Penses quid fatur bee regula que comitatur.
Ad ternum campum lapidis facit ante rapinam 405
Pesculus egressum necnon primum bene saltum ;
Post illam transire nequit lapidisque rapinam,
Pesculus ad ternum quiuis campum memoratum.
Ylixes fatur pariter quoque nempe probatur,
Ad ternum campum non debet pes(c)ulu8 410
Si costodire unit quern lapidem super ilium.
Ad ternum campum lapidis tunc ante receptum,
Rex et regina possunt tibi condere saltum,
Ntc rex ullius lapidis potent (MS. -is) fore custos
Ad ternum campum si mallet condere saltum. 415
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
525
Consimili more regina nequit fore custos
Vlliu8 lapidis si ternis idem super aruis,
Ex quo regina uel quiuis peso ulus atque rex
Si transire cupit et uult ternum super aruum
Hunc faciunt saltum lapidis tunc ante rapinam. 420
Vlixes sicut de scaccis asseris ipse
In codice suo manifestum sistit in illo,
luhentur ludi scacorum qui fore fertur
Ex isto certe tunc infertur manifeste :
Rex et regina nullos debent simul ire, 426
Sed dominos per se rex gressum debet habere.
Sic ecciam per se domina debet properare.
Sicut in gressu lapidis prius sit memoratum :
Sic bini lapides nequ(e)unt pariter properare.
Nunc de reginis sit tractandum faciendis, 430
Si noua regina sistit ludo generata,
Saltandi normam retinet simul hanc quoque formam,
Quern quam ad campum ternum tibi condere saltum.
Si lapidis cuius uult et fore debet custos,
Regula tunc talis sit prorecto semperualis, 485
Ternumque nulla regina potest super aruum
Vllius lapidis transfatum * condere saltum.
Si quis in scacco lapidis sit stans atque locatus,
Ante suum regemque scaccis protegit ipsum,
Et scaccum rege lapidis alter prebeat hosti 440
In gressu lapidis sic in scaco situati
Quod rex aduersansque locatus uel prope sit stans,
Quidem narrantes idem sunt et reputantes
Quot rapere nempe poterit (MS. -is) tunc rex inimicus
Hunc lapidem scaccum qui donat memoratum. 445
Assignanfc eciam paulisper certe valentem
Quod sic in abscaco lapidis sit stans certe ligatus,
Atque per abscaccum propria sit vi spoliatus,
Vllius lapidis nec sic poterit (MS. -is) fore custos.
Illud dicentes omnes sunt arte carentes 450
Ludi sc&corumque tene(n)t dictum pueronim.
Hoc dictum certe verum non cernitur esse,
Quod sic in abscaco lapidis est stans sicque ligatus ;
Hoc regi8 sistit, est non lapidis ratione.
Hoc dictum certe falssum sistit manifeste, 455
Cum sic in abscacco lapidis sit quis stansque locatus,
Quod tunc vi propria lapidis idem sit sua degens.
Nam si sic sequitur tunc non lapis et . . (MS. Ip) esset.
Hoc pariter ad sensum semper pure fore falssum,
Nam lapis sit vere cum scaccum pertinet ipse 460
Quern rochus aduersans eius regi fuerit dans.
Si quis vi propria lapidis eget, non lapidem ex(s)tat ;
Digitized by t^oosle
526
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Non debet vere ludo lapis ille manere,
Sed deponendus sit aliunde remouendus,
Cum lapis sit talis quoque dictus raptus ut alter. 465
Ergo deducendum restat semper retinendum
Vim lapis hie propriamque habet necnon tenet veram
Cum sit in abscaco pro rege suo scablicus,
Et bene custodit hunc quern rex fortiter odit,
Si sic contingant ut sepius sit manifestum 470
Quot regi proprio donat prebet quoque scaccum.
Hostilis miles regis cognoscere debes,
Dissimilem proprium ponas super aruum,
Nam paribus campis semper scacroch fiet tibi campis.
Quum tuus dominus rex necnon rex inimicus 475
In ludo fine tantum lapidem tenet vnum,
Necnon nudare rex uult alium spoliare,
Quidem dicentes idem sunt et retinentes,
Extrema reliquum priuans retinet sibi lucrum.
Cernitur hoc dictum similem necnon fore fictum ; 480
Sed quod deducendum sistit necnon retinendum,
Qui primo reliquum priuat retinet sibi lucrum,
Cum rex uudatus propria sit vi spoliatus.
Item nudatus velud exstat mortificatus.
Mattus uel nudus omnis debet fore ludus : 4S5
Seruis priuatus rex primo seu spoliatus
Qui fuerit, vere rex ludum perdidit iste.
Et sic sit finis huius, Deo gracias Amen. Anno Dni. M.CCCC.
vicessimo secundo, in feria quinta in Vi a natalis Xpi. sit finitum
libro isti.
1 i. e. campum. 2 i. e. transgressum.
XIII. The Hebrew Poem on the Game Shah-mat, attributed to
Abraham b. Ezra.
[The following translation iB based upon the Latin version in Hyde, 1767, ii.
163-6, and the German translation by Steinschneider (v. d. Linde, i. 164—7). I
have plso consulted the English translation by Miss Nina Davis (Mrs. Salomon)
in her Songs of Exile , Philadelphia, 1901, pp. 129-31.]
I sing a song of an arranged battle
Ancient, invented in the days of old,
Arranged by men of prudence and intelligence,
Based upon the eight ranks.
On each rank are marked 5
On the table eight divisions.
Moreover, the ranks are four-square and united together,
And there the camps stand close together.
The Kings ( malik ) stand with their camps
For war, and a space is between the two, 10
And the face of all is ready for fighting.
x- -v
v
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. IV
THE EARLY DIDACTIC LITERATURE
527
They move out steadily and quietly,
Yet no swords are drawn in the combat,
Their warfare is a mental work only.
They are to be recognized by signs only, and distinguishing marks 15
Marked and stamped on their persons.
Whoever observes them in motion,
To him they appear as Edomites and Ethiopians.
The Ethiopians stretch out their hands for the struggle,
And the Edomites move out after them. 20
The Pawns (regel) come first of all
To the battle in a straight march.
The Pawn marches straight forwards,
Yet he turns aside to capture the foe.
He does not turn aside in his march 25
Nor does he turn his steps backward.
And if he has travelled far from his position,
And advanced to the eighth rank,
He can turn to each side like the Fers
And counts as her in the battle. 30
The Fers (fers) turns her steps
And makes her move to her four squares ;
Moreover, if she like, she can at the outset, leap
Three squares distant in each direction.
The Elephant (fll) always steps near to the battle ; 35
He stands at the side like a spy ;
His step resembles that of the Fers, but it
Has this advantage, that it is a triple one.
The foot of the Horse (sus) is very light in the battle ;
He goes by a crooked path, 40
His ways are crooked and not straight,
Three houses are his boundaries.
The Rook (rukh) goes straight on his way
And in the land according to breadth and length,
He seeks no crooked path, 45
His path is neither oblique nor crooked.
The King steps in all directions
To all the winds, and helps his dependants.
He takes care of himself when he sits or moves
To the combat and wherever he encamps himself, 50
So that if the enemy mounts in hostility against him
And threatens him, he flees from his place ;
Or if the Rook drives him with fear
And follows him from one room to another,
Then he must flee before him to the sides. 55
At the sides, however, his hosts collect about him,
And all, the one as well as the other, kill,
And this blots out that with great fury.
Digitized by
528
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
But the heroes of either King
Are laid low without effusion of blood. 60
At times the Ethiopians are the victors,
And the Edomites flee from before them.
At times the Edomites triumph, and the Ethiopians
With their King are overthrown in the battle.
And if by chance the King is caught 65
And ensnared pitilessly in the net
And there is no way out to save himself, and no refuge
And no escape to a strong city of refuge,
He is doomed aud removed by the foe ;
There is none to save him, and by death is he mate (mat ) ; 70
And his hosts all die for him
And offer their lives for his.
And their glory is departed, they are annihilated
When they see how their lord is slain.
Yet does the battle begin over again, 75
And the killed ones once more stand up.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER V
THE MORALITIES
Introductory remarks. — The Innocent Morality . — John of Waleys (Gallensis) and
Alexander of Hales. — Later references to this work. — The Liber de moribus
hominum et officiis nobiliwm of Jacobus de Cessolis. — Translations and imita-
tions. — Galwan de Levanto. — The chess chapters in the Gesta Romanorum . —
Ingold’s Gvldin Spil. — Lee Eschez amour eux. — Other moralizing works.
^ It will be a matter for no surprise to any one familiar with the character-
istics of the European literature of the Middle Ages to discover that works
were written in which attempts were made to give a symbolical or allegorical
explanation of the game of chess, or to find parallels between the organization
of human life and activities and the different names and powers of the chess-
men. ; For among the most potent and vital forces behind that literature, from
at least the 13th century onwards, were instruction, allegory, and satire.
When we find Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, taking as his
text on one occasion a popular ballad of his day — Main se leva bele Aeliz — and
explaining hele Aeliz as typifying the Virgin Mary ; when we find the
German Oberlin in his Bihteluoch discovering the articles of the Creed
symbolized in ecclesiastical vestments, and another German poet, Reinmar
v. Zweter (B. c. 1200), explaining each different piece of feminine attire as
showing a virtue which a good woman ought to possess, it would indeed be
surprising if such popular amusements as dice or chess escaped a similar
allegorical interpretation. So we find the pips on the die elaborately explained
as emblematic of Christianity by Reinmar v. Zweter, the ace standing for the
Unity of God, the two for heaven and earth, the three for the Trinity, the four
for the Gospels, the five for the five senses, and the six for the Lenten fast,
the whole being a cunning invention of Satan to introduce the Christian
to the implements of gambling under the guise of symbols of religion.
Quite a number of works were devoted in the Middle Ages to the
allegorical explanation of chess, generally on the broad line that the^game
was emblematic of the so cial condition of the Jim e. In the Middle Ages tEes*T
works were widely known by the name of Moralities , and modern writers have
generally adopted this name. A considerable* portion of the chess moralities
has but little to do with chess ; the writers’ interests were always engaged
more with the allegory than with the game.] Still, they are not without
importance in the development of chess in Europe. They exercised a potent
influence on the nomenclature of the pieces ; they may have carried a know-
ledge of chess to circles where it had not penetrated before ; they may have
helped to break down the ecclesiastical prejudice against the game. On the
1870 L 1
Digitized by
530
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
other hand, the chess setting may have directed the attention of chess-players
to the moral instruction which was the ultimate purpose of the morality. 'I
I have already had occasion to warn the reader against accepting blindly
everything that is said about the moves in the moralities. To the moralist
the fable was of far greater importance than the details of the game, and the
details had to fit the explanation rather than the reverse.
Apparently, the oldest of the chess moralities is a short Latin treatise
which generally bears in the MSS. the title of Quaedam moralitas de scaccario 9
to which is added, in some MSS. only, the further words per (or secundum )
Innocentium papant (or ter Hum). We may accordingly conveniently call it the
Innocent Morality , leaving the question of authorship open.
We may paraphrase this work thus :
The world resembles a chessboard which is chequered white and black, the
colours showing the two conditions of life and death, or praise and blame. The
chessmen are men of this world who have a common birth, occupy different stations
and hold different titles in this life, who contend together, and finally have a common
fate which levels all ranks. The King often lies under the other pieces in the bag.
The King’s move and powers of capture are in all directions, because the King’s
will is law (see below).
The Queen’s move is aslant only, because women are so greedy that they will
take nothing except by rapine and injustice.
The Rook stands for the itinerant justices who travel over the whole realm, and
their move is always straight, because the judge must deal justly.
The Knight’s move is compounded of a straight move and an oblique one ; the
former betokens his legal power of collecting rents, &c., the latter his extortions and
wrong-doings.
The Aufins are prelates wearing horns (but not like those that Moses had when
he descended from Sinai). They move and take obliquely because nearly every
bishop misuses his office through cupidity.
The Pawns are poor men. Their move is straight, except when they take any-
thing : so also the poor man does well so long as he keeps from ambition. After
the Pawn is promoted he becomes a Fers and moves obliquely, which shows how hard
it is for a poor man to deal rightly when he is raised above his proper station.
In this game the Devil says i Check ! * when a man falls into sin ; and unless he
quickly cover the check by turning to repentance, the Devil says * Mate ! ’ and carries
him off to hell, whence is no escape. For the Devil has as many kinds of temptations
to catch different types of men, as the hunter has dogs to catch different types of
animals.
The Latin text, based upon a comparison of ten of the eleven MSS. which
I have been able to consult and the printed text in the editio princeps of John
of Waleys* Summa coUationum , will be found as the first Appendix to this
chapter. Even after collation the text is still corrupt in places, and especially
so in the passage relating to the King. When this is compared with the
passage relating to the Rook it is clear that a whole clause from the latter has
been interpolated in the former, with the result that the existing text limits
the King’s move to ope in four directions only (the Rook’s shortest move) ; if,
however, the interpolated clause is removed, the passage reads —
In isto autem ludo rex uadit ubique et capit undique semper in signum quod
quicquid agit rex iusticia reputatur quia quicquid principi placet legis habet
uigorem ;
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
531
and is now not only self-consistent, but also accurate from the point of view of
chess. The explanation of the perversion of the text is fairly obvious. The
principle underlying the interpretation of the chess moves is this : a direct or
straight move, i. e. one along a row or file of the board, symbolizes a straight-
forward, just, or equitable action ; an indirect, oblique or aslant move,
a crooked, unjust, or inequitable action. In the desire to represent the King<
as the fountain of justice, the King’s oblique moves were a difficulty that
had to be overcome, and it appeared easier to evade it by suppressing all
mention of the oblique moves, and representing the King as only moving in
a direct line. Now the justification of the Rook’s move applied to the King’s
also, and the clause was brought into the morality of the King. 1
It is interesting to note that S, a MS. which varies so much from the
other MSS. that I have disregarded it in the reconstruction of the ordinary
text, has here quite correctly —
Nota quod rex vndique potest capere quia quod principi placuit iuris habet
vigorem, scilicet in presenti.
This MS. throughout defines the move in terms of the power to capture.
The other MSS. show an extraordinary number of small differences of the
order of words and of expression. These enable us to group them to a certain
extent. Thus H, R, and KG preserve an early text of the morality ; K, C,
and Ad. contain a text that has been touched up and improved. O pays
particular attention to the literary style and grammatical accuracy of the
work, while J 1 , J 2 , Lin., and G add clauses to bring out the allusions more
clearly. A still more ambitious working up of the text is to be seen in the
Destructorium vitiomm , with which I deal below. The authorship of the
morality is ascribed in the MSS. to two distinct writers ; K, R, O, C, and
J 1 attribute it to Pope Innocent III ; KG, G, and the Destructorium vitiorum
to Johannes Gallensis, both writers belonging to the 13th c. ; the other
MSS. give no authorship.
The former of these writers, Pope Innocent III (Lothario de* conti di
Segni, B. c. 1163, elected Pope Jan. 8, 1198, D. July 16, 1216), ranks as ‘the
most proud and powerful of all the Popes *, and was the author of a number of
sermons which enjoyed marked popularity in the 13th and 14th cc. He was
the Pope with whom King John came into conflict.
The latter, John of Waleys, from his surname of Welsh nationality, was
a Franciscan friar, and connected with both Oxford (where he was B.D., and
in 1260 D.D. and Regent Master of the Franciscan College) and Paris (where
he was lecturing on Theology in 1262). At a later date, Oct. 1282, he was
sent by Edward I on an embassy to the revolted Welsh, but he was in Paris
again in 1283. His great work was the Communiloquium sive summa collcctionum
1 See p. 465. A later pervenion occurs in S and also the printed text G. Here the
account of the move of the promoted Pawn differs from that in the earlier MSS., and it is
said — S itatim pertransit duo puneta cum tertio oblique ; G tunc duo puncta pertransit, tertium obliquat ,
using the words of the morality in describing the Knight’s move. This is another interpola-
tion which is disastrous to the accuracy of the description from the chess point of view.
V. d. Lasa’s unsatisfactory attempt (78) to explain the passage in the G text is acoordijtolx-
unnecessary.
L 1 2
r
532
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
(or collationum)* and the Innocent Morality is to be found in many of the
Continental MSS. and in several of the early printed editions of this work in
Pars I, dist. x, cap. 7. The Destructorium vitiorum quoted it from a MS. in
which it occurs in Pars I, dist. ix, cap. 8.
The internal evidence of the morality, however, shows that neither author*
ship can be accepted in its present form. One of the most striking features
of the morality is its frank and outspoken attack upon the dignitaries of the
Church. Originally the criticism was confined to bishops only, but in the
second recension (K, C, Ad.) Pope, cardinals, and archbishops are added to
the list. This attack is out of place, and indeed impossible in the work of
a Pope, particularly of one who took the exalted view of the position of the
Church that Innocent III took. And the morality is equally out. of place in
its setting in the Summa collationum . It occurs in a chapter that is devoted
to the virtues of bishops, and the taxes and dues from which they are exempt
by reason of their position. The morality has nothing in common with all this,
and is clearly a later interpolation. I think that the evidence of KG goes
far to confirm this : it is the only English MS. of the Summa collationum which
contains the morality, and here it occurs in an appendix to the main work.
There is, nevertheless, much to be said in support of the Waleys author*
ship. The author was clearly an Englishman, and one familiar with English
law terms. The itinerant justice ( iusticiarius perambulans ), tallage (tallagia),
ferm ( firma ), all point unmistakably to England, and are inconsistent with an
Italian origin. The existing Latin MSS. are all of English workmanship,
and the chess terms, where not Latin, are Anglo-French : fere ( fierce ) ; poun
( povm ) ; fierce for the promoted Pawn ; eschek ( chek ) ; while in some MSS.
nek (neck) for covered check is an English chess technicality only. Familia
scaccarii , for the chessmen, is rare except in Latin works from the north of
France and England. The bitter attack upon the bishops only voices what
every Englishman in the reign of Henry III knew was true of his country.
The visitation of the Papal Legate Otho to Oxford in 1238, which ended in
a riot, in which the first blood was drawn by a countryman of Waleys* and
which cost the University dear, had happened only a short time before Waleys’
day. Otho’s taxes, extortions, and greed were notorious. The Franciscans,
pledged to poverty, felt no sympathy with the higher clergy, and were as
ready as the laity to denounce the greed and injustice of clergy and monks.
The morality might very well be an early production of Waleys which was
at first kept separate from his magnum opus, and only at a later date incorpo-
rated in it by a meddlesome scribe, in what appeared to him to be the most
appropriate place.
Hyde attempted to reconcile the English origin of the morality with the
Innocent authorship by a ‘ convenient hypothesis ’ that the work was written
by an English monk named Innocent Pape, or Pope, who lived c. 1300, and
was at a later time confused with an occupant of the papal see. Although
this hypothesis has been accepted by Sir Frederic Madden and others, I do
* Cf. A. G. Little, Greyfriars in Oxford , 144-51.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
533
not think that the guess is even plausible. The MSS. undoubtedly refer to
Innocent III in all good faith : in R it occutb in a MS. of the Pope’* sermons.
But it is not easy to see how the belief in the papal authorship came . into
existence.
In any case, the morality belongs to the middle of the 13th c., i. e. to
Waleys* day. The oldest MS., H, belongs to the first quarter of the following
century, but there already appears to be an allusion to it in a MS. in the Reval
Gymnasium dating from 1260-70, which was brought back to Reval from
Prance by the Dominican Mauritius of Reval on his return to take up the
lectorship in the Dominican convent of his native town. Another possible
reference is to be found in Hugo v. Trimberg’s Renner (c. 1300). In neither
case is the reference certain. The idea that the bag in which the chessmen
lose all rank was analogous to the grave, in which all men are equal, may
quite well have occurred independently in different places.
The moralist sees in chess an allegory of human life, and the chessmen
stand for the different ranks and occupations of men. Before the commence-
ment of the game, and after its conclusion, the pieces are kept in promiscuous
confusion in the bag, where the King lies sometimes above, and sometimes
below, the Pawn. The common birth and common death of all mankind is
an obvious parallel, and one that was very popular all through the Middle
Ages. The chessmen prefigure : the King (rex) the king ; the Queen (regina;
popularly called fere) women, the Rooks (roccus) the judges, the Knights
(miles) the temporal aristocracy, the Bishops (alphinus cornutus) the spiritual
hierarchy, and the Pawns (pedinvs , popularly poun) the commonalty. Check
is identified with temptation, covered check with repentance, mate with mortal
sin from which there is no redemption.
The most interesting passage is that relating to the Aufin, which must
have commenced originally Alphini uero comuti sunt episcqpi non ut Moyses ex
colloquio diuino. Cornutus (OP. cornu) appears elsewhere as a name of the piece,
and is obviously derived from its mediaeval shape, with two horns projecting
upwards or sideways. The allusion to Moses is drawn from the Vulgate ,
where (Exodus xxxiv) it is said of Moses on his descent from Sinai that
‘ videlant faciem esse comutam * — a misrendering of the Hebrew. —
The moves are those of the earliest European chess with none of the
European modifications. In describing them, the usual mediaeval method of
counting the squares is followed. The description of the Knight’s move — two
squares in a straight line and then one aslant — is accordingly more exact
than is often the case. The promoted Pawn becomes a Fers, but has no power
of leap on its first move. In G there is evidence of an attempt to bring the
chess more up to date, thus domina is introduced as an alternative name for
the Queen.
The concluding section, in which the Devil is represented as playing chess
with man for his soul, is interesting as containing certain technicalities,
although its connexion with the previous explanation of the chessmen is of
the slightest. Nowhere else, so far as I am aware, do we meet with the
Digitized by
534
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
technicality for covered check which corresponds to the ME. neck. This term
is given very variously in the MSS., as liqueret , liueret, deliueret.
The knowledge of the morality was not entirely confined to England.
The existence of an old French version has been recorded, and there is an
Italian translation at the end of a Bodleian MS. of the Italian version of
Cessolis which is dated 1458. An Icelandic summary of it, the work of
Gottsk&lk Jonsson of Glaumbse (D. 1593), is contained in MS. Brit. Mns.
Add. 11242, f. 52. 3
The Innocent Morality is also incorporated in a considerably amplified form
in the Destructorium vitiorum , a compilation from many sources which attained
its final form in 1429, and was then attributed to the great Franciscan
theologian Alexander of Hales (D. 1245). Whether the work is really based
upon any treatise of the Doctor irrefragabilis is by no means certain : 4 in any
case, the additions of the fifteenth century are so numerous that we must
regard the Destructorium in its printed text as a German compilation of the
early 15th c. The Morality is given here as an extract from the Sutnma
collationum of Waleys, but the interpretations are developed at far greater
length (thus the Pawn is now 4 the poor workman or poor cleric or parish
priest *), without, however, adding to our knowledge of the chess moves : only
in the concluding section does it add a little to our knowledge of the etiquette
of mediaeval chess :
On this chessboard the Devil plays against a Binner. The Devil cries * Check ! *
attacking the sinner with the dart of sin. Unless the latter replies ‘ Neck ! 1 through
penitence, the Devil cries ‘ Mate ! ' and hales the sinner off to hell. There are many
presumptuous players who lay great stakes and sacrifice many of their men, hoping
to mate in the end, and before they are aware, the opponent exclaims ‘ Checkmate ! '
and they have lost everything. So also there are men who during life follow the
Devil, hoping in the end to cheat him of their souls by the mercy of God, but death
surprises them before they expect it, and the Devil says 4 Checkmate ! ' Wherefore
play the game of life warily, for your opponent is full of subtilty, and take abundant
thought over your moves, for the stake is your soul.
The prominence attached to the stake on the result of the game shows,
as we know already from other works, that the game was commonly played in
this way. The Destructorium does not think the worse of chess on that
account, and the game is included in the class of honest games (genus ludorum
socialis honestatis) so long as the stakes are of moderate amount. The follow-
ing chapter treats of the game which the writer wished to condemn (de ludis
inhonestis et de his qui consequuntur illos ludos).
It is interesting to notice the influence which the Innocent Morality, or at
least the allegory behind it, exerted in mediaeval literature. This was not
affected by the greater currency of the chess sermon of Jacobus de Cessolis :
indeed, the less ambitious morality was able to exert considerable influence
upon the greater work when it was translated into the various European
languages. The earliest Continental reference to the allegory of chess as
3 The text is given in tslemkar gatur , Copenhagen, 1892, iv. 875.
4 It is not mentioned in the account of Alexander’s life and works in the Diet. Nat. Biog.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
535
a picture of human life, which is the motive of the Innocent Morality , is to be
found in the MS. which Maurice of Reval brought home from Fiance* In
this volume are no less than three parables drawn from chess, which I now
give in abstract. 6
Of the World. — The world resembles a game of chess in which the whole familia
runs aslant to seize some temporal advantage by lies, deceit, and usury. Moreover,
so long as the game continues, one is King, another Knight, and so on. One or two
appear to rule the whole game, but when it comes to au end, the same thing happens
to King and soldier alike and to the least of the familia , because they are all thrown
together into the bag, and sometimes the King is at the bottom while the least of
the familia is on top. Thus is the world like a game of chess. As long as the
game — i.e. the world — lasts, one is King, another is a soldier, one is great, another
is of low rank. But when death comes they are all laid in the same bag, the earth,
and the same fate happens to the King as to the soldier. The vassal is in the same
position as his lord.
Of belated Penitence. — The man who postpones his repentance until death re-
sembles a chessplayer who, understanding but little of the game, thinks to himself :
I will allow my familia to be taken, and then at the end I will mate (j mactabo ) my
opponent in the corner, while he knows all the time that his opponent is a skilful
player. As there the unskilful player, so also the sinner ... for the master-
player is the Devil . • . How can the sinner believe that he will be able to mate
him in the corner — i.e. conquer at the end of his life — when the Devil tries the
harder 1
Of Love to God. — See that you consider carefully to whom you can best give
your heart from love. . . . Have you not seen how the chessplayer retains for a
long time in his hand the piece he has lifted from the board, considering long where
he will place it out of his enemy's reach ? Do likewise with your heart, and take
care not to place it in a shameful and dangerous place ; give it rather to God.
This MS., says Amelung, served for 300 years A9 a storehouse of apt
illustration and parable for the Esthonian clergy. The second and third
parallels are new, and strike me as being particularly happy. They exhibit
the original author of the collection as a keen observer of the habits of his
fellow-men.
The lesson of the chessmen and the bag in which they were kept was
often pushed home in the Middle Ages, and even later. We find it in Hugo
v. Trimberg’s Renner (c. 1300),® in Hermann v. Fritzlar (1345), 7 in John
5 See the Verh. d. Oelehrten estnischen Gesellschafl , Jurjew, 1897 ; and Baltische Schacfibl., vi.
132 and vii. 276.
• r Disiu werlt ist als ein goukeltabel :
wan si h&t als ein sch&chzabel
kttnig unde ouch kfinigin,
roch, ritter, alten, vendelin.
des h&t got wol sin goukelspil
mit uns, derz rehte merken wil.
der goukler sprichet ‘ wider in die taschen ! 1
sd sprichet got, ‘ wider in die aschen
von der ir alle sit bekomen,
rich unde arm, boese mit den fromen ! ’ (248 a).
[Elsewhere in this poem Hugo v. Trim berg compares the passing of the bread to and fro on
the table with the movements of the chessmen on the board :
Got, 1& mich nimmer d& gesitzen,
d& man mit brdtes snitzen
sch&chzabel ziubet ob den tischen !
m&hte ich ein kfinic d& erwischen
oder ein roch, s6 file re ich wol :
mit venden wird ich d& selten vol. (65 b).]
7 ‘Ein meister gllchit dise werlt eime sch&fzabele ; d& st&n tiffe kunige und kuniginne
Digitized by Google
536
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
Raalin’s Doctrinale mortis (Paris, 1518, 5 a), 8 in a Fromantient MS. Book of
Apologues which are attributed to St. Basil, 9 jn Elizabethan and early Stuart
plays, 10 in Don Quixote, 11 and probably elsewhere. A more ambitious develop-
ment of the idea is exhibited in Sebastian Brant’s half-Latin, half-German
poem De periculoso scacorum ludo (in his Carmina , Olpe, 1498), which is quoted
by v. d. Linde, i 151.
It is to this morality, or perhaps to a fuller work that carries out the same
interpretation, rather than to the sermon of Cessolis, that Fitzherbert alludes
in the prologue to his Book of Husbandry (1554), when he divides the chess-
men into six’ classes — King, Queen, Bishops, Knights, Judges, and Yeomen. 1 *
Chess naturally suggested many parallels to the preacher, 18 the most
obvious being that Death always says ‘ Checkmate ’ in the end. Several early
paintings and miniatures in manuscripts illustrate this by a game between
a monarch and Death. Melanchthon went so far as to describe God as playing
chess or cards, with men for pieces or cards, and taking the Pope with Martin
und ritter und knappen und venden ; hie mite spilen si. Wanne si m&de gespilet ha ben,
a* werfen si den einen under den anderen in einen sack. Alse tOt der tdt: der wirfet iz
allez in di erden. Welich der riche si ader der arme si ader der b&bist si ader der ktwic,
daz schowet an deme gebeine : der knecht ist dicke uber den herren geleget,,s6 si ligen in
deme beinhdse.' (Pfeiffer’s Deutsche My stiker, i. 164.)
8 4 Accidit eis sicut accidit in familia ludi scaccarii : ludo enim durante rex omnia per-
sonagia excellit, ubi perdatur et accipit ; sed in fine, cum clauditur in sacculo cum cetera
familia, aliquando est profundi us in sacco qua m ceteri.’
9 4 Simile est de hiis divitibus quod fit in ludo scacorum qui ponuntur extra sacculum,
quidam dicuntur Reges, quidam Milites, quidam Duces, quidam Pedines, et ludunt de
talibus qui alium potuerit vincere probus dicitur. Iterum in bursa ponuntur sine ordine
collocantur. Sic omnes homines veniunt de uno sacco de utero maids. Postea ludit unus
cum alio. Unus aufert alii unum ludum, tandem matat in fine colliguntur et iterum sine
ordine in sacco ponuntur. Sic in hoc mundo ludit unus cum alio, unus amittit, alius
lucratur, alius matatur . . .’ (Prom the Douce Twiss in the Bodleian.)
10 Viz. Jacks Drum's Entertainment :
And after death like chesmen having stood
In play for Bishops some for Knights and Pawnes,
We all together shall be tumbled up
Into one bagge.
In Middleton’s play, A Game at Chess , there are many allusions to the bag which holds the
chessmen when not in use, and in the last scene the Black men are one after the other
popped into the bag.
11 ‘ Como aquella del juego del Axedrez, que mientras dura el juego, cada pieza tiene su
particular oficio, y en acabandose el juego, todas se mesclan, juntan, y barajan, y dan con
ellas en una bolsa, que es como dar con la vida en la sepultura* (ch. lxiv).
12 * But who that redeth in the boke of the moralytes of the chesse, shal therby perceyue,
that euerye man, from the hyest degree to the lowest, is set and ordeyned to haue labour
and occupation : and that boke is deuyded in vi. degrees, that is to saye, the kynge, the
quene, the byshops, the knightes, the iudges, and the yomenne. In the which boke is
shewed theyr degrees, theyr auctorytyes, theyr warkes, and theyr occupations, and what
they ought to do. And they so doynge, and executynge theyr auctorytyes, warkes, and
occupatyons, haue a wonders great study and labour, of the which auctorytyes, occupations,
and warkes were at this tyme to longe to wryte. Wherfore I remytte that boke as myn
auctour therof : The whiche boke were necessary to be knowen of euery degree, that they
myghte doo, and ordre them selfe accordynge to the same. And in so moche the yomen in
the sayde moralytes and game of the chesse be set before to labour, defende, and maynteyne
all the other people, as husbandes and labourers, therefore I purpose to speake fyrste of
husband rye.*
See also my letter on this passage in the Athenaeum, June 22, 1901.
18 Thus the Franciscan Berthold v. Regensburg (1220-72) said: 4 Wanne iu hAt unser
hOrre gar grOz Ore und guot dar umb verlihen, leben, und schdne loben, und h&t iu anderes
niht ze schaffen geben wan daz ir im sinen edelen schatz wol behuetet und bewaret, als
verre als er iu bevolhen ist und als iu got dar zuo geordenet h&t. Ez sol iuwer sch&chzabel
sin und iuwer federspil und iuwer tagalt und iuwer kurze wile 1 ' (Ed. Kling, 1824, 88.)
Digitized by
Google
Death gives Checkmate to a King
Copper-plate engraving by an unknown artist. B&le, Noppe der
unbekannten Meister, K. I. 6. S. 38. No. 32
Face page 536]
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
537
Luther. 14 Many metaphors borrowed from chess have taken their place in
the vocabulary of everyday life. I give some examples of the older metaphors
in Chapter IX; perhaps the commonest in modern usage is to represent
diplomatists, politicians, or anybody who is pursuing a large plan without
revealing his ultimate intentions, as engaged in a game in which the Pawns
are the innoc ent tools with which the plan is carried through. 16
I now turn to the Liber de moribus hominum et officii* nobilium of Jacobus
de Cessolis, the most ambitious* and from the literary point of view, the most I
important of all the chess moralities. There is a very large number of MSS. ,
of this work in existence of the 14th and 15th cc., both in the original Latin ^
and in translation into the spoken languages of the time : indeed it is probable /
that no other work of mediaeval times was 60 much copied. Its popularity i
exceeded that of the Gesia Romanorum , and, if we may judge from the number \
of the existing MSS., must have almost rivalled that of the Bible itself. 16 J
The author tells us in the commencing sentences of his work that he was
a friar of the Order of Friars Preachers, constituted in 1216, and now com-
monly known as the Dominicans from the name of their founder, the
Spaniard Dominic. Ferron, who translated Cessolis* work into French, calls
him Jaques de Cessoles, maistre en divinite. These are the only authoritative
statements regarding Jacobus de Cessolis that we possess. Trithem (J)e
*criptoribu8 ecclesiasticis, 1536) knows nothing about Jacobus de Cessolis
except that he had written Be Itulo hkacorum in four books, and a volume of
sermons. It has often been stated on the authority of Qu6tif and fichard,
Scriptt . Ord . Praedicat ., Paris, 1719, i. 471), that he was a Master of Theology
of the convent of the Order in Rheims, who flourished c, 1300. This statement
is, however, of doubtful validity. Quetif and fichard would seem to have
derived it from Lawrence Pignon’s chronicle of the Order, which was written
in the first half of the 15th c. (MS. Paris, Fond* de Saint- Ficior, 676, n. 114),
where is the entry —
‘ Frater Johannes de Teriace, de conventu Remensi, fecit Moralitates super
lndnm Scacchorum *;
while there is no mention of Jacobus de Cessolis. It seems evident that the
French writers have confused two different authors. Pignon could hardly
have confused Jacobus de Cessolis with Johannes de Teriace, 17 and the title
14 4 Wenn ich reich ware, so wollte ich mir ein gtllden Schach und silbernen Kartenspiele
werklich lassen Zurich ten zu einer Erinnerung. Denn Gottes Schach und Karte sind grosse
m&chtige Fursten, KOnige, Kaiser, da er immer einen durch den andern sticht oder schlagt,
das ist aushebt und atttrzt. Nun ist Ferdinand die vier Schellen, der Papst die sechs
Schellen, der Tiirke acht Schellen, der Kaiser ist der KOnig im Spiel. Letzlich kommt
unser Herr Gott, theilet das Spiel aus, schlagt den Papst mit dem Luther, das ist seinTauss.’
(Quoted in v. d. Linde, i. 153, from Massmann.)
Two instances may suffice. Carlyle, Sartor Besartus, I. iii : * While Councillors of State
sit plotting, and playing their high chess-game, whereof the pawns are Men/ And A. C.
Benson, Upton Letters , London, 1905, 125 : * I became aware that I was, for the moment, one
of the pawns in his game, to be delicately pushed about where it suited him.’
V. d. Linde (i., Beilage, 84, 105-12) gives a list of eighty MSS. of the Latin text alone.
This could be easily extended. V. d. Lasa (95) found copies of the Latin text in nearly every
Italian library which he visited in search of chess MSS.
17 Teriace, L. Teoracia or Tirascia, mod. F. la Tierache , is a part of the old province of
Picardy adjoining Champagne in the Bishopric of Laon. Quetif and Echard were no doubt
G°cj)g
Digitized by
538
CHESS IN EUROPE
past n
Moralitates super ludum scacchorum is one that I have never found nsed for
Cessolis’ work. It is probable that Johannes de Teriaee’s Moralities was
a much smaller work on the lines of the Innocent Morality which has entirely
perished. On the strength of their identification Quefcif and £chard describe
Cessolis as a Frenchman, a native of the village of Cessiferes in the diocese of
Laon, Picardy.
This is certainly a mistake. It is quite clear from the evidence of
Cessolis’ work that its author was a Lombard. Not only does he describe
the rales of the Lombard assize, but there are many expressions and allusions
that require a personal acquaintance with Lombardy. Thus in II. iv, the
church of St. John the Baptist, Tortona, is described with some exactness;
in II. v, there is an attack upon the Lombards which bears signs of intimate
knowledge of their faults ; 18 in III. iv, a story is told upon the authority of
the merchant Obertus Guterinus of Asti, Genoa ; in III. vi, is another story
from Parma, and an Italian rendering of a proverb ; 19 in III. viii, the will of
Giovanni de Canazia is quoted in the original Italian ; 20 and in IV. i, the
measurement of the walls of Babylon is given first in Lombard miles, and
then in French leagues.
The MSS. show very considerable variety in the spelling of the name
Cessolis. V. d. Linde (i., Beil., 19) says that of the MSS. which he catalogues
the Latin MSS. have Cessolis (Sessolis) more than 30 times, Cessulis (Cesulis,
Cessullis) about 20 times, Casulis 7 times. The German versions have Cassalis
20 times, the Italian da Cesole, Dacciasole. In addition to these, he notes
the spellings Cessoles, Chessolis, Czessalis, Cessalioz, Cassal, Cazzalis, Gazalis,
Gaczellis, Cossoles, Cessalis, Cessol, Cesul, Ceusis, Cecilia, Courcelles, Tessolis,
Thesealis, Thessalonia, Tessolonia, and Funolis. 21 He decided in favour of
Cessoles, and v. d. Lasa adopted this in his Forscliungen with some reluctance. I
If we translate the de by of (Ger. von), this is correct ; but, retaining the Latin
de, I prefer to follow Kopke and Vetter and to write de Cessolis. 22
influenced in identifying Teriace with Cessolis by the coincidence that the Tillage of
CessiOres is in this district.
18 * Sed heu, hodie Lombardos ubique bella premunt, ad quae non arma (seu missilia) ac
iacula ferunt, sed proditiones, dolositates, fraudulentiae quotidie succrescunt. liostes pro-
terunt ; nulla lex, nulla fidelitas, nulla iuramenta, nulla pacta custodiunt homines, et
vassal li contra dominos naturales prodidisse suspirant.*
A Frenchman would surely have attacked his own countrymen, and not the men of
another country. Fdlix Lajard {Hist. litt. de France , XXV, Paris, 1869, 9-41) accepts the
Lombard nationality of Cessolis.
18 4 Cortexia de bocha asa vale e pocho costa ’ (ed. Kopke, 26, n. 86).
20 4 Questo si lo testamento de Iohanne Cavaza. Chi se per altro lasa, ammazato sia da quests
masa * (ed. Kopke, 29).
21 The names beginning with the letter t are due to the similarity of the forms of the
letters c and t in 14th c. MSS. Thus we And the reading stacarium for scacarium, and
throughout the problem MS. M scat for scac. The form Funolis may be due to a misunder-
standing. A copy of Cessolis, formerly in the Phillips Library, Cheltenham, was there
catalogued as the work of Vitalis de Fontibus. After the Trustees of that Library had
sold it, I had an opportunity of examining the MS., only to find that the statement of the
MS. that the index to Cessolis' work had been compiled by Vitalis de Fontibus had been
misunderstood.
n Kopke, in his Jacobus de Cessolis , Brandenburg, 1879, a scholarly edition of the Latin
text to which I am indebted for much that I say as to the nationality of Cessolis and his
authorities : and Vetter, Das Schachzabelbuch Kunrats von Ammenhausen , Frauenfeld, 1892,
a valuable work which gives the text of Mennel's Schacheabcl (Constance, 1607), and »
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
539
The name is probably derived from the district Cessole in the South of
Piedmont, to the north-west of Genoa. A family of the name of Cessole is still
existing in Nice, whose members have from time to time held municipal
office.* 3
The Liber de moribus hominmn el officiis nobilium almost certainly belongs
to the second half of the 13th c. A superior limit to its date is afforded by
the inclusion of a description of a marble gate over a bridge at Capua which
was surmounted by a statue of the Emperor Frederick II (D. 1250), which
was erected by this emperor about 1240. 24 There is possibly an allusion to
the interregnum, 1254-73, in the Empire in a passage (II. ii), in which
Cessolis expresses his preference for the hereditary succession, and details some
of the obvious drawbacks to an elective monarchy. 25 An inferior limit to the
date of the work is obtained from the use made of it in the Gesta Romanorum
in chapters going back to the first half of the 14th c., by the dates of the
German metrical versions of the Pherrer zu dem Hechte (1335) and Kunrat v.
Ammenhausen (1337) — both later in date than the German version of Henry v.
Beringen — and of the French translation of Jehan Ferron (1347). The oldest
dated MS. of the Latin text is apparently MS. Leipzig, Pauline Lib., 42, of
1358. We shall not be far wrong if we date Cessolis* work 1275-1300.
In its origin the book was a sermon, and it was only in deference to the
repeated requests of his fellow friars and other friends that Cessolis reduced
it to writing. As he states in his introduction :
* Ego frater Jacobus de Cessolis ordinis predicatorum multorum fratrum ordinis
nostri et diversorum secularium precibus persuasus dudum munus requisitum negavi
ut transscriberem solacii ludum scaconim viz. regiminis morum ac belli humani
generis documentum. Sane cum ilium ad populum acclamatorie predicassem multis-
que nobilibus placuisset materia, honori eorum ac diguitati cuiavi ascribere, monens
collation of the printed text of Cessolis with -some Wolfenbiittel MSS. It contains an
important introduction (xxiii~l) by Wackermtgel (originally published in Kurz u. Weissen-
bach' s Beitr&ge zur Qesch. u. Litt., Aarau, 1846, i. 28-45) on mediaeval German chess, to which
Vetter has added many notes.
Brunet y Bellet ( Ajedrcz , 280-97) makes a futile attempt to claim Cessolis (which he
writes Casulis = of Gasull) as a Spaniard.
23 Casalis, Dizionario geografico star.- sta'.- ormmerciale degli stati di S. M. il re di Sardegna , iv. 487
(quoted by Vetter), says:
* Cessole ( Cessolae), comune nel mand. di Bubbio, prov. dioc. di Acqui, div. di Alessandria.
Depend© dal senato di Casale . . . glace a 1 pie di una collina tra Bubbio e Vesme sulla manca
sponda del Bormida ; . . . antico oastello gia proprio del conte Ospitaliere de Cessole/
To this Vetter (xl) adds that Cessole was first governed by the Marchesi of Savona, then
since 1209 by the republic of Asti ; after the fall of the republic by the Marchesi again, and
after the death of Emperor Henry VII by Manfred, Marchese of Saluzzo. Its population is
about 1200.
Since there was another Cessole in the neighbourhood of Chieri in the old county of
Turin, we cannot be certain as to which village gave Cessolis his surname. This second
Cessole was destroyed by the counts of Biandrati in 1260 and the population removed
to Chieri.
24 The gate was destroyed in 1577. The mutilated fragment of the Emperor’s statue is
now in the Capua museum. Cessolis’ description is incorporated in the Gesta Romanorum
(ed. Oesterley, liv, De regni celesti ).
25 ‘ Nam melius est reges habere per successionem primogeniturae quam per electionem
vel principum voluntatem. Saepe enim principes diversis causis interventientibus d is cordis
fiunt et dissidentibus voluntatibus necesse est aut electionem tardari, aut propriis utilitatibus
intendentes personam regis in electione non meliorem aut digniorem eligere, sed utiliorem
propriis commodis affectare.’
The allusion (first pointed out by v. d. Las a, 98) is by no means established.
540
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
eos, ut formas eoruin menti inprimerent ut sic bellum ipsum et ludi virtutem possint
facilius obtinere cordetenus. Hunc autem libellum de moribus hominum et officiis
nobilium sy placet intitulari decrevi. Et ut in eo ordinatius prosequar ante ipsum
capitola preposui ut, quod in eo sequitur, plenius elucescat/
The sermon is divided into four books or tractates, and, as promised in the
introduction, the MSS. generally commence with an index to the contents.
In Caxton’s English translation this is given as follows :
This booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees /
The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse / and conteyneth
.iii. chapitres
The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden
The .ii. chapitre / who fonde this playe
The .iii. chapitre / treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden
The second traytee treteth of the chesse men / and conteyneth .v. chapitres
The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges as apperteyn
to a kynge
The .ii. chapitre treteth of y° quene & her forme and maners
The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and maners
The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices
The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices
The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii. chapitres
The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe
The .ii. of smythis and other werke[rls in yron & metall
The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth and notaries
The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers
The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries
The ,vi. is of tauerners and hostelers
The . vii. is of y e gardes of the citees & tollers & customers •
The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours
The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres
The first is of the eschequer
The second of the yssue and progression of the kynge
The thirde of the yssue of the quene
The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns
The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes
The sixty chapitre is of the yssue of the rooks
The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple
And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion.
And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres. 2 *
Within these twenty-four chapters Cessolis gathers a whole host of
anecdotes and instances drawn from Biblical, ancient, and modem history
with much sound and pregnant advice upon the duties of men in their several
callings. His immediate source and inspiration was, according to Prof. Kdpke,
the Poly orations sen Be nvgis curialium et vesligiis philosophorum of John of
Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres, and sometime Secretary to Thomas & Becket
during his Archbishopric of Canterbury, who died in 1180 . In the latter
portion of this work, Salisbury treats of the state and duties of a king, his
** I quote from the first edition. In the second the titles of the chapters in the third
book are occasionally given differently: e. g. ch. iii: ‘Thoffyce of notaries / adnocates,
scriueners and drapers and clothmakers ’ ; ch. v : * The forme of phisiciens leches spycers and
appotycaryes ’ ; ch. vi : 4 Of tauerners hostelers & vitamers’ ; ch. vii : * Of kepers of townes
Receyuere of custum and tollenars * ; and ch. viii : ‘Of messagers currours Rybauldes and
players at the dyse.’
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
541
great officials, and knights. The whole style of Cessolis’ sermon is modelled
upon this part of the Polycraticus , and the greater part of the quotations
which Cessolis made from classical authors are to be found in the older
work. 27 It is not certain whether Cessolis quotes any classical author at first
hand. He certainly shows very little knowledge of the great writers of the
Augustan period, and the favourite Latin author for quotation is Valerius
Maximus, a writer of the post-Augustan or silver period. Of writers of the
mediaeval period Cessolis quotes from the Polycraticus by name twice, from
the Spanish physician Petro Alfonsi (c. 1106), from Gaultier de Chatillon
(Philip Walter de Castillione), who wrote c. 1200 an epic poem on the life of
Alexander the Great, and from the Cistercian Helinand, who wrote a Chronicle
and other works in the beginning of the 13th century. 28
It is only in his first and fourth books that Cessolis has much to say of
any historical importance about chess. In the one he states his belief as to
the origin of the game, in the other he deals with the moves of the chessmen.
The two intervening books explain the Pieces and Pawns as symbolical of
various orders and ranks of society, and, under the classes thus obtained,
Cessolis arranges his anecdotes and illustrations. It is these two books (ii
and iii) which made the sermon one of the most favourite works during the
Middle Ages, and gave it a vitality that outlasted the variety of chess it
describes. That the popularity was not due to the chess which supplied the
framework, but to the stories which crowd the canvas, is clear from the way
in which the fourth book is treated in many MSS. and in several translations.
We repeatedly find it abbreviated, disfigured by serious omissions, omitted
entirely, and even replaced by other moralizing works. Had chess been the
secret of the popularity of the sermon this would have been impossible.
Cessolis deals very briefly with the history of chess. He attributes the
invention to an Eastern philosopher, named by the Chaldeans Xerses or
Hyerses and by the Greeks Philometer, who invented it in the reign of
Nebuchadnezzar’s son and successor, Evil-Merodach, who is presented regularly
in mediaeval works as a monster of cruelty.
‘ Under this kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the cheese
founden / Trewe it is that some men wene / that this playe was founden in the tyme
of the bataylles & siege of troye. But that is not soo For this playe cam to the
playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek 89 sayth and reherceth That amonge
87 W. E. A. Axon, in the introduction to his reprint of Caxton’s Game and playe cf the cheese
(London, 1888) gives the De regimine principum of Guido de Colonna (D. 1316) as Cessolis*
source. This is impossible. Colonna's work at earliest is only contemporary with Cessolis*
sermon.
88 The authors quoted by Cessolis, arranged according to frequency of quotation, are —
Valerius Maximus (48) ; Seneca (13); Cicero, Ovid, Suetonius (through John of Salisbury)
(7); Jerome, Helinand (5); Quintilian, Publius Syrus, Augustine (4); Gellius, Orosius,
Proverbia sapientis (8) ; Terence, Varro, Sallust, Virgil, Josephus, Claudian, Boethius, Paulus
Diaconus, Petro Alfonsi, John of Salisbury, Macrobius, Catonie disticha (2) ; Theophrastus,
Socrates (? Aristotle), Pseudo-Kallisthenes, Trojus Pompeius, Florus, Tacitus, Ausonius,
Tibullus, Martial, Lucan, Diogenes Laertius, Cassiodorus, Juvenal, Quintus Curtius, Horace,
Pliny, Julius Valerius (2), Collationes, Symmachus, Ambrose, Gualtier de Chatillon, Catonis
breves sentential, Dialogue creaturarum , Josephus in libro de causis rerum naturarum (1).
29 The name of this philosopher occurs nowhere in classical literature, and it is not known
whence Cessolis obtained it.
Digitized by Google
542
CHESS IN EUROPE
FART 11
the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other playes / And after
that / cam this playe in the tyme. of Alixandre the grete in to Egipte And so onto
alle the parties toward the south / *
Whence Cessolis obtained this legend is uncertain, but if Lydgate's statement
in his Troy Book is well founded, it occurs in the chronicle of the earlier
writer Jacobus de Vitriaco (D. 1240-4) ; this, however, is inaccessible to me.
Cessolis adds three reasons for the invention : to correct the evil maimers
of the King, to avoid idleness and sadness, and to satisfy the natural desire
for novelty by means of the infinite variety of the play.
From Cuxton’s Game and playe of the chesse.
The different chapters of the second and third books of Cessolis' work,
which treat of the allegorical interpretation of the chess forces, begin with
descriptions of the manner in which the characters symbolized should be
depicted. In many of the MSS. and early printed editions, miniatures are
added which carry out the directions of the text. Probably the best known
are those in the second edition of Caxtons translation. 30
In the interpretation, the King (rex) and Knight (miles) remain typical
80 These are reproduced in Axon’s reprint, and also in Brunet y Beliefs El Ajedrez.
Massmann gives the figures from a Munich MS. of Cessolis, Volgarizzamento (Milan, 1829)
those of the Florence 1493 edition of the Italian version ; and Schluter gives those of the
Lfibeck edition of Stephan’s metrical version in his reprint of that poem.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
543
of these ranks ; the Queen (regina) also is treated as a Queen, though the
section deals with women in general. Since the names Aufin (alphiles) and
Rook ( roccus ) suggested nothing definite, Cessolis found himself free to adopt
what explanation he liked. He accordingly identifies the Aufins with judges,
and the Rooks with the king’s legates or representatives ( vicarii seu legati
regis ), depicting the latter as unarmed horsemen. The justification for these
interpretations is to be found in the idea that a king s judges or counsellors
should be at his elbow, while his deputies govern on his behalf the confines
of the realm : ideas clearly suggested by the positions of the Aufins and
Rooks on the board. The weakness of this allegory of the nobility is that
it is not exhaustive, since it omits entirely the whole order of clergy. This
omission is remarkable, and destroys the completeness of the picture. Some
translators clearly recognized this, and attempted to complete the picture.
Cessolis divided his judges into those for criminal and those for civil cases ;
Ammenhausen divides them into civil and ecclesiastical judges, and includes
the whole of the clergy under the second type.
The most original and remarkable feature of Cessolis* work is his treatment
of the Pawns ( populate *). Instead of treating them as one group, representa-
tive of the commonalty in mass, as is the general method of the moralities,
he differentiates between the eight Pawns, and makes each Pawn typical of
Digitized by
544
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART il
some group of allied trades or professions. By this means he is enabled to *
add definiteness to his picture, and to secure greater orderliness in the arrange-
ment of the matter he had collected in illustration of the activities of the
lower orders. Cessolis accordingly classifies his Pawns thus : KRP agricala ;
KKtP faber ; KBP notarius , lanificiu s, carnifex ?, scriptor ; KP mereator ; QP
medicus ; QBP tabernarius , tabular ius, hospes ; QKtP custom civitatis ; QRP
ribaldus , cursor , The English equivalents as they appear in Caxton are
given m the table of contents quoted above. This fanciful nomenclature,
although developed in the book with much care and system, has of course
never passed into practical use. Even the few MSS. and other works that
attempted to repeat it in the Middle Ages generally failed to do so accurately.
Thus MS. Vatican 1960, f. 286 b, has a finely executed chessboard, on which
one side is shown pictorially, while the other is shown by the names of the
pieces. In this the Pawns 31 are thus described : KRP albergator qui recipiat
uenientcs ad eum ( = QBP in Ces.) ; KKtP agricola qui fructus ei portat
(= KRP, Ces.) ; KBP sartor et pilipartus ; KP mercatores; QP medicus ; QBP
notarius propter acta (= KBP, Ces.); QKtP faber propter arma et edificia
paranda (= KKtP, Ces.); QRP officials ciuitatis cum clauibus mensis ei bursa
( = QKtP, Ces.). A similar diagram in the early printed editions (1482 and
1485) of the Be arte tnetrwriae of Jacobus Publicius has KRP colonus ; KKtP
faber ; KBP scriptor ; KP thesaurarins (not Ces.) ; QP medicus ; QBP caupo ;
QKtP leoloiiarius (not Ces.) ; QRP lusor . 32
It is only with the fourth book that we come to the practical game,
though even here Cessolis still loses no opportunity for moralization. He
describes the chessboard as representing the city of Babylon, and lays stress
upon four points : the 64 squares agree with the traditional shape of the city,
which was four-square and 16 miles each way ; the raised edges of the board
(labia tabularii) figure the walls of the city; the commonalty are arranged
before the nobility because the nobles can do nothing without the people,
gloria ergo nobilium ac vita populares sunt ; and lastly, the chessmen when
arranged for play occupy just half the board and leave the other half empty,
thus providing a kingdom for each monarch and space for play. There is
also a somewhat obscure allusion to the vastness of the sum of the geometrical
progression — the duplication of the chessboard.
In the succeeding chapters the moves of the pieces are described at con-
siderable length with reference to their original positions, and not in general
terms, as is usually the case in mediaeval works. In doing this Cessolis makes
use of the fact that the board is coloured, and refers to particular squares in
31 The major pieces are thus described : KR Rochus est legatus Regis ; Kt Miles armis defendit
iusticiam (QKt adds contra tnobedientes) ; B Arfili (KB sunt ) ascessores (KB adds quod s. leges
consulant ; K and Q Rex et Regina cum coronis et regiis circonstantiis in catedris amicto sedent in
honors. The board is drawn at right angles to the ordinary position of diagrams: the K
is on el.
32 Publicius uses an unusual nomenclature for the major pieces; R interrex; Kt eques
auratus ; B vir consularis ; K rex; Q regina. The Ks are on dl and d8 : hi is white. Since
the printer has made all pieces on the white squares black, and all on the black white, we
cannot tell which side was intended to be White.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
545
terms of their colours and their position relative to the original posts of the
chessmen ; thus e6 is quadrus albus ante mercatorem. The initial arrangement
of one side only — the Black — is given, and the reader is supposed to view
them from the opposite edge of the board, precisely as we view them in
a printed diagram to-day. Cessolis accordingly speaks of the squares f8,
g8, h8 as being to the right of the King on e8. As he says of the King —
cum enim residet in quarto quadro et cum ipse sit niger, habet in dextris
in albo mil item, alphilem vero et rochura in nigro. M
As is the case in other mediaeval works, a player’s pieces are also termed
black or white from the colour of the squares to which they are confined, and
quite independently of the colour of the side to which they belong. Black’s
KB is consequently called his black Bishop and his QB his white Bishop,
because they are confined to the black and to the white squares of the board.
A promoted Pawn is similarly called black or white according as it moves on
black or on white squares.
I have already, in my description of the Lombard assize, epitomized the
information as to the moves which Cessolis supplies, and it is therefore
unnecessary to repeat that information here. It is remarkable that Cessolis
nowhere refers to the termination checkmate by name : we should hardly have
expected the moralizer to have forgone the possibilities suggested by the
conclusion of the game. The same thought has evidently occurred to many
early scribes who were transcribing the sermon, for many MSS. substitute
scacmat for the term scacroc in the passage at the end of the description of
the King’s move, without regard to the fact that the alteration makes
nonsense of the passage. Nor does Cessolis give us any indication as to the
popularity of chess, e.g. whether it was confined to the upper classes only in
Lombardy, or to what extent it was played by the middle classes also. We
should also have expected some reference to the chess problem, which must
have been already known in Lombardy in Cessolis’ day.
The Liber de moribus hominum et officii* nobilium was translated early and
repeatedly into the modern European languages. A list of these versions will
show how popular Cessolis’ work was.
French Version*.
1. In 1347 (the MSS. give as the date of the commencement of the trans-
lation 4 May, 1347) the friar Jehan Ferron, ‘de l’ordre des Frfcres precheurs,
de Paris’ and chaplain to Bertrand Auberi of Tarascon, translated it into
French for his patron, under the title Le gien de s eschas moralise.
2. Almost simultaneously, the friar Jehan de Vignay, ‘ hospitalier de l’ordre
du Hault-Pas (de l’ordre de St. Jacques, MS. Vat.)’, translated it as Le litre
33 See v. d. Lasa’s note in Vetter, op. cit., cols. 803-22, provoked by the diagram of the
arrangement of the pieces which Zimmcrmann had given in his edition of v. Beringen’s
metrical version. This puts the board with hi black, and the Kings on, el and d8. V. d. Lasa
had little difficulty in showing that this arrangement was inconsistent with many passages
in Cessolis. Zimmerman n had failed to grasp Cessolis’ method of describing the position of
the pieces.
1270 M m
Digitized by
Google
546
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
des eschecs moralise en franfois. Vignay’ s version is dedicated to John, Duke
of Normandy, who succeeded his father Philip VI as King of France, 1350.
In some MSS. John’s mother, Jane of Burgundy (who died 1349), is associated
in the dedication. Vignay’s version was printed in folio 1504, and in quarto
1505.
3. Some MSS. of a French translation give the Vignay authorship com-
bined with the Ferron dedication. Without investigation, it is impossible to
say whether these MSS. represent a combination of the two texts, or whether
they are not simply MSS. of the Ferron text in which the name of Vignay,
as the better-known translator, has been substituted for Ferron. On the other
hand, MS. Paris, f. fr. 1170, is a deliberate compilation from the two prose
French versions.
While there is considerable variety in the earlier portion of the two
French versions, they approximate very closely in the latter part of the work.
It is generally assumed that Vignay obtained access to Ferron’s version after
he had commenced his translation, and that he made considerable use of the
earlier French work.
4. A metrical French version of 1,200 lines, in which the text is con-
siderably abbreviated and rearranged, was written by Guillaume de Saint
Andr6 in the 15th century (MS. Paris, f. fr. 14978). It begins :
Mes si d'esbat te prend tallant,
Pren ton esbat deuement,
Mes si a jouer tu vieulx attendre
C’eat des eschecs qui est licite
Et a touz biens lea gens incite, etc.
St. Andr6 omits all the stories of his original, places the Fourth Book in front
of the Second and Third, and concludes with a moral discourse which the
philosopher addressed to Evil-Merodach after the game of chess had moved
the latter to repent of his previous evil life. The moves are described in
42 lines (139-80). The King’s leap is given, and the double step of the
Pawn ; the Queen is only given her Muslim move. The pieces are called toy,
roigne or dame, dauffin , chevalier , roc, and paonnet , pi on, paont or paon. The
initial letters of the last 22 lines, when read in the reverse order, give the
author’s name.
Italian Version .
5. Libro di giuocho di scacchi iniitulato de costumi degli huomini et degli
officii de nobili. An anonymous translation of the 14th c., of which there is
a great number of MSS. It was printed in Florence 1493, in Venice 1534,
and has been reprinted under the title V olgarizzamento , Milan, 1829.
Catalan Version.
6. Lo libre de les costumes dels homens e dels oficis dels nobles sobrel Jock dels
Escachs , existing in MSS. of the 15th c., two of which have been edited;
viz. by Brunet y Bellet, Barcelona, 1900, and by de Bofarull, Barcelona, 1902.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
547
Spanish ( Castilian ) Version.
7. Dechado de la vida humana moralmento sacado del juego del Axedrez ,
tradizido . . . per el licenciado Reyna, vezino della villa de Aranda de dnero,
Valladolid, 1549, quarto. There are considerable gaps in Book IV, dealing
with the moves of the chessmen.
From the Libro di giuocho di ucacchi , Florence, 1493.
English Versions.
8. The game and plage of the chesse , translated from Vignay’s French
version 34 by William Caxton in 1474, and printed shortly after at Bruges,
and again, with the addition of 24 woodcuts, at London, c. 1480. It has been
reprinted several times in the 19th c., the latest edition being that of W. E. A.
Axon, London, 1883.
94 The statement in Blades’ Biography of Caxton, London, 1882, that Caxton made use of
both French versions, although adopted by others (e. g. Axon, op. cit., and the Cambridge
Hist. Eng . Lit.), is based upon insufficient evidence, and is almost certainly erroneous. It
depends upon the fact that the printed text of Vignay’s work accidentally omits the adjective
Joli in his description of Evil-Merodach, whereas both Ferron and Caxton have it. It
translates the lascivus of Cessolis, and I have found it in MSS. of Vignay’s version. There
is no reason to disbelieve Caxton's own statement as to his original.
Mm2
/
Digitized by Google
548
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
9. The buke of ye chess , a metrical Scotch version of 2,122 lines, of the
16th c., which is independent of Caxtons version. It was printed from the
unique MS. of John Sloane’s writing by the Aachinleck Press, 1818, under
the title of Frondes caducae .
German Versions .
10. Las buck menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edelu. A MHG. prose
version, of which the MSS. go back to the beginning of the 15th c. (MS.
Munich, cod. germ. 49 is dated 1407), which was printed in folio four times
before 1500 (viz. Augsburg, 1477, 40 ff, and 1483, 34 ff. ; Strassburg, 1483,
39 ff. ; and an edition without place or date, but a. 1480). In this text there
are considerable gaps in the fourth book.
11. A MHG. metrical version of 10,772 lines was written by Heinrich
von Beringen in the early part of the 14th c., and has been edited by
P. Zimmermann from the unique Stuttgart MS. (written 1438), Das Schach-
gedicht Heinrichs v. Beringen, Litt. Verein in Stuttgart, CLXVI, Tubingen,
1884.
12. A MHG. metrical version of 7,594 lines, written in N.E. Germany by
the Pherrer zu dem Hechte, belongs to 1335. It was edited by E. Sievers,
Zeitschr. f dtsch. Altertum , Berlin, XVII, New Ser. V, 1874, 162-389, from
the London MS. (Add. 19555).
13. The MHG. Schachzabelbuch of Kunrat von Am men hausen, a metrical
version in 19,340 lines, completed in 1337. It has been edited by F. Vetter,
Das Schachzabelbuch Kunrats v. Ammenhausen, Bibl. ftlterer Schriftwerke d. dtsch.
Schweiz, 1892, in a very valuable work which also gives the Latin text and
Mennel's later German version.
14. Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden secht dyt boek icol dat vaken oner
lest de wert ok des schaekspeles klok, a MLG. metrical version of 5,886 lines
by Meister Stephan, written at Dorpat in Esthonia, 1350-75, and printed at
Liibeck, c. 1489. It has been edited by W. Schlviter, Aleistei- Stephans Schcush-
buch , Verh. d. Gelehrten estnischen Gesellschaft, XI, Dorpat, 1883.
15. Jacob Menners Schachzabel , Constance, 1507, is an abbreviated version
of v. Ammenhausen’s poem in 586 lines. I have already made considerable
use of the two later editions of this book by Kobel, Oppenheim, c. 1520 ; and
by Egenolff, Frankfort, 1536, on account of the new matter which is added.
Dutch Version .
16. A MDu. version of the beginning of the 14th c. or earlier (MS. La
Hague, 228, is dated 1402), by Franconis (V ranconis), was printed at Gouda,
1479 ; Delft, 1483 ; and l*ouvain, 1551. In this translation the Fourth
Book is omitted entirely.
Swedish Version .
17. Skaftauils lek f a metrical version which exists in two MSS. of. 1476
and 1492 respectively, and has been edited by Rietz and Sjdberg a» a Uni-
versity dissertation, De ludo scacchorvm, Lund, 1848.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
549
Czech Version .
18. A Czech version exists in a Vienna MS. of the 15th c., which has
been edited by F. Mendik, Knizky o hrS sachovS , Prague, 1879. This work
is more of an imitation than a translation. "While it follows the order of
Cessolis' work, it systematically substitutes Bohemian instances for the
classical anecdotes of the latter. It abandons the elaborate interpretation of
the Pawns and deals with them as a single class, and it materially shortens
the section on the moves of the chessmen. There are some differences also
in the moves and rules as given in this Czech work. The Pawn's doable
step and the King's leap are allowed, though the description of the latter is
by no means so exact as in Cessolis. The combined move of King and Queen
is given, but I am unable to discover any reference to the Queen's leap, though
the fact that the combined move is given shows that this must have existed.
Two methods of terminating the game are given as decisive — Checkmate and
Bare King. Finally, the Czech work concludes with the parallel between the
bag that holds the chessmen and the grave that receives all mankind, which
we know from the Innocent Morality .
It is interesting to note the number of editions of these translations of
Cessolis* work which were printed in the early days of printing. No less
than six editions of the Latin text are also known : viz., a folio edition of
40 ff. printed at Utrecht, c. 1473 ; two Milan editions in folio, 1478 and
1497 ; a Vienna quarto of 1505 ; and two 15th c. quarto editions, both
without place or date.
But little later than the sermon of Jacobus de Cessolis is Gal wan de
Levanto's Liber Sancti Passagii Christicolarum contra Saracenos pro recuperatione
Terrae Sanctae , of which an imperfect copy from the Phillips Library is now
in the Biblioth&que Nationale, Paris (nouv. acquis, lat. 669). Galwan was
a Genoese and physician to Pope Boniface VIII, and in this work, written
between 1291 and 1296, he tries to induce Philip IV of France to undertake
a new Crusade. The work, which is exceedingly obscure in style, is divided
into two tractates of 59 (really 58) and 16 (of which the last 10 are missing)
chapters respectively. The first tractate bears the sub-title of De regimine
principum atropologice edncto de ludo scachorum , the second of De persuasions
neophyta Christicolis ad Passagium Sanctum. Only the first tractate deals with
chess, and even here the chess references are but few. In ch. i, the invention
of chess is ascribed to a philosopher named Justus for the reformation of
a Persian tyrant, Juvenilis. The remainder of the work deals with the
qualities of the good king, the duties of his subjects, and the beauty of certain
virtues, e. g. justice and mercy. The chessmen give a little order to the work.
They are called rex, regina ( = collateral^ regis ), alferii (= notaries and chan-
cellors), milites (= nobles), roc hi (who serve to the king as lightning before
thunder and to the kingdom as fenced cities), and pedites (the commonalty).
The work throws very little light upon the rules: Pawns are promoted to
the rank of Queen ; and the two technicalities, scaco and scaco fnie or scaeo
Digitized by Google
550
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
7/1 at ho are the subjects of two chapters. To say ‘ Check ! ’ is explained as meaning 1
a reminder to the King to cultivate justice; checkmate is the end of all
things. The explanation of ‘ check ! * is not very unlike the 4 facias michi ius I ’
of Cessolis. Otherwise there is no evidence that Gal wan had any knowledge
of his contemporary’s more famous work. He shows much less knowledge of
chess; thus, in dealing with each piece, he devotes chapters, first to its
meaning (de significations regis , &c.), and then to its 4 pride and humility ’ (de
humilitate et super hia regine y &c.). In these latter chapters he seems to con-
template the possibility of a less important piece arrogating to itself the
powers of a more important one by occupying its place. This is all very well
for the allegory where, for instance, Galwan wants to show the unfitness of
the notary to pose as a noble, but it is only another instance of the way in
which the moralist strained the chess to suit his morality.
I have already stated that Cessolis’ work is the original of some chapters
in the Gesia Bornanorum . A collation of the contents of the known MSS. of
this collection of stories and moralities shows that three chapters relate to
chess. In Oesterley’s standard edition of the Gesia Bornanorum (Berlin,
1872) these are numbered clxvi, Be ludo schacorum ; clxxviii, De omnium
divitiarum matre, provideniia ; and cclxxv, De Antonio Imperatore . The Gesia
Bornanorum has no single motive behind it, and it is only natural that it grew in
compass as time went on. Its original sources were in part Oriental, in part
classical, in part European. The latest writer from whom parallels were
borrowed appears to have been the English Austin friar, Robert Holcot, a
victim of the Great Death in 1849. The oldest existing MS. of the Gesia
Bornanorum , MS. Innsbruck Univ. Library, Oenip. lat. 310, w r hich was written
in 1342, already contains chapters derived from Holcot’s Moralities . This
MS. is entitled Gesia Imperatorum , and contains 220 chapters. One of these
is the De ludo schacorum . The two remaining chess chapters are not included
in this MS.
The existing MSS. of the Gesia Bornanorum fall into two groups, the one
with a smaller number of chapters exists only in MSS. written in England,
and is accordingly called the English version ; the other, with a larger number
of chapters, exists only in Continental MSS., and was apparently compiled in
Germany. We may call it the Continental version. The exact relationship
of these two versions is matter of dispute. Earlier scholars regarded the
English version as the older, and the Continental version as being based upon
it. The latest writer on the subject, Mr. J. A. Herbert ( Catalogue of Bomances
in the Depart, of MSS., Brit. Mas., vol. iii, London, 1910, 163-271), takes exactly
the opposite view. According to him, the collection was made in Germany
not long before 1342, and the English version, all the MSS. of which belong
to the 15th century, is derived from it.
It does not appear that any of the writers on the matter have used the
evidence which can be drawn from a critical examination of the two chapters
De ludo schacorum and De Antonio Imperatore. The latter chapter only exists
in the English version, the former in the Continental version. It is absolutely
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
551
certain that the English chapter Be Antonio Imperatore served as the founda-
tion of the Continental chapter Be ludo schacorum . It has not been possible
for me to compare other chapters of the two versions, but the evidence of
these two chapters is so striking, that I consider Mr. Herbert’s view untenable.
The Gesta Romanorum was originally commenced in England, and revised and
expanded on the Continent. It was first printed in Utrecht, 1473, with 150
chapters, and in Cologne, c . 1473, with 151 chapters. Ulrich Zell’s Cologne
edition, between 1472 and 1475, contained 181 chapters, and is the basis of
Oesterley’s edition.
If my belief that the English version is the older is correct, the compilation
of the Gesta Romanorum # must have commenced at an earlier date than
Mr. Herbert allows, probably in the first third of the 14th century.
I begin accordingly with the chapter Be Antonio Imperatore . The Con-
tinental recension, Be ludo schacorum , was written before 1342. The third
chapter, Be omnium divitiarum matre, which commonly goes by the name of
the Wall-painting, seems to have been added later. I have not discovered
in what MS. it first occurs.
The Latin text of the chapter Be Antonio Imperatore is very corrupt in all
the MSS. which I have been able to consult, and the early English translation
of c. 1440 ( Gesta Romanorum , E. E. T. S., London, 1879, xxi. 70-2) adds
other difficulties of its own. The Latin text is given in the Appendix to this
chapter ; the English version follows :
XXI. Antoniu8 the Emperoture. — Antonins was a wys emperour’ regnyng in the
cite of Rome, the which vsid moche to pley with houndys, and aflir J>at pley all pe
day after he wolde vse pe chesse. So yn a day, as he pleide at pe chesse Sc byheld
the kyng sette yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme lowe, among aufyns and
pownys, he thought J>erwith p&t hit wold be so with him, for he shuld dey, and be
hid vndir erth. And J>erfore he divided his Reame in tlire parties ; and he yaf oo
part to the kyng of Ierusalem ; pe secunde part vnto pe lordis of his Reame or his
empire ; and the thrid parti e vnto the pore people ; Sc yede him self vnto the holy
londe, and ther’ he endid his lyf in peas.
Moralite . — Seth now, good sirs ; this emperour’, J>at lovith so wele play, may be
called eche worldly man J>at occupieth him in vanytes of the world’; but he moste
take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did the emperoure. The chekir or pe chesse
hath viij. poyntes in each partie. In euery pley beth viij. kyndes of men’, soil.
man, woman’, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men’, clerkes, riche men, and pouere men’,
at this pley pleieth vj. men’, the first man’, p&t goth afore, hath not hut oo poynt,
but whenne he goth aside, he takith anoj>er ; so by a pouere man’ ; he hath not,
but when he comyth to pe deth with pacience, j)en shall he be a kyng in heuen’,
with pe kyng of pore men. But if he grucche ayenst his neighbour’ of his stat, and
l>e a thef, and ravissh p&t wher’ he may, )>en he is ytake, and put in to the preson’
of helle. The secund, soil, alphyn’, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward and doune-
ward ; (he) bytokenyth wise men’, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence Sc takyng
of money deceyueth, Sc so he is made oonly. The iij. scil. pe kny^t, hath iij. poyntes,
Sc goth J>erwith; (he) betokenyth gentilmen )>at rennyth aboute, Sc ravisshith, and
ioyeth for her kynrede, & for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth scil. pe rook,
he holdith length Sc brede, and takyth vp what so is in his way ; he betokenyth
okerers and false merchauntj, J>at rennyth aboute ouer all, for wynnyng Sc lucre, Sc
rechith not how thei geten’, so that thei haue hit. The fifthe is pe queue, that goth
fro hlak to blak, or fro white to white, and is yset beside )>e kyng, and is ytake fro
Digitized by Google
552
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART 11
the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, pat goth fro chastite to
synno, and both ytake by the devill for glovis or such maner yiftes. The vj. is to
whom all owe to obey and mynystre ; and he goth forth, and bakward ayen', Sc in
either side, Sc takith ouer all ; so sone discendith in to J>e world, and ascendith
to god by praiers ; But when he takith (no) kepe of god, and hath no meyne, Jmn is
hit to pe man chekmate. And )>erfore let vs not charge of oure estates, no more
Jmn is with pe men*, when pei be put vp in }>e poket ; then hit is no charge who be
above or who be byneth ; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to pe ioy
of heuen*. And ))at graunt vs, qui viuit, &c.
The reference to the bag or pocket in which the chessmen are put away,
which levels all ranks of piece, may be derived from the Innocent Morality , but
otherwise the chapter is original and shows no trace of the influence of any
other Morality. The Pawn is explained as typical of the poor man, who
becomes at the end a king in heaven, but when he turns aside to steal is taken
and sent to hell. The Aufins are wise men, the Knights gentlemen of good
birth, the Rooks dishonest merchants, the Queens virgins, and the King is
apparently a king. The interpretation of the last two pieces is not very
clearly worked out.
The moves also are by no means clearly expressed, but they show no sign
of any knowledge of any of the European improvements. It is not clear
whether the King can move diagonally. The Queen is said to keep to
squares of one colour, although the allegory would be better suited by a move
from oue colour to the other. The description of the Pawn’s move has been
curtailed in the English version. In the original Latin the text ran —
primus est pedinus qui cum procedit non habet nisi mum punctum et quum
vadit lateraliter ex alia parte capit alium et cum venerit ad mensam fit fens,
though the MSS. are very corrupt at this point, HarL 5259 substituting
% fort is * for * fers \ On the whole, I think that neither the original author nor
his later copyists and translator had much knowledge of chess.
When this chapter reached the Continent, it fell into the hands of some-
one who was familiar with Cessolis’ chess sermon. This writer proceeded to
remodel the chapter with the help of the larger work, and the result is the
chapter iV **ijconue of the Continental MSS. of the Horn wmMomm.
The attempt to make a harmonious whole out of two Moralities which took
such di fie rent views as to the interpretation of chess would seem foredoomed
to failure : Kit the failure is made all the more glaring by the carelessness
of the compiler, who was clearly incompetent to write anything exact
on chess.
When we examine the construction of the new chapter we find that the
compiler omits the introductory story of the Tv A% and plunges straight
into the Morality. Here he alters the order in which he takes the pieces,
instead of commencing with the Pawn, he takes the Rock first, beginning with
a carelessly copied extract from Ceselk By the time he has completed this,
he has forgotten that the If A * \ *-'/ began with the Pawtr. aai procee ds to
copy trora that text the coccl-ding sentence describing the Pawn s method of
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
553
• capture and allegorical interpretation. The result is a hopeless muddle. 36 He
draws his description of the Auiin’s move from Cessolis, and in so doing
introduces without explanation the special names of some of the Pawns (e. g.
agricola) in Cessolis. The allegory is taken from Be Antonio , but is lengthened
considerably. The description of the moves of the Knight and Pawn is taken
from Cessolis ; the interpretations are quite new, though the conclusion of the
section on the Pawn is taken verbatim from Cessolis. The first sentence on
the Queen is a quotation from the Be Antonio, but uses a MS. which, like
Harl. 5259 and Line. L. 12, by the omission of four words has converted the
Queen's diagonal move into one in which she changes colour every move.
The following sentences are from Cessolis. The explanation is again new, but
it concludes with another long extract from Cessolis. The account of the
King’s move is again taken from Cessolis, but only a portion of the chapter is
used, with the result that it is only partially described. 36 The interpretation
of this piece is quite new.
The Aufins mean the wise men of this earth, and the three squares of their
leap in a forward direction denote their three characteristics, intellect, reason,
and fortitude. They ought to direct themselves upwards to God, but they aim
downwards through eloquence and dishonesty. The aslant move of three
squares in the backward direction then means gluttony, robbery, and pride.
Finally, the opposing King, i.e. the devil, takes them, and thrusts them into hell
to await the day of judgement. The Knight is the Christian warring against
the devil, and defending his King (i.e. his soul) from the tempter. The
eight squares which a Knight commands from the centre of the board are the
eight beatitudes. The Pawns denote people of every condition and sex, who
go straight so long as they follow the advice of their confessors and obey the
rules of the Church. The Queen is the soul. The Queen is white and black,
white by confession and absolution, black by sin: she should always keep close
to the King. The King is Our Lord Jesus Christ, who is King of Kings.
For when he moves he is surrounded by the choir of angels, just as the chess
King is surrounded by Rook, Aufin, and the other chessmen ( rochum et alphUem
aliaque ecAacalia). He occupies the place of all in every direction by a straight
path {et locum universorum recto tramite oceupat circumquaque ), which can hardly
refer to a restriction of the King’s move after the quotation from Cessolis with
its mention of leaps like those of Rook, Knight, and Bishop.j
It is a curious parallel, and not very thoroughly thought out.
The remaining chapter — that of the wall-painting — nowhere mentions
chess, but is nevertheless based upon the directions in Bks. II and III of
Cessolis’ work as to how the various chessmen were to be depicted, and it
betrays its chess origin when it describes the positions of the common people.
M See the extract in the Appendix to this chapter, p. 662. The right-hand Rook stands
on a white square (although later on we are told that the right-hand Knight stands on
a white square), and moves always in a straight line whether forwards or backwards and
never aslant, and when it goes aslant it takes someone from the other side and becomes
a thief. It seems inconceivable that no one discovered the absurdity of aU this.
** The account only allows the Ke8 to move to c8, d8, f8, g8, and b7. In the last case
the Queen may be moved at the same time. What happened after the first move is not stated.
Digitized by Google
554
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
The painting obviously exhibited the chessmen, which were fashioned as-
imagined by Cessolis, drawn up on the board in readiness for a game of chess.
A certain king, so the chapter begins, wished to know how to govern his
kingdom and himself. He summoned the wisest of his subjects, and asked for
guidance. We may recognize the monarch as Evil-Merodach, and his adviser
as the philosopher Xerses or Philometer. The latter proceeded to paint
a picture upon the palace wall, in which he figured all orders of society. The
description of the painting, almost in the words of Cessolis, and the interpreta-
tion of the various figures follows. So far as the commonalty is concerned,
t here is but little variation from Cessolis, but the explanation of the nobility
shows some interesting differences, and approximates to the explanations given
in the Innocent Morality. Thus :
The King is the good Christian, by preference a prince or prelate ; the
Queen is charity. The Knight again is a good Christian, who interprets hi*
faith in a militant spirit. The Assessors, figured as judges on their seats, are
prelates and preachers who ought to guard the commands of the Lord, and
unfold the Scriptures to the people. 37 The Vicarii, figured as unarmed Knights
on horseback, are judges. 33 The last two parallels are those of the Innocent
Morality, not of Cessolis.
Cessolis’ work (probably by way of Ammenhausen’s German poem) served
also as the source of the description of chess (*chaffzanrel*pil) in Meister IngokTs
(i*liiin Spi/y which was written 1432-3 (cf. Schroder’s Das goldene Spiel von
Meister Ingold. Strassburg, 1892). In this work the Dominican Ingold, whom
Schr6der identifies with Johannes Ingold, canon of Surborg, who died 1435.
treats of the seven deadly sins, illustrating each one with its opposing virtue
in connexion w ith a special game. Thus cic** illustrates pride and humility ;
' l ref* fief \ gluttony and temperance ; c*wh. unchastity and chastity ; * wnrfd-
npid \ avarice and charity : larp-playing. hatred and love ; a looting, anger and
meekness ; thncing % idleness and devotion.
To che^. Ingold devotes seven sections, one introductory, and the ocher ax
dealing with the six types of chessmen, the whole tilling more than half of hi'
look. He explains the chessmen thus: the King is
reason, the Queen will, the Bishop (J-'-e) memory, the Knight (rtfer i
is a wamor. and the Rook * roD is a judge. The Pawns are clarified on
similar lines to those adopted by Cessolis without Bring absolutely idenrieaL
lngo.ds types are \ 1 1 (2 t/ \:^r. pjtVer. iv<i, ri*?ler 9 mppc-
\-yer, ; .8 y* r \ ; \4* y ^ * -.vv : cs/r (aJmmntner ) ;
* : (7^ irt ye* i’ V f , (vafesaB,
As a whole, the Fbvms betoken the gifts of the Holy Gbst Finally,
lngv'.i vestr.res upon a ' spirited ' interpretation : K = Jeans Cristas.
Xf JL7* VI TJ> i CJL tv . * iTV ” > C<X^*.V
* 'I:«3L ' .CX’L *-> *2. A.'. 31 iSC*
; ..»■ Ti »i?r rzjr 7* - - '«c> r
."i.-ra xr x x ^>.-cvc :a.:_ cur rt ■? Jttirur lx.
V l^asux Jcv. TkTT ^ UUL
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
555
Q = Maria, B = patriarchs and prophets, Kt = martyrs, R = the twelve
Apostles, and P = men on earth. 39
In his section on the King, Ingold makes use of the parable of the chess-
bag which we know from the Innocent Morality . He says :
And therefore is the chessboard (das spilpret des schachzawet) black and white,
and four-square ; and when the board is put away the game is ended, and the men
are all put iqto a bag, and the King lies as often at the bottom as at the top, where-
fore the men are then all alike. So it happens with pride. The board is Time,
checkered white for daylight and black for night. When Time is put away by
Death, the game is at an end, and no one has the advantage over another that any
should be preferred, or another less esteemed. No one is King or Knight or Judge
or Gentleman : all are equal in the bag of the earth.
The immense success that attended the Roman de la Rose in all circles of
society resulted in that poem setting the literary fashion for the fourteenth
century, and, it must be confessed, in much laborious and often tedious imita-
tion. One of these imitations is the anonymous allegorico-didactic poem Les
Eschez amoureux , a work of upwards of 30,000 lines, which professes to give the
author’s adventures in the Garden of Pleasure. The adventures commence
with a chess encounter with a lady who was as skilled at chess as she was
beautiful. I have already made use of the account of this game because of
the valuable light which it throws upon the Short assize , and there only
remains now to explain the allegory which lies behind the game.
The chessboard was of pure gold and precious stones, the squares being
alternately amber and adamant, two substances which attract other bodies,
and it exceeded in value the board upon which Sir Lancelot and Queen
Guinevere were wont to play. The chessmen were also of priceless value.
The lady’s men were made of jewels, the Pawns ( paonnet ) emerald, the Queen
( fierge ) ruby, the Knights {chevalier) sapphire, the Bishops (aulphin) helio-
trope, the Rooks {roc) topaz, and the King {roy) diamond. The author played
with pieces of gold. The Kings were knights on horseback and the Queens
crowned queens, but all the other chessmen were represented by knights on
foot who were only to be distinguished from one another by the badges
on their shields. All were emblematic of human qualities as developed in the
19 The following particulars are of interest from the point of view of chess. The chessboard
has 64 squares, generally black and white. The King at his first exit can leap to a
‘3rd square’, the Queen is also allowed the ordinary leap, and the Pawns can play to the
fourth line for their first moves. When they reach the end of the board they receive an
4 extended’ move. The Bishop’s leap of three squares means (1) God’s honour, (2) the
King’s honour, (3) his own honour. He keeps to squares of one colour, i. e. he must follow
the truth. The Rooks cannot play until a way is opened for them. When on the same
colour as the King there is danger of check-rook ; a Judge loses his power in the King* s
palace. Elsewhere Ingold quotes the advice ‘disparibus campis numquam schachroch tibi
fiet ’, i.e. check-rook cannot be given if the player is careful to keep King and Rook on squares
of different oolours. One Knight guards the King’s ‘hut’, and one the Queen’s, when
posted on c3 and f3. King and Queen should keep at least two Pawns before them, and then
the game is well guarded.
Chess was discovered before the siege of Troy by a master named Xerses for the correction
of a King whose arrogance and wrong-doing no one else had ventured to rebuke. This is,
of course, from Cessolis, but the description of the moves is probably corrected to answer to
the German rules. The Lombard peculiarities, the King’s extended leap and the combined
move of King and Queen, are omitted.
Digitized by Google
556
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
courtois love of early French society. The allegorical meanings are not
explained in the text of the poem itself, but are given in marginal notes and
a Latin commentary in some of the MSS. (e. g. the Venice MS.), but they
appear in the prose version and were known to Lydgate, who translated
a small part of the romance into English a. 1412. His version ends in the
middle of the description of the chessmen, but he was incorporating the
explanations in his poem. The allegories and badges will be most con-
veniently exhibited in a table. They naturally play an important part in the
progress of the game, which becomes a parable of the course of love between
two lovers. Thus the Lady begins by playing her Beauty, and the Author
replies by Regard, i. e. sight. The Lady next supports Beauty by Simplicity,
and the Author replies with Doux penser. The exchange of Pawns that
follows shows that the author has surrendered his freedom in order to pursue
the Lady’s love. This will perhaps be sufficient to show the lines upon which
the poet has worked: it would be tedious to reproduce the whole of his
allegory.
The Lady's Chessxeh.
badge
Poem
Latin com-
mentary
Lydgate
QRP
crescent
moon
Jonesche
inventus
youth
QKtP !
rosebud j
Beautes 1
pulcri-
tudo
beauty
QBP
lamb
Sim-
plesche
simpli-
citas
sym-
plesse
QP ! KP
rainbow l ring
|
douls faiticetes
s&mbl&nt
dulcis as- ! (Fr. feti-
pectus | tease)
sueet i port A
looks j manere
I 1
KBP
serpent
sens
provi-
dentia
provi-
dence
KKtP
panther
bontes
(Fr.
bounte)
bounty
KKP
eagle
noblesche
nobilitas
high
nobleeae
QR
QKt
QB
Q
K
KB
1
KKt
i
KR
badge
lark
unicorn
pelican
balance
turtle
dove
hare
mermaid
Poem
douls
honte
franchise
maniere
li rois
pites
paour
belacoeil
regart
amourous
Lat. com.
en li
Lydgate
1
courages
i
The Lover s Chessmeh.
badge
Poem
Ut com.
Lydgate
i
QRP
barren
tree
oyseuae
QKtP
key
regars
i
QBP i
tiger
dous
pensers
QP
bUckbird
plai-
sanche
KP
leopard
doubte
de falir
KBP
mirror
souuenir
KKtP
swan
bieu
maintieu
KRP
dog
bien celer
1
QK
QKt
QB
Q
K
KB i
i KKt
KR
badge
cock
i
lion
ship
butterfly
peacock
flame
Orpheus
with lute
dove
a Poem
Lat. com.
perseue-
ranche
harde-
ment
espoir
delis
li rois
amourous
en li
courages
desirs
■ 1
douls
parler
:
patience
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
557
With the remaining (and greater) portion of the romance in which
a system of education is enunciated, we have no concern : the chess interest
ceases with the conclusion of the game.
Although Dr. Sieper, the editor of Lydgate’s translation, Reson and Sensu-
ally te, is inclined to think that the author of Lex Eschez amour eux merely in-
corporated an earlier morality of chess and love, extracts from which form the
Latin commentary to which I have referred, I do not find myself able to
subscribe to this view. The Latin text incorporates some of the French terms
used in the romance, and I think it more probable that it owes its existence
to the poem, rather than that the poem had any other forerunner than the
Roman de la Rose.* 0
These were certainly not the only moralities of chess that were written in
Europe during the Middle Ages. Some, like the work of John de Teriache
mentioned above, have probably perished entirely ; one or two, however, of
less interest than those which I have already discussed, are known.
Ch'est li Jm dee Esqies , a poem of 298 lines, written by Engebrans d* Arras
towards the end of the 13th c., exists in a Paris MS. (F. fr. 25566, ff. 239 b-
241 b), and deals with the game in an obscure moralizing manner. The fate
of the chessmen at the end of the game is again mentioned. The King drops
to the bottom of the bag because it is the heaviest of the chessmen.
An AF. poem at Oxford (MS. Corpus Christi Coll., 293, f. 142 b), of 48
lines, compares the world to a game of chess :
II me semble del munde cum del escbeker
V sunt reis et aufyns. roks. et cheualers.
De ceo se enirejuent deu et li maufe.
Li neyrs pertenent al diable. li blancs pertenent a deu.
Adam was the king (reis) in the first game of chess (< echeker ), and the devil
by three false moves confined him in an angle of the board and mated
him. 41
Li diables par iij. faus tres cest reis en angla
E lui diet vu ecliek et issi le mata.
God then commenced a second game, with the following white men :
Reis, Jesus Christ ; Reyne , the Virgin ; Rokis , the Apostles ; Aujins, confessors ;
Pouns , men who are caught by the devil with the delight of the flesh, the
love of the world, honours, and riches.
Another French poem is the Comment festal du monde puet estre comparu an
«o The reader who wants to know more of this romance is referred to the following works :
E. Sieper, Lydgates Reson and Sensually te (E.E.T.S.), specially voL ii ; E. Sieper, Lee lichees
amoureux, Weimar, 1898 ; E. Langloia' review of this work in VoUmbUer'e Krii. Jahresbericht U. d.
Fortschritte d. Roman. Phil., V. 3; and Sieper’s rejoinder in EngL Studien, XXVIII. 310-12;
J. Mettlich, Ein Kapitel &. Erziehung aus einer altfr. Dichtung d. Wen Jhts ., Mttnster, 1902 ; J. Mett-
lich, Die Schachpartie in Les Eschet amoureux , Miinster, 1907 ; G. KOrting, Alifr. TJebersetsung d.
Remedia Amoris d. Ow'd, Leipzig, 1871 ; H. P. Junker, Ueber d. alifr . Ejm 1 Les Echoes amoureux \
Frankfurt a. M., 1886.
41 This is not the only occasion on which we meet with false moves in mediaeval
literature. Cf. Chaucer, Book qf the Duchesse , 617-741, where it is said of false Fortune that
‘ With hir false draughtes divers / She stal on me, and took my fers.*
Digitized by Google
558
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Jeu ilt s eschecz, 190 lines, which occurs in a MS. of the poems of Alain
Chartier (MS. Paris, Arsenal, 3521, £ 263 b), and may be by that famous poet
(c. 1410). The parable of the bag plays, as usual, a prominent part in this
poem. The only chess passage of any real interest is the following :
Et voit vn bien vng poonnet
Se juer dessoubx ung bonnet,
Qu’il prend vng Roc ou vng aulphin,
Qui bien cuide jouer au fin,
Voire mener jusques en Tangle
Vng Roy sy qu’il n’est tel qui jangle
Et puis que ly Roix est mattez. (lines 69-75.)
The elaboration of moralities founded upon the game of chess did not come
to an end, as has often been supposed, with the rise of the reformed chess
after 1475. At least one work on familiar lines was written for the new
game, Le jeu dee etches de la dame , moralise, known to us from the unique MS.
in the British Museum (MS. Add. 15820) of the end of the 15th c. Dedi-
cated to a lady of noble birth, the work is written upon the model of the
moralities of the older chess. The plan is to describe a game in detail on the
lines of Let Eschez amoureux , but the allegory is now religious. The board
is the world. During play, the King, Queen, and other chessmen stand
according to their several degrees. When the game is over, all are tumbled
back into the bag, and Pawns may lie above Kings, and Bishops above Rooks.
The lady plays a game of chess with the devil, her soul being the stake. The
chessmen are K, roy, charity ; Q, dame , roynt, humility ; KB, le petit delphin de
vostre roy , honesty ; QB, fol (the usual term for all Bishops), honesty, know-
ledge of self ; KKt, chiualier f true friendship ; QKt, truth ; KR, roch y patience ;
QR, loyalty ; KP, pion, love of God ; QP, continence ; KBP, devotion ;
KKtP, benevolence ; QKtP, constancy ; KRP, temperance ; QRP, fidelity.
The QBP is omitted from the list. Her adversary’s chessmen are K, pride ;
Q, ambition ; KB, pleasure : QB, hypocrisy ; KKt, discord ; QKt, a lie ;
KR, grumbling; QR, falseness; KP, love of self; QP, curiosity; KBP, in-
constancy ; QBP, fiction ; KKtP, slander ; QKtP, peijury ; KRP, blasphemy ;
QRP, treason. 42 In the course of the game, c8 is called le siege de humihte,
and e7, le lieu d' amour desordonnJe. Underlying the game is an allegory of
temptation.
41 This symbolism is not kept strictly throughout the game. In the game the rdles of the
adversary’s QP and QBP are reversed. For the game itself see below, Ch. XL
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
559
APPENDIX. ORIGINAL TEXTS
I. THE INNOCENT MORALITY.
[The following MSS. of the 14th and 15th cc. have been consulted. They are
all of English origin.
H = Brit. Mus. Harl. 2253, f. 135 b, written 1307-27, without title or ascription
of authorship. I print the text of this, the oldest MS.
R = Bodl. Lib. Oxford, Rawl. A. 423, £ 46 b. A MS. of the sermons of Pope
Innocent III, among which the morality occurs with the introduction ‘ Rex. Rocus.
Alphinus. Miles. Regina, pedinus. Loquitur de dilectione et dicitur quod nichil
valet diligere secundum libitum huius mundi, quia mundus iste totus, &c.’. This
text is very close to H.
C = Corpus Christi Coll., Cambridge, 177, f. 50 b, 15th c., with title ‘Sequitur
quedam moralitas de scacc&rio per dominum Innocencium papain ' and conclusion
1 Explicit moralitas de scaccario secundum dominum Innocencium papam ’.
K = Brit. Mus., Kings, 12. E. xxi, f. 103 b, 15th c., with title and conclusion
identically as in C, of which MS. this text is a copy.
Ad. « Brit. Mus., Add. 37075, f. 38 a, late 15th c., without title or conclusion.
The text resembles that of C and K.
KG = Brit. Mus., Kings, 8. D. x, f. 203 a, 15th c. A MS. of the Summa
Collationum of Waleys, to which work the morality is added as an appendix with the
reference f. 101 v . There is no title or conclusion. The text is fairly close to H.
0 = BodL Lib. Oxford, 52, f. 59 b, written 1410-20, with title ‘Moralitas de
scacc&rio secundum dominum Innocentium tercium ’, and conclusion ‘Explicit tractatus
de scaccario \ This is the text printed in Prideaux’s I/ypomnemata Logica , Rhetorica ,
&e., Oxford, 1657, pp. 375-9.
L a Lincoln Coll., Oxford, Lat. 12, f. 220 b, early 15th c., without title or
conclusion.
J 1 = St. John’s Coll., Oxford, 135, f. 47 b, 15th c., following a MS. of Cessolis,
with the title 4 Hec moralitas sequens de scachario est domini Pape Innocencij
tercij ’ and conclusion ‘ Explicit ’.
J 2 = St. John’s Coll., Oxford, 135 (same MS.), f. 53 b, a second text of the
morality without title or conclusion.
S = Sidney Sussex Coll., Cambridge, 85. 4. 23, 14th c., f. 97 b, with the title
1 De Scaccario Innocencius 3 us \ This MS. differs so widely from the other texts that
I have not used it in preparing the following text.
1 have also used —
G = the Communiloquium rive Summa Collationum of John of Waleys (Johannes
Gallensis) ; the printed editions of U, Zell, Cologne, n. d. (editio princeps) and of
Argentinae, 1489, Pars I, dist. x, cap. 7. The morality occurs in some, but not all,
of the other printed editions.
If we except KG, I have failed to find the morality in any of the English MSS.
of the Summa Collationum which I have examined. On the other hand, it occurs iu
many MSS. of Continental origin; thus 12 MSS. at Munich, all of the 15th c.,
all contain it, viz. 3054 (f. 164), 3821 (f. 57), 7588 (f. 167), 11427 (f.341v.), 12281
(f. 237v.), 14054 (f. 78), 14241 (f. 74v.), 14893 (f. 166), 16211 (f. 60v.) 17657
(f. 61), 18430 (f. 174), 22374 (f. 65).
D « the Destructorium vitiorum, Nuremberg, 1496, attributed to Alexander
of Hales, Pars IV, cap. xxiii, where an extended version of the morality is said to be
derived from Vuallerenris in Summa Collationum , I. xxxiv. 8. In this work the
interpretations are carried to a great length.
An OF. translation was formerly in the possession of Conte Alessandro Mortara
(see his Codici MSS. Canoniciani ItaXici , Oxford, 1864, 4).
There is an Italian version (Venetian dialect) in MS. Bodl. Lib., Oxford, Can.
It. 4, f. 58 b, where it follows a MS. of the Italian version of Cessolis, and bears
Digitized by Google
560
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
the title ‘ Pappa inocencio iij mette questo exempio supra el dito juego de schacchij :
segue El Mondo, &c/, and the conclusion 4 Scripto lanno domini nostri ihu. xpi.
mcccc lviiij (1459)/
Finally there is an abbreviated Icelandic version, the work of Gottskdlk Jonsson
of Glaumbse (D. 1593) in MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 11242, f. 52a.l
I have made no attempt to give a complete collation of all the Latin MSS., and
only give a few variant readings which seem to me to be of special chess interest.
Mobalitas de Scaccario.
Mundus iste totus quoddam scaccarium est, cuius vnus punctus albus est, alius
vero niger, propter duplicem statum vite et mortis, gratie et culpe.
ffamilia autem huius scaccarii sunt homines huius mundi, qui de vno sacculo
materno extrahuntur, et collocantur in diuersis locis huius mundi, et singuli habent
diuersa nomina. Primus enim rex est, alter regina, tertius rocus, quartus miles,
quintu8 alphinus (J 1 , alphilus), sextus pedinus. (J*, G, Unde versus : Rex, Rocus,
Alphinus, Miles, Regina, Pedinus.)
Istius autem ioci conditio talis est, vt vnus alterum capiat; et cum ludum
compleuerint, sicut de vno sacculo exierunt, ita iterum reponuntur. Nec est
differencia inter regem et peditem (L, pedinum) pauperum, quia simul in vnum
diues et pauper.
Et sepe contingit quod quando familia scaccarii reponitur in sacculum, rex
inferius collocatur et reponitur; sic fere quique maiores in transitu huius seculi
inferius collocantur, scilicet in inferno, sepeliuntur, pauperes in sinum Habr&he
deportantur.
In isto autem ludo rex vadit vbique (C, K, O, KG, J 1 , J # , G, vadit circumquaque
directe) et capit vndique directe in signum quod rex omnia iuste corrigat, et in
nullo omissa iusticia obliquari debet. Sed quicquid agit rex, iusticia reputatur,
quia quicquid principi placet, legis habet vigorem.
Regina (J 2 , G sive domina ), que dicitur ferret (R fierte ; C, K, Ad, ffers ; KG,
le ferce ; O, certe ; L, J 1 , ferce; J a , fferte ; G, ferze), vadit oblique, et capit vndique
indirecte, quia cum auarissimum sit genus mulierum, nichil capit nisi mere detur
ex gratia nisi rapina et iniusticia.
Rocus est Iusticiarius perambulans totam terram directe in linea in signum quod
omnia iuste corrigat, et in nullo omissa iusticia muneribus corruptus obliquari debet.
Set modo est quod peruertit iudicium, vt scribitur ‘ peruertisti iudicium in amari-
tudinem, et fructum iusticie in absinthium \ (Other MSS. have Sed e contra iam
de illis verificatur Amos iii, &c.)
Miles tree punctos pertransit, duos directos (other MSS. than H and R, Miles
vero in capiendo duo puncta transit directa, et tertium obliquat), in signum quod
milite8 et terreni domini possunt iuste capere redditus sibi debitos et iustas emendas
secundum exigentia delicti, set tercium punctum obliquat cum tallagia et exactiones
iniustas extorquent a subditis.
Alphini vero (G, vero cornuti; KG, vero corrupti) sunt episcopi (C, K, Ad
begin Alphini vero prelati sunt ecclesie papa et (Ad. only, cardinales) archiepiscopi
et episcopi cornuti), non vt Moyses ex colloquio diuino, set potius regio imperio
prece vel pretio sublimati et sic promoti. Isti alphini oblique currunt et tres
punctos currendo pertranseunt indirecte, quia fere omnes prelati odio, amore, munere,
seu fauore, peruertuntur ne delinquentes corrigunt et contra vicia latrent, set potius
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
561
annuo censu peccata ad firmam tradunt. Sic diabolum ditant, unde qui debuerunt
esso viciorum extirpatores, iam per cupiditatem facti sunt viciorum promotores, et
diaboli procnratores.
Pedini pauperculi sunt, qui incedendo duos punctos pertranseunt directos, quia
dam pauper manet in sua simplicitate et paupertate semper directe viuit, set cum
capere vult, obliquat, quia cum cupit aliquid temporal© vel honores consequi,
semper capiendo cum falsis iuramentis vel adulationibus seu mendaciis, obliquat,
donee ad summum gradum scaccarii perueniat, et tunc de poun (R, S, poun ; C, pown ;
K, powne ; Ad., pedone ; O, pone ; L, J 1 , poune ; other MSS. omit) fit fierce , et tunc
incontinenti capit cum maximo dominio, et tres punctos pertransit (O, D duo puncta
pertransit, tertium obliquando) quia, vt dicitur in Alexandro, * asperius nichil est
humili cum surgit in altum.’ (C, K, Ad. transpose the two preceding paragraphs.)
In isto autem ludo diabolus dicit eschek (so all except KG, chek; O, cheke;
G, eschack), insultando vel percuciendo aliquem peccati iaculo qui (sit) percussus
nisi cicius dicat liqueret (R, S, liueret ; C, K, deleueret ; KG, nek ; O, deliueret ;
L, nec ; J 2 , lyuereth ; G, iinqueret), ad penitenciam et cordis compunctioni transeundo,
diabolus dicit ei Mat (so R, S ; C, K, L, G, math ; Ad., mate ; KG, chekmate ; O,
mayte ; J 1 , eschek math ; J 3 , maat), an imam secum ad tartara deducendo, vbi non
liberabitur, nec prece, nec pretio, quia in inferno nulla est redemptio. (C, K, Ad., O,
L, J 1 , G continue: Et sicut Venator diuersos babet canes ad diuersas Carnes
(beetiaa) capiendas, sic diabolus et mundus diuersa habent peccata quibus diuersemodo
homines illaqueant, quia omne quod est in mundo vel est concupiscentia earn is, vel
concupiscentia oculorum vel uite superbia.)
[Note. — T here is very little of interest about the amplified text in the
Destructorium vitiorum beyond the passage translated above, p. 534, which runs in
the original as follows :
In isto scacario diabolus est lusor ab vna parte et homo peccator ab alia parte,
cui diabolus dicit schaek , percutiendo eum iaculo peccati. Cui nisi peccator citius
dicat neck , ad penitentiam recurrendo in breue et antequam sciuerit peccator, dicit
8ibi diabolus schaekmate animam suam ad infernum deducendo, a quo non liberabitur
prece nec pretio, quia in inferno nulla est redemptio. Sed vt videtur multototiens
aliqui presum ptuosi ludentes ad scacarium sunt ita audaces in ludo suo quod
promittunt ludentes secum lucrari et magnam partem familie sue accipere, sperantes
in fine ludi recuperare. Sed contingit quod antequam sciuerint, ex iniprouiso
decipiuntur, et dicitur eis echaekmate (elsewhere in text chekmate), et sic perdit
totum quod in ludo ponitur, et tunc videntes se perdidisse, vellent recuperare ludum
quod tamen nolunt cum eis ludentes . . . Ideo consulo quod tempestiue caueatis
quo trahatis, quia cum subtili et peruerso luditis, et cogitate, quia non luditis pro
nihilo; sed in ludo vestro posuistis preciosissimum iocale quod habetis, scilicet
animas vestras, &c.]
Gksta Romanorum. De Antonio Impebatore.
[I have used the following MSS. :
H 1 = Brit. Mus., Harl. 2270, cap. xxvii, f. 24b, 15th c.
H 3 = Brit. Mus., Harl. 5259, cap. xxvii, f. 25b, early 15th c.
H 3 = Brit. Mus., Harl. 406, cap. vii, f. 107b, first half of 15th c.
H 4 = Brit. Mus., Harl. 3132, cap. xxv, f. 34, middle 15th c.
H 8 = Brit. Mus., Harl. 7333, cap. xxi, f. 161b, middle 15th c.
S = Brit Mus., Sloane 4029, cap. xxiv, f. 36b, middle 15th c.
A = Brit Mus., Add. 33784, cap. xxxv, f. 44b, early 15th c.
1270 N n
Digitized by
562
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
L = Lincoln Coll., Oxford, Lat. 12, cap. xxvii, f. 107, beginning 15th c..
which also contains the Innocent Morality.
(The chapter also occurs in MS. Balliol Coll., Oxford, 320, cap. xxvii, middle
15th c.)
Oesterley, Gesta Romanorum , Berlin, 1872, apparently used another MS. for his
cap. cclxxv, p. 675. His text is very indifferent, and the transcriber has made
mistakes in amplifying the contractions in the MS.
I have made L the basis of the following text. Where I have introduced readings
from other MSS., I have put the passage in italics and stated my source.]
Antonius in ciuitate Romana regnauit prudens valde{E}) y qui multuxn cum
c&nibus ludere solebat et post ludum tota die in ludo scaccarii se occupabat. Cum
semel ludebat et vidit regem ludi in sacculo poni, aliura post alium sub alium et
supra, intra se cogitabat : cum sic mortuus ero sub terra (H 1 ) absconsus ero. Statim
diuisit regnum in tree partes, vnam dedit regi Ierusalem, aliam satrapis imperii,
terciam pauperibus, et ad terram sanctam perrexit vbi in pace vitam suam finiuit.
Moralitas. Karissimi, iste imperator qui ludum diligebat potest dici quilibet
mundanus qui in mundi vanitatibus occupatur. Yerumptamen debet curam accipere
de ludo scaccarii sicut fecerat imperator. Scaccarii habent octo puncta in otnni
parte. In ludo mundi sunt octo genera hominuin, scilicet, vir et mulier, weddes et
veweddes, laici et clerici, diuites et pauperes. Ad istud ludum ludunt sex homines.
Primus est pedinus qui cum procedit non habet nisi vnum punctum et quando uadit
lateraliter ex altera parte capit alium, et cum venerit ad mensam fit ferzs (8, H* and
L have fortis). Sic pauper verus nichill habet, sed cum venerit ad mortem cum
paciencia erit rex in celo iuxta regem pauperum, sed si contra Iesu Christum
murmurauerit de statu suo et fit fur et rapit quicquid potest, tunc capitur et in
carcere inferni tradetur. Secundus alfinus currit tria puncta sursum et deorsum
per eloquenciam fraudulenciam et pecuniarii captionem, et sic fit solus (H 1 , H 2 )
Tercius miles habet (H 2 ) tria puncta lateraliter. Significat generosos currentes et
capientes et gloriantes in prosapia et diuiciarum affluencia. Quart us est rocus
(L has rebus) qui vadit omnibus modis in longum latum et capit quicquid inuenit ;
et significat vsurarios et mercatores falsos qui discurrunt vbique vt possint lucr&ri,
nec curant quomodo ita quod habent. Quinta est regina que vadit de nigro in
nigrum vel de albo in album (H l . L has de albo in nigrum ), et ponitur iuxta regem,
et quando recedit a rege capitur. Ista regina signat puellas virgines que quando
vadunt de castitate in peccatum capiuntur a diabolo propter cerotecas et cinglium
(L has singilum) et huius modi. Sextus est rex (S adds est ouyrhyng mundi el
eeclesie) cui omnes debent obbedire et ministrare, et vadit ante et retro et a latere
et capit vbique. Sic illi qui descendunt in mundum et habent familiam et ascendunt
ad deum per oracionem. Sed quando non curant de deo nec familiam habent fit
sibi check mat. Yideamus ergo quod post ludum omnes ponuntur in sacculo nec
curatur quis erit supra vel in profunditate. Sic de omnibus nobis post ludum
istius mundi erit, ergo studeamus vitam corrigere et in bonis operibus permanere
quod poterimus ad gloriam etemam peruenire, ad quern nos perducat.
De Ludo Schacobum. Oesterley, Cap. CLXVI.
[I merely quote the introductory paragraph. Passages from Cessolis are in italics.]
Schacarium habet lxiv puncta per viii divisa, scilicet, virura et mulierem, sponsos
et sponsas, clericos et laicos, divites et pauperes. Tstura ludum sex homines ludunt.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. V
THE MORALITIES
563
Primus est rochus, et est in duplici genere, scilicet, albus et niger. Dexter est
albus (i infra , alphinus . . . qui est niger ad dexteram regis collocatur, and militum,
quorum dexter est albus) et sinister niger ; buius virtus est, quod cum omnes schaci
fuerint in locis suis situati , tarn nobiles quam populates, Jiabeni virtualiter certos
Urminos, ad quos possunt progredi; soli autem rochi, cum sunt indusi, nidlam habent
progrediendi virtutem, nisi eis per nobiles aut populates via fuerit expedita, et vadit
recto semper tramite et nunquam ad angulum , sive antecedat sive revertatur, et quando
vadit lateraliter, ex altera parte capit alium et fit fur. Carissimi, sic pauper veros
nihil habet, nisi unum transitum paupertatis sue, per quam recto tramite incedit
ad omnium pauperum dominum Ihesum Christum, et fit regina iuxta regem regum.
Sed si murmuran8 de statu suo lateraliter retrocedat, fit fur et rapit quicquid potest ;
nec de regine solio curat
(It is somewhat curious to find in MS. Wolfenbiittel, 39, 7 Aug., art. 19, ff. 495-8,
an Italian work on chess, dedicated to Maria Maddalena d’ Austria, Qranduchessa di
Toscania, which is essentially a translation of this chapter of the Gesta Romanorwm .
It belongs to a period when the mediaeval chess was quite obsolete, and yet makes
no reference to the difference in the moves described from those of the current chess.)
N n 2
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. I
Introductory. — The function of the problem in mediaeval European chess. — The
problem of Muslim origin. — Its European names. — The European MSS. — Their
historical development. — The Alfonso MS. and its European problems. — The
Archinto MS. — The Anglo-Norman or English group of MSS. — The two British
Museum MSS. — The Porter and Ashmole MSS. — The Dresden MS.
The study and composition of game-positions or ^problems ’ is a branch
of chess activity for which the European player was indebted to the Muslim
world. Owing to the prominent part which the problem played in the
literature of chess in the Middle Ages, and also to the extraordinary develop-
ment which it underwent in Europe, it will be necessary to devote consider-
able attention to this side of chess.
We have already seen how important a feature the problems of mansubat
were in the literature of chess in the Muslim world from the ninth century'
onwards. With only two exceptions, all the Arabic and Persian MSS. relating
to the practice of chess are essentially collections of game-positions. When
the European player turned .to the Arabic literature of chess with the intention
of making it known to his fellow- Christians he was at once brought face to
face with this aspect of chess. That a knowledge of the contents of MSS. of
this character reached Europe at an early period in the life of European chess
is certain. An examination of the problems included in the older European
MSS. reveals a very considerable number of positions which actually occur in
existing Muslim MSS. and a number of others so similar in appearance that
it is impossible to doubt that they are also derived from Arabic sources.
It is certain that the Muslim opinion respecting the mansubat reached
Europe with the positions themselves. In the East it has always been
recognized that the main utility of the mansubat was as exercises in the moves
of the chessmen, and in the art of combination by which the player directs
the attack of a number of pieces towards a single point. This was also the
common opinion held in Europe, not only by the earlier generation of players,
but right down to the closing years of the mediaeval game. In the Archinto
MS. the problems are called * practica *, exercises. In the Book of the Duchess
Chaucer makes his hero, defeated at chess by Dame Fortune, exclaim :
But god wolde I had ones or twyes
Y-koud and knowe the Ieupardyes
That coude the Grek Pithagores !
I shulde have pleyd the bet at ches,
And kept my fers the bet therby (lines 665 - 9 ) —
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
565
showing that he regarded the jeopardies or problems simply as a means of
acquiring skill in the ordinary game. So again in the introductory verses
to the two MSS. Cott. and K, to be described below, the English author
recommends the study of problems to his readers as an excellent way to gain
skill in chess. In them he will learn the science of the game, the subtle
moves, the mates and defences. Having gained this knowledge he will see
that any one who has a good knowledge of problems * will assuredly be able
to play more skilfully in all courts’ — by which we are to understand the
castles of the nobility and not merely the royal courts of France and England. 1
And finally, Kdbel justifies the inclusion of some problems in his edition of
Mennel’s Schachzabel by the statement that the player would, by solving them,
obtain practice in chess which would facilitate progress in the knowledge of
the game.
This is a view of the early unsophisticated mediaeval problem which is
entirely correct, but the problem could also be regarded in other ways. We
have already seen from the Alfonso MS. that some players seized on the
brevity of the problem, as contrasted with the game, as an excellence. The
writer of the Picard MS., PP (MS. Paris, f. fr. 1173) expresses the same
view when he undertakes to teach his readers ‘ the fashion of the game, its
assizes, and how it can be abbreviated by partures,’ i.e. by problems. The
definiteness of the problem made it a convenient subject for a wager, and
this view of the problem commended it to other players. The most typical
line of development followed in the case of the shorter European problems
was that which converted the problem into the wager-game. To this aspect
of the problem, which is most obvious in the Italian collections, it will be
necessary to recur later.
Apart from the evidence afforded by the existence of the problem MSS.
themselves, we have very little means of judging of the popularity of the
problem with mediaeval players. I have found only two passages in the
general literature of the Middle Ages that mention the problem, out of many
hundreds that refer to chess. These are the passage from Chaucer which
I have quoted above, and one from Lydgate (see p. 501, n. 5) in which he
speaks of the great diversity of new problems which is possible. Neither the
moralities nor the poems ever refer to the existence of the problem. We
cannot, therefore, speak of the mediaeval problem as displacing the ordinary
game, or as rivalling it in popularity. It probably only appealed to a minority
of chess-players, and reached its greatest popularity towards the end of the
mediaeval period, and in Italy.
No existing problem MS. is as old as 1250. The introduction of the
problem to European players was, however, probably accomplished at an
earlier date than this. All the existing problem MSS. are copies of older
MSS., and many are compilations from a number of distinct sources. The
Bonus Socius compilation was made before 1300.
1 This is the ordinary meaning of court in England in the 13th and 14th cc. See N. E. D. f
s. v. court i. 2, quoting Robert of Gloucester.
Digitized by Google
566
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAKT r
It is evident that the knowledge of the mansubat was derived as modi
from Arabic books on chess as from players. There is consequently no special
reason why we should regard Spain as the necessary point of introduction of
the chess-problem into Europe. The Arabic literature of science, mathe-
matics, logic, and philosophy reached Europe from many points, and on pri*a
facie grounds Italy, Southern France, and even Paris or Oxford are quite as
likely places as Spain for the home of the first problemists of Christian
Europe. The evidence, however, of the existing MSS. points to Italy and
France as the two great centres of problem activity, and since the great
collections were compiled in the former country it is possible that the problem
made its entry into European chess through the hands of Italian players.
That the study of the problem began early is certain on philological grounds.
The European player gave to the mansubat the Latin names of jocus partitas or
partitum , using the participle of the verb partite or partiri , ‘ to divide * or
‘ distribute *.* From jocus partiius we have the It. giuoco (le partito , the Sp.
juego de partido , the Cat. jock par tit, the Prov. joc partita the F. jeu parti , the
AF. gin parti , and the ME. jupertie , our modern word jeopardy* From
partitum are derived the It. partito , the Sp. partido , the F. partie , the last of
which has replaced the MF. parture (from a L. partura , which I have not
found in any chess MS.). All these terms have the literal meaning of
* divided play or game \ ‘ even game *, but, although originating in connexion
with chess and other board-games, at an early date they passed into the
ordinary idiom in derived senses. Thus the L., F., and Eng. terms acquired
the sense of ‘a position in a game, undertaking, &c., in which the chance of
winning and losing hang in the balance ; an even chance ; an undecided state
of affairs ; uncertainty ; chance/ Instances of this sense are common from
the middle of the 13th c., 4 and the meaning of jeojmrdy in modern English
is a simple extension of it.
At a still earlier date, by the middle of the 12th c. at latest, the Prov. joe
partit had acquired a definite technical sense in connexion with the Courts of
Love, which had become a prominent feature in the social life of the nobility
of Southern France. One of the favourite amusements of these Courts of
Love was a form of debate, in which two speakers argued before an umpire
a question of casuistry relating to the ‘ courtois ’ love, one speaker taking one
side and the other adopting perforce the other. These debates were calledyac*
partitZy and when a similar device was introduced into Provenfal poetry the
poems were called joes partitz also, or partiments .
* Since it was the general practice in the Middle Ages to translate technical Arabic
expressions literally (in the course of which many curious blunders were perpetrated), I was
once inclined to explain jocus partiius as an attempt to reproduce the Ar. mansuba by an exact
equivalent, the verb partirs being used in Plautus almost in the sense of * to arrange ’. The
best authorities think otherwise, and I follow the N. E, D. in tho text.
8 The d in our modern spelling has nothing to do with the F. vb. perdre. It is a phonetic
change similar to that which led to the ME. form jubertie. See N. E. D., s. v. jeopardy.
4 Thus in Bracton (c. 1250), IV. i. 32 : * nec potest (ballivus) transigere, nec pascisci, nec
jocum partitum facere.* Ana in Britton (1292), II. xvii. 8 : ‘ ines ne mie en jeupartie de
perdre ou de gayner, tut le voillent les parties. 1 The earliest English instance of a transferred
sense is in the 18th c. romance Sirie (276, quoted in Wright’s Anccd. Lit . (1844) 9) : ‘ For I shal
don a juperti (i.e. a deed of daring) And a ferli maistri.’
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
567
Our knowledge of the European partita is gained from a number of col-
lections , of which the existing MSS. date from the last quarter of the 13th
to the first quarter of the 17th century. The majority of these MSS. were
copied in the course of the hundred years 1340-1450. Two collections — of
which one is apparently entirely lost, 6 and the other survives in a single
copy 6 — were printed in the early days of printing.
Although between 30 and 40 MSS. dealing entirely or in part with
partita are known still to exist, these must represent only a portion of the
output in the Middle Ages ; the problem-lover could not do much without
his own collection of partita . Every one of the five MSS. named in the
inventory of the library of Martin V of Arragon (1395— 1410) 7 has dis-
appeared, and the present location of another MS. which a London bookseller
offered for four guineas in 1798 8 is quite unknown. These MSS. will all have
been works of considerable size, and less likely to be destroyed or mislaid than
the smaller collections, which were all that the ordinary player would be able
to afford.
The existing material, however, is sufficient to enable us to trace the
development of this literature. In this connexion the relative age of the
existing MSS. is of only secondary importance. The modifications of move
prior to 1475 or so were too small to affect seriously the utility of any of
the problem material, and the older MSS. were repeatedly copied. Even in
the cases in which we possess several MSS. of the same collection, it by no
means follows that the older MS. is better than the later. The one may only
8 The Libre del jocks partits dels schachs en nonibre de 100. ordenat e compost per mi Francesch
vicentj not en le ciutat de Segorb 6 criat i vehi de la insigne 6 valorosa ciutat dc Valencia. This Catalan
work ended A loor 6 gloria de nostre Redemtor Jesu-Christ /one acabat lo dit libre que ha nom libre dels
jocks partits dele scacks en la insigne ciutat de Valencia e estampat per mans de Lope de Roca Alemany
e Pere trincher librere d xv dias de May , del any M CCCCLXX X XV. The quarto book was seen by
Panzer (1795, iii. 60) in the library of the monastery of Montserrat, but the library was
destroyed during the campaigns of 1811 and 1884. Cf. also Fuster, Bibl. Valenciana , 1827, i. 40.
8 The Sensuit Ieux Partis des esches ; for which see below, Ch. VIII.
7 The Inventory , made in 1410, is now in the Crown archives of Arragon (Reg. no. 2826).
I quote from Brunet y Bellet, Ajedrez, 220.
f. 5 b. 84. Un altre libre appellat Dels jocks de Scacks e de taules scrit en paper ab posts de
fust cubert de cuyre vermeil squinsat ab sos tancadors de cuyro vermeil lo qual cornel^ en
la primera carta * Los blanclis juguen primers' e faneix en la derrera carta * Segons que per
tu pots veura *.
f. 6 b. 41. Un altre libre appellat Jocks de Scacks dapartit scrit en paper ab cuberta do
pergami sanar ab un correix larch de albedina per tancador lo qual comenva * Diu lo libre '
e faneix 4 explicit liber scacorum'.
f. 12. 84. Un altre libre appellat Del Jock de Scacks en cathala scrit en paper ab posts do
fust cubert de cuyro vert ab tancadors de perxa de seda verda lo qual eomenya 4 lo blanch ’
e faneix 4 segons que per tu pots veura
f. 18 b. 96. Un altre libre appellat De Scacks en frances scrit en pergamins ab posts de
fust e cuberta de cuyro vermeil empremptades ab un tancador de cuyro vermeil lo qual
comen?a 4 nul altre * e faneix 4 Aparon jeu \
f. 40. 272. Un altre libre appellat Dels Scacks en frances scrit en pergamins ab posts de
fust cubert de cuyro vermeil empremptat ab dos tancadors de cuyro vermeil lo qual comenva
en vermello 4 Ci comenya' e en lo negre * A tres noble et accellent princep* e faneix 4 Si fanist
se liure e sope ’.
(King Martin also possessed a copy of the Catalan translation of Cessolis.
f. 9. 58. Un altre libre appellat Dels Scacks en cathala sent en paper ab posts de paper
engrutades e cuberta de cuyro vert ab dos tancadors de bagua lo qual comen 9 a en vermello
4 Comenza lo prolecli ' e en lo negre 4 Amonestat per pregarias ’ e faneix 4 en los segles de los
segles amen'.)
• In Egerton's Catalogue , 1798 : Eckecsiana , 7710. MS. Treatise on Chess in Old French,
on vellum, with 210 illuminated schemes of various Games, elegant, in russia leather, £i 4s.
Digitized by Google
568
CHESS IN EUROPE
fiXT L
reproduce the original work at third or fourth hand, while the Inter* MS.
perhaps repeats it at first or second.
The original European MSS. must have been small works and tra nsl a ti on
entirely from Arabic into Latin. None of these earliest collections hare
survived, but we can infer their nature from existing MSS. There is nothing
to show that any of the larger Arabic works were translated in their entirety.
The next stage in the history begins with the composition of new pmrtes
by European players themselves. The owner of a MS. of mausubal would add
these at the end of his MS. Of this stage I believe that we possess two
examples.
The older of these collections is contained in the beautiful paxchme^
MS. now in the library of the Monastery of St. Lorenzo del Escorial, nm
Madrid, which was executed by order of Alfonso (X) the Wise, King d
Castile (1251-84), and completed in Span. 1321 = a. d. 1283. This is t ht
work which I have used, both in connexion with the Muslim chess and in
Ch. Ill nnder the reference Alf.
The Alfonso MS. consists of 98 leaves of 39-5 cm. by 28, in a sheep-
skin binding with the title * Jnegos de axedrez, dados y tablas * on its back.
Leaves 86, 90, 94, and 98 and the versos of leaves 64 and 80 are entirely
blank. It has no title, but the title
Juegos diuersos de Axedrez, dados, y tablas con sus explicationes, ordenadee
por mandado del rey don Alonso el sabio
has been added on the fly-leaf, and the head-lines ‘ Libro del Acedrex ‘ Libro
de los Dados ‘ Libro de las Tablas \ and * Libro del Alquerque ’ are written
across the verso of one leaf and the recto of the next in agreement with the
subject-matter of the text below. The MS. is written in two columns in
a beautiful hand, with a great number of illuminated initials, both large and
small, and is adorned with no fewer than 150 beautifully executed and coloured
drawings, ten of them occupying whole pages. 9
The arrangement of the MS. divides it into seven parts. The first,
extending from ff. 1 a to 64 a, is devoted to chess. Ft 1—5 a, with six
miniatures, contain the introdoctoiy section, the greater part of which is
quoted in the Appendix to Ch. III. Ff. 5 b — 64 a contain a collection of
103 juego* de part id os, the diagram of each problem following the solution,
and being treated as a miniature, the position being diagrammed on a board
placed between two players. The boards are drawn upright, with a complete
disregard of perspective, and are placed at right angles to the arrangement
ordinarily adopted in chess works. The boards are chequered black and white,
and hi is uniformly white. The pieces are represented pictorially. There
are often onlookers in addition to the players.
The second part, extending from f. 65 a to 71 b, treats of games of chance
with the dice alone. This section contains twelve miniatures, and describes
• A fall account of the miniatures, with two coloured reproductions from the section on
Tables, will be found in F. Janer’s Museo espaSd de Madrid, 1S74, III, 22&-5B.
There is a briefer account in Brunet y Beliefs 24S-6S.
Digitized by floosie
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
569
twelve different methods of play, viz. Mayores , Triga (in three varieties),
Azar (i. e. hazard) o Reazar , Marlota , Riff a, Par con As, Panquist , Medio-Azar ,
Azar-pujado , and Guirgniesca. Here again, as throughout the MS., the
drawing follows the text to which it belongs.
The third part, tf. 72 a — 80 a, treats of the different games on the back-
gammon board Under the headline 4 Libro de las Tablas Fifteen games are
described, and there are sixteen miniatures in all. The games described are
Las quinze tablas , Los doze canes o doze kermanos , JDoblet , Fallas , Seys dos e as,
Emperador, Barata , El medio imperador, Pareja de entrada. Cab e equinal , Todas
tablas (which is our game of backgammon), Laqnet , La bnffa cortesa , La buffa
de baldrac, Los Romanos reencontrat .
The fourth part, ff. 81 a - 85 b, with four full-page miniatures, treats of
enlarged games of chess, viz. Grande acedrex on a board of 144 squares (see
p. 848), and the eight-sided dice used in this game, the seven-sided dice used
in a decimal chess, and a variety of tables on a board of 28 points with 17 men
a side, in which the same dice were used.
The fifth part, ff. 87 a — 89 b, with two full-page miniatures, contains the
game of Acedrex de los qnafro iiempos (see p. 348), and an allied game of tables,
El mundo , for four players, which was played on a board of 24 points with
6 men a side.
The sixth part, the Libro del Alquerque, extends from f. 91 a to 93 b, and
describes the Alquerque de doze , Be cercar la liebre , a form of 1 Fox and geese *
on the same board, the Alquerque de nuevo , played with and without dice (the
larger merels or nine men’s morris), and the Alquerque de tres (the smaller
merels). 10 This section contains five miniatures.
The seventh and last part of the MS., comprising ff*. 95 a-97 b, with two
full-page miniatures, deals with Escaques, an astronomical game (see p. 349),
and a similar board of tables on a circular board with 49 points for seven
players, each having 7 men.
The text of the MS. concludes on f. 97 a, with a colophon in the same
hand as the rest of the MS. : '
Este Libro fue comencado e acabado en la cibdat de Seuilla : por mandado del
muy noble Rey don Allfonso fijo del muy noble Rey Don Ferrando & dela Reyna
Donna Beatriz Sennor de Castiello & de Leon de Toledo de Gallizia de Seuilla
de Cordoua de Mvrcia de Talen de Badaioz e dell Algarue : en treynta & dos annos
que el Bey sobredicho regno. En la Era de mill & trezientos e veynt e un Anna
Era 1321 is the year a. d. 1283. 11
I now turn to the 103 problems which, according to the statement of the
MS. on f. 5 a/1, are arranged by the number of men employed in the setting,
those with most men coming first, and the others following regularly in
descending order.
10 For these games, see the Appendix to this chapter.
11 There is a copy of this MS. in the Library of the Hist. Acad, of Madrid, which waa
made in 1884. I have used a photographic copy of the Escurial MS., which Mr. J. G. White
placed at my service.
The problems of the MS. are reproduced on diagrams in Qst., 72-120. Cf. also v. d. Lasa,
118-20.
Digitized by Google
570
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST 0
This arrangement, however, only extends as far as the 69th problem, 1
by which time we have reached the positions with only 6 men. The ner
three (70-2) have each 18 men, and the remaining problems follow without
any regard to the number of pieces employed, though the number is still
stated in the formal title to each problem.
We have, accordingly, an arranged work of 69 problems, followed by si
appendix or supplement of 84 additional, but not always new, positions. The
collection is a compilation from various sources. 13
The original collection is unmistakably Muslim. The type of problem
agrees in all particulars with the type which we have learnt from the earlier
Muslim collections. All but 18 of these 69 positions actually occur in other
Muslim MSS. which I have used. Of the supplementary problems, also,
nos. 70—2 and 88-103 are exactly similar in type. Nine, indeed, of the 19
had already been included in the main collection, while only one of these
new positions is not already known from other Muslim works. Nor has tk
treatment of these mansubat been modified at all ; the winner’s King lie?
under threat of imminent mate; the diagram is as liberally covered with
pieces as ever (on the average 18 men go to every one of these 88 problems) :
the loser is placed under no inferiority in force. I have, as a result, treated
this part of the Alfonso MS. as one of my authorities for the Muslim
manfubat, and have included the problems in my collection, see pp. 279 ff..
and it has, therefore, no further importance for us now.
But included in this supplementary collection is a small group of 14
problems (nos. 73— 87, of which 82 and 87 only differ in the colours of the
players and 85 is an inferior setting of a Muslim problem) which stands oot
in sharp contrast to the rest of the MS. The diagrams show no excess of
pieces — on the average only 8 men go to each position ; and the attack has
a strong advantage in material, actual and numerical — on the average it has
two men to each one for the defence. Moreover, the conditions of the problems
are new. In six it is laid down that mate is to be given in an exact number
of moves, neither more nor less; in one problem, men are fidated ( atreguado ).
and their capture is prohibited ; another has no solution, and the proper
defence is pointed out. Bishops occupy impossible squares, and promoted
Queens leap to a ‘ third * square without remark. We are in a different world,
the creation of the European problemist. Somehow or other, the compiler of
Alf. had lighted upon a small collection of problems, the work of a European
composer, and he proceeded at once to add it to his collection of mansubat.
The solutions in Alf. of even the shortest problems cover a great amount
of space. As an example, I have given the original text of the solution to
Alf. 78, mainly because v. d. Linde (Qsl., 111) has missed the fact that it is
one of the wager-games, or unsound problems, of which so many examples are
contained in later MSS.
I assume that Nos. 57 and 58 (which arc out of order) have been transposed by accident
l# As might have been suspected from the repetitions. 11 positions are given twice each,
1 three times, and 2 four times! (10 = 26; 16 — 20 ; 22 — 89 ; 25 * 27 = 101 ; 82 = 102; 38-95;
40-72; 46-92; 54-57 = 90=100; 58 = 63 = 64 = 97; 61=66; 69 = 91; 82 = 87; 88 = 96).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
571
Almost all of these European positions in Alf. occur, in idea at least, in
other European MSS. But even in those cases in which the treatment is
the same, the setting is never quite the same in Alf. Alf. never omits the
winner’s King, as is often done in later MSS. in problems in which this King
is not actively concerned in the play, and always precludes the possibility of
the ending * Bare King * by the addition of other forces — generally a blocked
Pawn — to the defence. 14 I have already remarked that the ending Bare
King (Sp. robado) never lost its validity in Spain during the mediaeval
period. The MS. shows no keener an appreciation of ‘ possibility 1 in a problem
than do any of the other mediaeval European MSS. Four diagrams show
Bishops on impossible squares. 16 The MS. shows on the whole no marked
preference for either White or Black as the attacking colour. In the 88
Muslim problems. White begins 46 times, but in the 15 European problems
White only begins 5 times. The European problems in Alf. now follow :
Alf. 73. Alf. 75.
Bl. mates iii III with 1M4. Soln. 1 Kc3; Bl. mates in IV on e4. Soln. 1 Qc4 ;
2 Ktb2 + ; Pd 3 m. 2 Rgl ; 3 Rg2 ; 4 Re2 m.
Alf. 74. Alf. 76.
(Bl.)
Wh. mates in IV exactly with Pe4. Bl. mates in V exactly on bl with B.
Soln. 1 Ktd3 + ; 2 P x Kt ; 3 R~ or Pe5 Soln. 1 Rd2 ; 2 Rdl + ; 3 llal + ; 4 Kb3 ;
accordingly ; 4 Pd2 m. 5 Bd3 m.
14 Contrast Alf. 76 with CB 185, or Alf. 81 with CB 162.
16 Viz. Nos. 47, where the European player has added Bishops on al and a8 to block
shorter solutions (excluded in the Muslim MSS. by making the problem a conditional one),
76, 79, and 86.
Alf. 47 is not the only Muslim problem which has been ‘ Europeanized '. Alf. 103 (Wh.
Kb8, Ph3; Bl. Kd7, Bc5, Pa6, c6, h2; cf. Ar. 407 on p. 327) is solved by means of the
Queen's leap, which was unknown in Muslim chess (Soln. 1 Pc7 + ; 2 Pc8 = Q ; 8 Qc6 ; 4 Qb7 + ;
5Be7; 6Kc6; 7 Kd6 ; 8Kc5; 9Kc6; 10 Bc5+ ; 11 Pa7 in.). Cf. CB 277. In the B.S.
MS. PL 290 = Fn. 290 the Queen's leap is not used.
Digitized by boogie
572
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
A If. 77.
Wh. mates in VTI ; the Qs are fidated.
Soln. 1 Qf2 ; 2 Qel ; 3 Qg2 ; 4 Qf2 ;
5 Qh3 ; 6 Qgl ; 7 Qg2 m.
Alf. 78. Cf. CB 77.
(496/1) EsU ts otro iueyo dr partido en
que a onzr trebeios qur son enUMados assi
como estan en la fiyura dell entablamiento
4' an 9t de toyar drsta yuisa .
Lob blancos iuegan primero & an de
dar mathe al Key prieto en tres uezes de
los sos iuegos mismos ni mas lii menos
si los prietos no lo sopieren alongar, &
si lo sopieren alongar fin can los blancos
por uen$udos. — El primer inego poner
el peon bianco en la segunda casa del
alffil prieto dando xaque al Rey prieto, &
si el Rey prieto entrare en la casa del su
alffil es mathe a los tres lan$oe desta
guisa. El segundo iuego poner el alffil
bianco en la quarta casa del otro alffil
prieto. & el Rey prieto non puede iogar
ninguna cosa dessi misroo nin de los
Roqnes, por que non sea mathe al tercero
inego con el peon bianco poniendol en la
segunda (49 6/2) casa del cauallo prieto
o con el cauallo bianco dando xaque &
mathe al Rey prieto o darle xaque &
mathe con el cauallo bianco.
E por ende es meior pom los prietos
quando los blancos dan xaque al Rey
prieto con el peon bianco en la segunda
casa del alffil prieto, que entre el Rey
prieto en la casa del su Roque, & lo meior
que pueden iogar los blancos es poner
el alffil bianco en la su tercera (read 4»)
casa, & sera el segundo iuego. E pora
deffenderse el Rey prieto del mate dene
iogar con el su Roque prieto que esta
en la segunda casa del Roque bianco
poniendolo en la tercera casa del Roque
prieto, & tom an do el peon bianco que
esta en ella. & assi fincan venfudoe los
blancos: por que non pueden dar mate
al Rey bianco en las tres uezes sobre
dichas, ca non descubre. E esta es ell
arteria deste iuego.
Alf. 79.
Bl. mates in VIII exactly. Soln.1 Pc2 + ;
2 Pci = Q; 3 Qa3; 4 Ktcl ; 5 Kta2;
6 Be3 ; 7 Ktc3 ; 8 Pb2 m.
Alf 80.
Bl. mates in IH exactly. Soln. 1 R x Kt ;
Pc5 + ; 2 Ke6 ; 3 Rc8 m.
Alf 81.
Bl. mates in VII exactly. Soln. 1 Q
(bl)b3 ; 2 Q(el)d2 ; 3 Q(cl)a3 ; 4Q(dl)
d3 ; 5 Q(d2)c3 ; 6 Q(d3)c2 ; 7 Q(a3)b2 m.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
573
Alf. 82 = 87 (ool. oh.).
(Bl.)
Bl. mates in III on <12, each Piece
playing once. Soln. 1 RxKt; 2 Kf2 ;
3 R(f3)d3 m.
Alf. 84.
Wli. mates in VI on hi. Soln. 1 Qfl ;
2 Bd3; 3 Ktf5 ; 4 Kth4 ; 5 Ktf3 + ;
6 Ktf2 m.
Alf. 88. Alf. 86: Ar. 361.
m mam m
■ m m i
■. m , :
m mam m
m m mam
■ i m
< mm
mmm a
k
bib 14.
m m m m
am i m m
Wt M M M
■ ■ ■ i
m m mnm
Wh. mates in V on e4. Soln 1 B~ ;
2 Rg8 ; 3 Rg7 ; 4 Rg6 ; 5 Re6 m.
Wh. mates in VII on d5. Soln. 1 Ktd3;
2 Kte5 ; 3 Rhl ; 4 Rh8 + ; 5 Kf5 ;
6 Rh7; 7 Rd7 m.
Alf. 86.
mam ■ ■
BAB El H
i i a ii
is m
^Bl.)
Wh. mates in XTV or less on a8.
Soln. 1 B(c6)~ ; 2 Bc6 ; 3 Be4 ; 4 Bc2 ;
5Qc8; 6 Be4, Ka7 ! ; 7 Qd7 ; 8 Kb6,
Kb8 ! ; 9 Bc6 ; 10 Ba8 ; 11 Bf8. Kb8 ! ;
12 Bd6 + ; 13 Qc6; 14 Qb7 m.
The other example of this stage in the history of the problem literature is
afforded by a collection of twenty-nine problems, which occupies ff. 85-92 of
a vellum MS. containing a number of Latin tractates written in different
14th c. hands. It follows an incomplete text of Cessolis (here named Jacobus
de Cesulis ; the text begins f. 73), both texts being written in the same
Italian handwriting of about 1370-75. The MS., which for purposes of
reference I denote by Arch., was once in the possession of the Counts Archinto,
then in the Phillips Library, Cheltenham, and is now in the library of
Mr. J. G. White of Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A.
Digitized by ^.oome
> EUROPE
he
- :«? Imcipiunt pratice scachorum arti£aste>'
.. ire diagrammed on each page, one ever
, TL - *— * are placed over each board. The piece?
msrm of the problems the letters denotar
^ i die board are inverted — following the rah
variations are written in columns on either
’** ^ mosobSity of which the setting* is on strict;
^ ^ be found in existing Muslim MSS., and aE
umnfub&t in the chess work of the Mos&h
_ ^sitions in Arch., four more at least are «
Ljrri *c.*tairng four wager-games and a self-mate, ir
^ me as more decidedly Muslim, if that wen
has two titles, one a rubric and the second
^ vrre^H>nd exactly to the titles in the earlier Arab*
voJd (agef) el vincet hoc modo is the usual farm
' t #
ae number of moves in the solution, but does nor
^ European view. In cases in which one line of
number of moves than the other, both number
v i luobus tractibus ad minus uel Siij or . ad pis**
x «£*r or unsound games are unusual : Rubens prims*
* M tribus cum pedite per unam uiam : as though Ur
u living a weak move on the part of the Black) wen
^ CV moves are described in the same notation as in
^ while the unusual absence of anything approaching
x reminds me strongly of the solutions in the
^ tm> $ have been already archaic when the present copy
^ ^ collections were already in existence. The MS„
^ H any knowledge of them, and owes its preservation
* * it fell into the hands of a scribe who felt that the
ato^pkte without something closer to the practical
* exefvises *, were the best illustrations of the game
h? them with all their old-world vocabulary to his
^ of the latter is well shown, both by his key to the
* v** ef the pen in the solution to his eleventh practicum ,
^ t |* due : Rochus— R ; Miles (in the text equity eques, on ee
41 waV wwtaa) — c ; Rex— b ; Regina— f ; Pedes (in the text often
^ $td#j dom(m) us, locus, and tabula ; the squares attacked by
** Ar. muqd(a'a of AH and L) : for I
- *** ^ * | 0 m oye 7 we have movers, remo
^ V#> , wwfcn, procedere, descenders, deducere, ducere, ponsre, collocate,
and premen t of the Pawn, this last reproducing the
■ the vb. * to take* we have
removers, vadere, agere, amovmt,
for the Pawn also). The * fidated * piece of the later MSS.
'" Xs ^ v ’ is tabuUa ; the later term glosa never occurs.
Digitized by Google
HAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
575
/here he substituted the more familiar aljiuo for the caluo of his text, and adds
he note id eel ealuuo . From the occasional forms chaluvs , chooperirt ?, I infer
hat he belonged to Tuscany.
The problems in this MS. now follow :
Arch. 1 : Ar. 80. 17a Arch. 4 t Ar. 29.
□ mam ^
.
^ m m m
1111*
I
m m m m*
S i
mmm. m
: ;
mm m m±
m&mm m
r/.j
um mm m
m a m mu
;B1.) (Bl.)
Niger primus uadet 4' uincet hoc mode.
Fit mactum in duobus tractibus ad minus
uel iiii or ad plus. Niger Rocchus de
tertia casa regine scachum dicat, quem
si cum roccho acceperit. Eques de quarta
casa rubei calui pedite accepto mactum
inferat. Si uero predictum Rocchum
nigrum cum caluo carpserit, alius niger
rocchus de tercia cassa calui sibi scacchum
dicat quo cum rubeo accepto ineuitabile.
niger equs de quarta casa sinistri equitis
scacchum dicat quo iterum cum regina
accepto alius equus de seconda cassa
equitis mactum inferrat.
Niger jmmus a get <J* uincet. Fit
mactum in duobus ad minus & ex iiii or
ad plus. Soln. of MS. 1 Pg6 + , Kg8 ;
2 Rb8 + , Bf8 ; 3 llh8 + ; 4 R x B m.
Arch. 5 : Ar. 4.
*
mm m hi
. ® . MM . M
m m
(Bl)
Arch. 2: Ar. 18
Niger primus aget 4' uincet hoc modo.
Fit mactum in quinque tractibus nec
plus nec minus. Soln. 1 R x Kt + ; 2 ReS
(Bedes regine) + ; 3 Pd7 + ; 4 Kt x P + ;
5 Kt x B m.
Arch. 3 = CB 73 = Ar. 53, q.v.
KuJbeus primus aget 4' uincet. Fit
mactum in duobus tractibus nec plus nec
minus. Soln. 1 Re2 + ; 2 Pd2 m.
Arch. 6 : Ar. 32.
RuJbeus primus aget 4’ uincet . Fit
mactum in duobus ad minus et quatuor
ad plus. Soln. 1 Ktc2 + , R x Kt ! 2
R x B + ; 3 Rdl ( casa regine) + ; 4 Ktd3m.
17 * This refers to the collection of Muslim mansttb&t, pp. 282-838 above.
Digitized by Google
576
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST 1.
Arch. 7 : Ar. 400. Arch. 10 : Ar. 28.
(bl.;
Rubens primus aget uincet sic . Fit
mactum in tribus tractibus nec plus net*
minus. Soln. 1 Rd2 + ; 2 Pc2 + ; 3 Ktd3
(de tercia domo regis) m.
Rubeus (1. Niger)' pri mo uadit <}• mortal
nigrum (1. rubeum) in domo ubi est . Fit
mactum in iiii or tractibus uel in tribus
ad minus. Soln. 1 R x Kt + ; 2 R x P + ,
B*R!; 3 Pd7 + ; 4 KtxBm.
Arch. 8 (corr.} : Ar. 5. Arch. 11. Cf. Alf. 86.
aw
m m m m
^ a .
m m m m
S :
m m m m
A : ::
m m m m
« i
m m m m
*
*
(Bl.) (Bl.)
Rubeus primus aget § uincet hoc mvdo .
Fit mactum in diuersis tractibus. Rubeus
reginam in tercia domo equitis moueat ac
deinde earn paulatim ducendo inde
equitem suum & rocchum nigrum in
seconda domo regis collocet. Deinde
cum equite de tercia sede equitis mactum
dicat.
Arch. 9 : Ar. 27.
Rubeus primus aget. Set niger uincet.
Fit mactum in quatuor tractibus. Soln.
1 Ral + ; 2 Kte4 + ; 3 Ktf6, Rli7+;
4 Kt x R, Pg7 m.
Rubeus primus aget et uincet hoc modo.
Fit mactum in sex tractibus, etc. Rex
niger debet mactari in domo equitis sui
sinistri infra sextum tractum hoc modo.
Regina dicat scacbum. ipse autem subeat
domum sui militia, deinde submoueat
caluum ac deinde ubi caluus fuerat regem
ponas. ab hinc in locum ubi prius Regina
fuerat Rex descendat. postea cum alfino,
id est caluuo, Scacbum dicas, et statim
cum pedite mactum inferras.
Arch. 12. Cf. Ar. 208.
Rubeus uadat Sf mactet nigros in domo
ubi est . . Fit mactum in diuersis tractibus.
Niger caluus nullatenus capiatur qui et
Digitized by
Google
chap, vi THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM 577
ipse ceteros cum suo rege si potest capiet.
Caluus anteferior inmobilis est. hoc autem
modo mactari potest, paulatim deduca-
tur Rex usque quo caluus eius ponatur
in choopperturam sui regis in domo
seconds Rocchi rubei dextri, et sic cum
roccho uno et cum rege potest cito quo
uelli8 angullo mactari.
Arch. 13 = CB 53 (Wh. Kd6, Rc5, e5 ; Rubei is j/ritno vadit uincet hoc modo .
Bl. Kd8), q.v. Fit mactum in duobus tractibus. Roccus
Rubeus qui est in quarta domo sui uadat
in quintam doraum regis nigri in feritorio
calui et peditis. tunc niger ducat quid-
quid uellit. Equs rubeus qui est in
domo calui in tercia domo regis mactum
inferrat.
Arch. 17 = CB 185 (Qc4 on c2) = Ar.
19.
Rubeus primus aget <J* sic uincet. Fit
mactum in duobus tractibus. Regina
libera ab omnibus sit et vadat in secon-
dam domum equitis dicendo scachum.
tunc niger in domum sui equitis uadit.
pastes regina intret domum rocci per
discooperturam rocci rubei mactum dicat.
Arch. 19 = CB 15 (Bl. Kd8, Qd6, e6,
Ra3, Ktd2; Wh. Kd4), q.v.
Arch. 20.
Niger primus uadet <J* rubeus uincet
sic. Fit mactum in diuersis tractibus.
Roccus non mouetur nisi semel in ultimo
scacco macto. Rex rubeus inmobilis per-
manet equs semper cursitat per uim
donee capiat Regem nigrum ne possit Rubeus uincet et niger primo vadit.
moueri in domo Rocci prima uel seconds ; Fit mactum in duobus tractibus. Rex
tunc Rocchus mactum inferat. niger vadit ad dextram uel sinistram.
1270 O o
f
Arch. 16.
Hi
i ms
■M i M
m m
u/jm « mi
r ,Wt r . £§
ll^Ii
fa wA t
v
Mi V/A £
afe
Arch. 18.
Rubeus primo vadet et vincet sic . Fit
mactum in sex tractibus cum regina sic.
Rubei milites precedent semper scac-
cando sicut dictum est in precedenti
t abulia, tunc in sexto tractu Regina
rubea mactum dicat atque inferrat.
Arch. 14. Cf. CB 12.
Arch. 16(corr.).
Digitized by boogie
578
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
tunc rocchus precedit eum in una tabula,
postea reuertitur Rex per vim in domum
propriam schacum audiens ab ipso Roccho
& erit mactum.
Arch. 21.
Rubeus primus aget & vincct niger .
Fit mactum in duobus cuift pedite per
vnam uiam. Rocchus rubeus si ducetur
per lineam rectam versus Regem nigrum
usque quatuor domus vel quinque uel sex
non (let in duobus tractibus. Si autem
per aliam uiam ab dextris uel sinistris
fit hoc modo. ducatur Rocchus rubeus et
ferat scachum. Chaluus chooperit regem
et discoperit Rubeum dicendo scachum.
tunc rocchus rubeus per uim cooperit
suum Regem. tunc pedes mactum inferrat
atque diccat.
Arch. 22 = CB 48 (add Bl. Pa6 and
reflect), q.v.
Arch. 23.
Niger primus vadet $ vincet. Fit
mactum in duobus tractibus per vnam
viam, sed per aliam non. Vincet in
duobus tractibus cum pedite qui est
in tercia domo militis. si autem Rocchus
Rubeus qui est franchus ab omnibus
ducetur in terciam domum sue case non
fit, qui(a) non discooperiet regem pedes.
Caluus uadit in quartam domum calui
nigri uel rubei. Rubeus Roccus qui est
liber uadat quoconque preter dictam
domum. in alio tractu niger cum pedite
mactum diccat.
Arch. 24. Cf. CB 248.
Niger non potest rubeum uineere caluo
liber o existente . Non potest rubeum
mactari caluo libero existente. Cum
caluo omnes quos poteris capies. omnes
enim pedites regine sunt, et semper in
custodiam scachi Regis caluum ducas, in
cuius feritorio capiuntur omnes, & ita
inuincibilis est.
Arch. 25. Cf. Alf. 74.
Rubeus jrrimus uadit <$• vincet in 4 r
tractibus. <J* defenditur quod non. Fit
mactum in iiii r tractibus & impeditur
solum in vno loco. Equs rubeus dicit
scachum in tercia casa Regine, quo accep-
to cum equo nigro pedes tunc recipit
equum nigrum, tunc quo(cun)que uoluerit
Rocchus uadat niger. Si uadit in terciam
domum alterius rocci non fit in quatuor,
et non est alia uia Quia scacum dicit
Roccus niger & sic impeditur. Et nota
quod mactari debet de pedite qui est
iusta Regem. Et nota quod si premitur
pedes qui est super regem, tunc ponas
Roccum per lineam rectam ad accipien-
dum peditem cum quo debet mactari.
tunc e tiara non fit in quatuor.
Arch. 26 = CB 243 (inverted).
(Qui primo vadit perdit. Vnus Roccus
non potest transire per feritorium alterius.
Caue igitur ne precedes quod si per cus-
pides tabularii te sequente te capiet.)
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
579
Arch. 27.
Hubeus primus aget vincet in uiius.
Fit mac turn in diuersis tractibus. Regina
fr&ncie ludens cum milite suo vasal I o
habebat rubeos et dixit ‘ludum araissi *
uollens manus in ludo apponere et de-
strnere ilium. Milles uero respond it * non
decet me contra dominant meam uictorem
insurgere. Vnde expedit quod victrix
assurg&tis de ludo et cum pedite raacteris
me \ Ecce rubeus pedes accepit peditem.
Regina vadit in terciam domum militis.
Iterate pes rubeus alium peditem aufert.
tunc Roccbus dicit scacum. Rex rubeus
vadit sicut vult. tunc Regina preoccupat
peditem ne procedat in locum Rocci nigri
et subtiliter turn milite aufertur domus
militis nigri. tunc Rex niger intrat
domum rocci nigri et posito rocco &
oblato cum pedite mactatur equite in-
geniosse ludente.
Arch. 28.
Rubeus primus aget df uincet bis semper
eundo. Fit mactum in diuersis tractibus.
Pedites regine sunt et semper habent
duos tractus et denique vie trices remanent
cum victoria.
Arch. 29 = CB 249.
( Rubeus Rex primo poni Sf nigre vincant
semper dando scacum . Fit mactum in
xvi tractibus nec plus nec minus. Non
poteris in aliquo loco in tabulario locare
regem quod cum sedecim reginis non
mactem ipsura. Ponas ergo Reginas
tuas per ista quatuor media semper
dicendo scacchum regi illius. Explicit
vigessimum nonuni praticum ludi sca-
corum.)
Neither Alf. nor Arch, appears to have been known to any of the compilers
of the later MSS. Both remain the sole European authorities for a con-
siderable number of their Muslim positions.
The third stage in the history of these collections began when players
commenced to compile MSS. from many sources, with the intention of in-
cluding all the known material. In so doing, the sharp lines of division
between Eastern and Western work, to be seen clearly in Alf. and rather less
so in Arch., were obliterated altogether, and Muslim and European problems
follow one another indiscriminately. At first, no attempt was made to arrange
this heterogeneous material.
To this stage belong a group of four MSS. which has been designated
The Anglo-Norman group y because the two earlier MSS. of the group are
written in the English dialect of French, at one time called Norman-French,
but now more accurately, Anglo-French. All four MSS. were written in
England, and all probably go back to one Latin original. These MSS. are :
Brit. Mus. Cotton Lib., MS. Cleopatra, B. ix . = Cott.
„ King’s Lib., MS. 13, A. xviii . . = K.
MS. formerly in the possession of Mr. George Baker,
the historian of Northamptonshire (Porter MS.) = Port.
Bod. Lib. Oxford, MS. Ashmole 344 . . . = Ash.
o o 2
Digitized by Google
580
CHESS IN EUROPE
pact :i
A fifth MS., Dresden Lib. 0/59 (= D), has sometimes been associated vrixh
this group, but I think that the resemblances are not of sufficient important
to justify this conclusion. It belongs, however, to the present stage in tb*
development of the literature.
The Cotton MS. is a small octavo MS. of 70 parchment leaves, containing
a number of miscellaneous treatises which are all written in one hand of the
latter part of the 18th c. These include several works on the Calendar, one d
which shows that the writer was connected with the Dorsetshire monastery «
Abbotebuiy, while another (f. 64 b) gives the movable feasts for the ye»
1273-1380. There is no apparent reason why 1273 should be selected for the
commencing year of such a table, unless it were the date of transcription d
the table, and we may accordingly place the date of the already-written che*
treatises as not later than 1273.
The chess items of the MS. come at the beginning of the book, and
occupy ff. 4 a— 10 b. 18 On ff. 4a-8 a, with an unfortunate hiatus between
ff. 5 and 6 — the result of the loss of some leaves of the MS. — is written, tw<
columns to the page, an AF. collection of problems, the text partly in verse
and partly in prose, with 15 diagrams, of which the squares are chequered
in different colours, and the pieces are sometimes figured and sometimes
denoted by their names being written in black and red ink on the squares
occupied. 18 On f. 8 b is a diagram (No. 16) which is partly erased. On f. 9a
is a diagram (No. 17) of the Circular chess of the Muslim MSS., which wa?
once surrounded by text, but this has been erased beyond recovery. 20 On
f. 10 a is a diagram (No. 18) illustrating the calculation of the Geometrical
Progression (the ‘ doubling of the squares *), ai and below it are two diagram?
of problems (Nos. 19, 20), placed side by side, with Latin title over and AF.
text below. On f. 10 b is the Latin Cotton Poem , which I have discussed
above, pp. 506 and 518.
The last three items also occur in a vellum MS. of miscellaneous content?
in the library of Trinity College, Cambridge (O. 2. 45, ff. 2 b and 3 a), which
belongs to the second half of the 13th century, and, from the details of a
Calendar which it includes, was written at the Dorsetshire monastery of
Cerne Abbey. Folio 2 b contains, without text, diagrams of the boards used for
18 At the top of f. 3 b the first two lines of the text on the following page are repeated a*
guide lines (Seignors vn poi m’entendez / Ki les gius de esc lies amez.).
18 No. 1, Red men drawn in black, Bl. men written in black, board yellow (hi) and white;
2, names written, board white (hi) and yellow ; 8, pieces as in 1, squares red (hi) and white ;
4, pieces as in 2, squares as in 3 ; 5, pieces as in 2, squares as in 1 ; 6, pieces as in 2, squares
black (hi) and white ; 7-15, as 5 ; 16, pieces drawn Ka8, Ra2, b2, Pa6, bfi, c4, d3, ©2 (erased
R on a4, b3). Names written in black : Rei el, roc g2, hi, al/fin, fl, pou a7, b6, c5, d4, e$.
f2, gl (erased Re h5, roc g8, h8 — these three in red) ; 17, squares black and white, names in
black on lowest quadrant only (each square of outer sectors, poun ; inner, from centre out-
wards, left, reiy alfin , chiualir , roc; right, fierce, alfin , chiualir , roc ) ; 19 and 20, men drawn, red
and green, squares white (lil) and dark brown. The names of the pieces used are re*, roc,
cheualy cheualer or che., alfi, aJfin or alf, fierce ( rcine in No. 8 only), port, po or poun.
20 The beginning of the text given by v. d. Linde ( Leerboek, 266) is hypothetical, I fear.
The passage is quite illegible.
81 The number on each square is entered in grana up to the 17th square, where the total
becomes a scutella. The total is further reduced on the 24th square to.; summer on the 32nd
to j horteum, on the 40th to j tertema , on the 48tli to j comitatus , and on the 56th to j regnum.
The 64th square accordingly holds cclvi regna .
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
581
tables, the nine men’s merels, and Alfonso's alqnerque de doze. At the top of
f. 3 a are the two problems Cott. 19 and 20 side by side (Cott. 20 preceding
Cott. 19), with the same Latin text over, and the same AF. text, now almost
illegible, below. The board of Cott. 20 is chequered green and white (hi
white), and of Cott. 19, blue and yellow (hi yellow). The men, drawn con-
ventionally, are yellow and green and red and green respectively. The
diagram of Cott. 19 is arranged sideways. The lower half of the leaf is
occupied by the text of the Cotton Poem . This MS. obviously stands in close
relationship with Cott.
The King’s Library MS. is a quarto parchment MS. which contains a
number of different treatises in different hands of the 13th and 14th cc. The
chess work follows a short treatise upon the game of tables (ff. 157 b-160 a), 22
and is entitled Ici comencent les iupertiez des eschez . It occupies ff. 161—73
(old foliation 166-9, 190-8, but there is nothing wanting). Both works are
in the same hand, of the last quarter of the 13th c., as a short chronicle of
England down to the reign of Henry III (1216—72). The chess work is
written in Anglo-French (without trace of any English words), and forms a
poem of 1,843 lines, divided into an introduction and 55 sections, each
numbered with an Arabic numeral. Each section has normally its own title,
and concludes with the diagram or diagrams of the positions described in the
text. There are 58 of these diagrams, each of which, from the ninth onwards,
is girt above and on the right-hand side with a key to the literal notation
used in the solutions. The diagrams are unchequered, and the names of the
pieces 23 are written on the squares which they occupy.
These two MSS. have a great deal in common. Both begin with the same
introductory verses, although — as is generally the case — the text in Cott. is
longer than that in K. I have already pointed out that this preface regards
the problems simply as exercises in chess, by playing over which a player
could improve his knowledge of the game. There is no allusion here to the
habit of playing the problem for a stake, but from later passages in both MSS.
it is clear that this was the general practice. 24 The author states that he has
written his book in response to an oft-repeated request :
Good brother, you have often requested me to translate according to my ability
the jeopardies into Romance, and send them to you.
In doing so, however, he begs his friend not to make the book too widely
known, and charges him not to lend it even, without first obtaining the
writer’s permission. His ostensible reason for this is that a thing too well
22 Printed from a careless transcript in Fiske, Chess in Iceland , 161-6.
28 Viz. rey (rarely, towards the end of the MS., roy), roc (after f. 168 rok) f ch'r,ferce or fierce
( reyne in two diagrams, those to 4 and 22), aJJin (rarely aXfyn ), pod.
M In the story to Cott. 1, the two players had wagered, the one his daughter’s hand, the
other his own head. In Cott. 12 the text contains the warning Kar ki sun auer (i. e. goods,
property) meitra. Plegge su U per derat . Prenge il defense v matesun Si le giu sace sun compaignon
(so K 82). K 48 warns the player that the given mate in five moves can be delayed two
moves by checks on the part of the loser, so that, if the player undertakes to mate in five
moves, Jeo luy dy verrayment. Ke il perdreyl soun argent.
Digitized by
Google
582
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
known is little esteemed, but it is possible that he wished to avoid the loss of
a source of income which he possessed in the knowledge of these positions.
Again and again the MS. remarks in connexion with particular problems how
few people knew the solution. The important points about this lively preface
are the admission that the work is a translation into the vulgar tongue —
almost certainly from Latin — and the light it throws upon the rise of the
popularity of the problem. When the original preface was written, problems
were not widely known, and it was necessary to give reasons to recommend
the study of them.
Of the 15 problems in the Cott. work proper, the first 14 occur in K also
(but not in the same order), with in many cases similar or (in part) identical
introductory texts. The solutions differ in form, since Cott. generally gives
them in prose only, and describes the moves in circumlocutory fashion, without
using any special notation, while K gives them in verse and employs the
special notation described above, p. 469. Only two of the Cott. positions are
ordinary mates, and both of these are Muslim ; three are conditional problems,
of which one is Muslim ; four are self-mates ; three are exercises ( Ar. mikkdriq)
or puzzles ; three are end-games, two of these being concerned with Kings
and Pawns only. The erased diagram is probably another self-mate, and
the two additional positions on f. 10 a (Nos. 19 and 20) are Muslim mate-
problems.
We may classify the positions in K similarly. There are 11 exercises
(four Muslim) ; 3 self-mates ; 17 mate-problems (eight at least Muslim) ;
13 conditional problems (six being to give mate on one of the four central
squares of the board — en mg In del cschecker ; and two to give mate on
b7 — le pofui cstraunge ; three are Muslim) ; 2 Bare King endings, both
Muslim; and 9 End-games, of which four are concerned with Kings and
Pawns only; one at least of these is Muslim. In several positions in both
MSS. there' is a satisfactory defence, which is explained in the solution ; these
positions have no connexion with the deliberately falsified wager-games of the
later MSS.
In both MSS. (in K with only two exceptions, in Cott spasmodically)
short titles or mottoes are attached to the problems, which aptly hit off some
special feature of the position or solution. Both MSS. have a more pro-
nounced literary flavour than is found in the case of any other of the Problem
MSS., and do not confine themselves to a dry recital of conditions or solutions.
Thus in K 22 the saw Mcul rant engyn ke force is illustrated from the capture
of Troy and the fate of Samson, and in K 47 the value of the Pawn is com-
pared with the value of a maid to her mistress as seen in the story of Tristram
and Ysoude.
Both MSS. show a strong preference for the Black pieces ; in only one
problem in Cott., and in only five in K, does the player of the Red forces win
the game.
The problems in Cott. and K follow. I have made large extracts from the
original texts.
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
583
MS. COTTON, CLEOPATRA, B. IX (COTT.)
Introductory Lines.
(4 a/1) Seignors, un poi m’entendez,
Ki les giuB de esches amez,
E ieo vne parti e vus dirray
Solum iceo ke apris en ai,
Les gius partiz numeement
Ke me vnt apris diuerse gent.
De plusiers meistres les ai apris,
Grant veisie iad m’est auis
E mult li purra len amender
Ki k tu z les esches voldra iuer.
Kar ki ke uoldra ententiuement
Des gius aprendei-e le doctnnement
Des sutils trez, des matesons,
Des defenses cum les aprendrons,
Bien purra ueer e parceueir
Ke gius partiz a grant saueir
En tutes curz aseurement
Juer purra plus afeitement.
Mes vne genz sunt ke en despit
Vnt les giuspartiz e prisent petit
Pur ceo q ue poi enseiuent ou iuent,
Mes ceo n'est pas a dreit iugement
De despire ceo dunt nen seit la u^rite,
Kar toust peot estre en curt gabb£,
Kar coment purra len iuger
Dunt il ne se seit riens aider ;
Pur ceo ne uist deuant qw’il seit certeins,
Kar s’il fait tenu eit pur vilains.
Beal frere, souent m’auez requis
Ke ieo solum le mien auis
Les guispartiz translatasse
En romans e vus les enueasse.
Fet les ai, ore les receuez.
Si dit en ai poi ne me blamez,
Kar mult est grief u«rrayment
D’aprendre les gius par enseignement
Ki ne fust assis k l’eschekier
V lorn peust les traiz iuger.
ffet est nekedent, ore le receuet
Mun liueret e pas nel peoplez,
(4 a/2) Kar chose ke trop est popl^e
Meins volt e miens est amee ;
E sens e aueir plus uil ensunt
Kunt commun est a tut le mond ;
Kar si les set sages de Rome
Nen seusent plus ke altre home,
Nient plus ne fuBt de eus parl£
Ke d’altres ke del si&clc sunt al6 ;
E si li or fut si communs
Cum fer, v acer, v plumbs,
Nient ne fut de greignur chirte
Ke l’autre metal ke ai nomA
Pur ceo, beal frere, par icele fei
Vus coniur que feistes amei
Ke vust cest liuere pas n'aprester
Si vus congie de mei ne aiez.
Cott. 1 : Ar. 87.
(Bl.)
(4 a/2) Dui baron esteient iadis
ki des esches vrent apris.
A vn ior par atie s’asistrent
As esches giuer e grautment mistrent ;
Li vns mist sa teste pur coporer,
L’aultre sa fille s’il net pout mater.
Tant iuerent k’il fust suspris
ke sa teste al giu ont mis.
Mult fut dolent pur mort se tint.
Kant la nouele a la pucele vint
Ke sis amis a mort eit liuerez,
Kant ele Tentent, auale les desgrez
De la chaumbre, en la sale entra,
Vit sun ami suspris, mult li peisa.
Grant piece estut e estudia
Coment deliuerer le purra,
Puis dit ‘ mwlt est fols e bricun
Ke sa teste met en raancun
As esches si bien ne purueit
Vltre le neofime tret e aparceit
Quele chose aider le porra.’
Plus ne dit, sis peres se coroca
E iura ke mal ot parl^e.
La pucele en chaumbre riest al6e.
(4 b/1) Le chiualer k ki ile ceo ot dit
Mult estudia e tant puruit
k’il vit la defense e la mateson
Si cum nus ici le aprendrum.
Li reis neir tret premirement
Si nun tost eust sun iugement.
Del vns des alfins eschek dirra,
Mes li vermeil aler porra
En Tangle, mes si il iert ale
Tost serreit del roc mate.
E s'il delez Tangle veit
Digitized by Google
584
CHESS IN EUROPE
pa*t n
Li roc sempre li muueraz plait
En son le bord eschek li dirra
E delez le chiualier le ualera.
A1 tierz trait en la garde del chiualier
Li dirra li roc eschek plenir
Si ke li estuuera le chiualier prendre.
Mes al quart tret uoldra descendre
Li roc en la garde de sun poun,
E fra le rei aler uoille il v nun
Entre le poun e le neir alfin
Ki enkui li ert mult mal veisin.
E al quint treit Pencuntera
Li neir poun e munter le fra.
Al sime li suit le roc al dos.
Al setime liel lerra auer repos
Ainz le vet en la garde eschekier
Del Alfin qu’il trait premier.
Al vtime ne se uolt celer,
La fierce le fet al horde aler.
Al neofime vient auant li cornuz
Si li most re ses corns aguz.
Si compainz comen^a la mediae
IciBt cornu corne la men£e.
[i. e. 1 Bc5 + , Kb8 ; 2 Rg8 + ; 3
Rc8 + ; 4 Rc6 + ; 5 Pd4 + ; 6 Re6 + ; 7
Re3 + ; 8 Qg3 + ; 9 Be3 m. The dia-
gram allows 5 Re6 m. In K (28) and
Ash. (30) the position is given more cor-
rectly.J
Cott. 2.
(4 L/2) Assez iad de ceus giupartiz
ke nule manier par escriz
Ne purreit len les traiz deuiser
Ne la mateson al oil mustier,
E bien le puet hom a parceuer
Par cest giu ke ieo di veir,
kar si mil homrae fussent assis
A cest giu iuer, ceo m’est auis,
Chescun diuersement purreit
Traire solum ceo que li plavreit.
Pur ceo vus pri ne me blame
Si io les treiz n’ai deuisez,
Kar la maniere e la mestrie
Solum ke sai ne celerai mie.
Li reis neir primes traire deit
Mes 8*il vn de ses horns perdeit
Li gius serreit del tut finiz.
De il reuoil k’il seit gainez
Quen vne rei leneseit commons
Le rei vermeil od ses pouns
Ne qu’il face ses pouns aescient
Tuz fierces communement
Kar quant serreint de vne colur
le rei vermeil n’auereit pour.
Cott. 3 fcorr.).
(Bl.)
De vn altre giu reuoil parler
ke pas ne fet k vblier
(5 a/1) ke mult est bons e poi seu,
De tant iest plus chir tenu.
Cist giu resemble nos lettrez.
Nos eueskes e nos abbez,
ke tant riche sunt de grant auer
E tant sages de terrien sauer
E k degree e tut aescient.
Lur alines liurent k turment
Si ke li diable uoillent v nun
Les liuerent a perdicion,
Kar il alienent filles e fiz
E lur paienz e lur norriz
E tant se efforcent de els leuer
ke il se liuerent a tormenter.
D'altres mals trop sunt enbui
Kar le conter me semble ennui
Mes de almone v d’altre charite
N’iert ia entrets vn mot son6,
Si de els mes di ieo ne puis mes
Trop les uei porter granz fes
Si ke les lais frunt mes errer
Se deus nen peut del amender.
Ausi veit de cest giuparti
Ka force fet sun enemi
Li mater uoille il v nun
Sisi ki ert sa perdicion.
[Pf 5 is omitted in the diagram of this
self-mate. The solution — in prose — is
only sketched. 1 Kth5 ; 2-4 fP = Q;
5 etc. the other Pawns queen, and the
position, Wh. Khl, Ph3 ; Bl. Kf2, Ktd4,
Qd2, d3, f3, h2, is obtained. Now Qg2,
PxQm.]
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
585
Cott. 4 .
(Bl.)
(5 a/2) Icist gius tret a meismes la fin
ke deuant fist son veisin,
kar il fet son compaynon
Mater sei uoille il v non.
Les treiz ne sn «t pas numbr6
kar chescun puet mettre diuersete
En cest giu ad grant mestier
Des sutilz treiz de chiualier,
kar biep est dreit e reison
ke chiualier seit si prodhoni,
(5 b/1) E de bien fere tant penez
k'en tutes curz seit honurez.
Numeiment il seruise sun seignur,
Seit mettre sa force e sa vigor,
Chiuals e armes e sun aueir,
E sun cors e sun sauer,
E sei meimes si mestier fust
Aeinz ke si sires hounte eust.
E bien sace cil ke ceo fra
ke grant honor li enuendra.
E cest chiualer fet ensement
Mult peine deseruir a talent.
A mon giu uoil ore repeirer,
E solum min petit poer enseigner
La mestrie de la mateyson
kar les traiz aprendre ne poura.
(Another self-mate with sketched solu-
tion. — ‘ Li neir reis trait premirement. &
numeiment sa fierce ke esta en la prise
del poun verraail e la inettra al tierz
trait el point de lez Tangle v il poun tent
a aler. Puis ke li pouns ert issi estale,
li rei neir merra le rei vermeil par le
bord des qu'en Tangle destre, e de cel
angle le merra des k’en Taltre ke est tut
aual del eschekier a la destre partie et
eit dis dedenz le bord en apris od le roc
e od le chiualer e od Tautre fierce, amerra
le rei vermeil dedenz la foreine ligne
desque enz el point ke tierz e del angle
v la fierce a tent, e ilokes seit esta U
issi ke le neir rei seit en la corniere de-
denz la ligne meimes par si ke le chiualier
seit al treit d*un alfin del angle v li rei
vermeil s’est assis, e le roc seit asis en la
garde del chiualier en la secunde ligne.
Kant ceo iert fet : si mettra le poc en la
prise del poun vermail ki des esches
ankes sauera, le derreyn treit iuger porra.*
Which may serve as an example of the
obscurity of the solutions in this MS.)
Cott. 5.
(5b/2) Icist giu tut ensement. Se
fet mater a escient. Cum firent li dui
compaignon. Dunt nus dit ici auome.
Mes de taunt iad diuersit^z : Ke ci sunt
le traiz numbrez. Kar al vintime trait
mat serra. Li reis vermail ke bien uerra.
Le rei neir trerra primirement. Or en-
tendez si dirrai coment.-
[ Another self-mate. 1 Rbl + ; 2 Qc4;
3 Rb2 ; 4 Kbl ; 5 Kal; 6 Qd3; 7 Qc2 ;
8 Qbl ; 9 Qd2 ; lOQcl; 11 Qd4; 12 Qe3;
13 Qe4; 14 Qf3; 15 Bd6; 16Be6; 17
Ra2 + ; 18Rb6 + ; 19Qb2 + ,Kd3; 20
Rb3 + , Kt x R in.]
Cott. 6.
(Bl.)
[The beginning of the text is missing,
the conclusion is practically identical with
K 5. The Pawns undertake to mate the
solitary Red K, who is allowed to move
and capture as Q, R, Kt, B, or P.]
Cott. 7.
(6 a/1) Ki peot si’prenge cest giu ad non.
Assez m’est auis par reisun,
Kar li bons reis Salomon
Ki tant fut sages e prozhom
Digitized by Google
586
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Ne poiet par force pas mater,
Nul ke le giu seust iuer
Pur tant lauum mis k conuenir
Ke nus ne pouns a chif venir,
Kar ceo serreit impossibility
Ke nul k force fust mat£.
Pur tant nekedent mult le pris
Ke merueil est bons e sutilz.
E si ne trouerez gueres de gent
Tels treis iuurs entre cent
Ke se sacent del mat defendre
Sil n’aient est£ al aprendre.
Li reis reir treit preinirement par tel
couenant ke le rei vermail ne deit traire
sun poun deuant quil seit eat ale.
[1 Pe7 + , Kc8 ; 2 Pe8 = Q, Kb8 ;
3 Kc5, Kc7; 4 Qd7, Kb8; 5 Kb6; 6 Qc8;
7 Qb7, Pd2 ; 8 Pc7 m.]
Cott. 8.
mmmmk
8 m s M
i m m m
■BiBUBliH
(6 a/2) Cuvenant lei ueint cist giu ad
nun. Assez k dreit e k reisun. Kar le
couenant ke cist dui rai : vnt establi
entre sei. freint la lei del escheker. E
fet l’un rei Pautre iugier. Li couenanz
dunt vos di. Est si fet e establi. Ke
le vermail rei pur (6b/l) nul estuuer:
Si pur eschek nun. ne se deit muuer. Ne
nul des aeons pur nul destreit : Si il d’altri
prendre ne poeit. Li reis neir comence
la bataille. E al quint treit sanz nule
faille. Le vermail rei veit matant. Entre
les suens u se afie tant.
[Wh. only plays if checked or if one
of his men is taken. Bl. mates in V.
1 Ra3; 2 Ktg3; 3 Kte4; 4 Re3; 5 Ktf6
duble eschek e issi mat.]
Cott. 9 : Ar. 868.
t»l.)
(6 b/1) Un granz senB nus aprent cest
giu. Ke li haute homme mult ad eschiu.
Ceo est largement doner. Pur se cherir
e honurer. Kar ki ne done chose am£e :
Ne prendra chose desir^e. Le rei neir
mult ad bien apris. E letenu sen m’est
auis. Kar s’il ne donast largement : Mat
serreit estutement. II deit les treiz co-
mencier : E al quint trait l’altre iugier.
[The Dilaram problem, 1 Ra8 + ; 2
Ktb5 + , Kb8 ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5
Pc7 m.]
Cott. 10.
(6 b/2) Cest ad a nun muse uilain. Kar
par muser. Cil ki cest gui uoldra iuer :
Ja tant ne se sache pener. Kar li gius
ne peot estie inatez a force : pur nul ceo
sachiez. Ja ne sit il si bon iuur. En-
contre un bon defendur. Mes ne trouerez
nekedent. Icels iuurs espessement. Si
uus sauez le giu iuer. Ke uus ne puisset
mater. Le vermail rei primes trarra :
Iceo qu’il peot fere : si fra.
[Wh. cannot win against the best play,
for his Pawns when queened will all be on
black squares. 1 Pd7, Kf7 ; 2 Pd8 = Q.
* Jeo ne vus puis pas les traiz deuiser de
la mateson, ne la defense, kar chescun
i purra traire a sun plesir. Mes de ceo nus
gardez ke le poun ke est al bord ne face
fierce e iames ne uus materaz, se uus
iuez sage men t. E ne descendet pas il
point deuant le poun meien, quant sun
rei Berra encontre.*]
Digitized by A.oo£Le
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
587
Cott. 11.
(7 a/1) Ore iuent le giu des alfins. Ke
n’eBt pas poare ne frarins. Tut seit iceo
qu’il seit cornuz. Ne deit estre pur fol
tenuz. Kar mult par ad grant mestier.
Li alfins en Teschekier. E ki des esches
se seit aider : Amer le deit e tenir chier.
Kar d’une chose puet estre certeins : K’il
des gius est bons gardeins. E si puet
mult le giu afermer: Si bon iuur Tad
agarder. Feint semblant ad altre part.
Feinte chire feint regard. Par unt deceu
sunt la gent. Quant ueint plus aseure-
ment. Lee traiz ne sunt pas deuisdz. Kar
humme bien en doctrin6z. Mielz puet
le giu par sei iuer. Ke ieo par enseigne-
ment mustrer. De ceo uoil garnier le
neir rei : K’il ne lease passer deuers sei.
Sun enemi les traiz des alfins. Kar si il
fet. fet en est fins.
Cott. I2(corr.) : Ar. 208.
(7 a/2) Icist giu est entie geuz use.
Pur tant ne deit estre refuse. Kar mate-
sun bel durement: Jad sutilz traiz ense-
ment. E giu m'eBt auis fet a loer. V len
sage puet trouer. Le neir rei trarra tut
premier. E si matera sun aduersier. A1
seszime trait, u dedenz. Mes en tiels est
icel couenz. Ke le neir alfin ne se mouera.
Ne le vermail pars ne serra. En Tangle
meimes u il esta. Le rei vennail mater
deuera.
g ! restore the erased Bl. R on g6. Now
g8 + ; 2 R(g6)g7 + ; 3 Re7, Bd6 ;
4 Rg6 + ; 5 Re5 + ; 6 R(g6)g5, Bb4 ; 7
Kf5, Bd2 ; 8 Re4 + , Bf4 ; 9 Rgl ; 10
Rhl + , Bh2; 11 Rg4 ; 12 Rg5 ; 13
Rg6 ; 14 Ke6 ; 15 Kf7 ; 16 Rh6 m.]
Cott. 13.
(Bl.)
(7 b/l) Cest giu apel ceo fol sil prent.
Asez m’est uis reisnablement. Kar ki
Bun auer mettra. Plegge su il perderat.
Prenge il defense v matesun. Si le giu
sace sun compaignon. Si des esches trop
ne seit sultiz. E trop ne sace des gui-
partiz. Li neir rei trarra tut auant. Le
vermail matera par couenant. En Tangle
sanz traiz numbrtz. Kar a force ne puet
estre matcz.
[Bl. undertakes to mate on h8. This
is evidently impossible, but the MS. takes
forty-eight lines of text to demonstrate it.]
Cott. 14. Cf. Ar. 504.
(7 b/2) Di cest giu uus dirrai mon auis.
Solum ceo qu’en ai apris. Li gius est bon
e bel assez. E al sezime trait ert mat^z.
Le vermeil rei tret auant. veiuz par es-
trusse couenant. ke le neir rei le poun
prendra. ne fere fierce nel larra.
[Wh. plays and Bl. mates in XVI,
without taking the P which may not
queen. 1 . . , Kfl ; 2 Kf3, Kel ; 3 Ke3,
Kdl ; 4 Kd3 ; 5 Kc4, Kdl ; 6 Kb3 ;
7 Ka2, Kdl ; 8 Kbl ; 9 Kcl ; 10 Kdl ;
11 Kel; 12 Kf2 ; 13 K13 + , Kgl ;
14 Rcl + ; 15 Ral, Pc2 ; 16 Rcl, Kh3;
17 Rhl m. j
Digitized by t^oosle
588
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Cott. 15.
(8 a/1) Cest giuparti n’est pas mult grant
Mes mult est bel e auenont.
Le neir rei de primes dit
Ke sanz menconge e contredit
Le rei vermail le matera
En meimes Tangle ou il esta
A1 vnzime trait uoille il v nun
Del Alfin ke tant est prodhom.
[Another self-mate. Soln. 1 Rbl + ;
2 Qc2 ; 3 Rb2 ; 4 Kbl ; 5 Kal ; 6 Qbl ;
7 Ra6; 8 Bc6 + ; 9 Rc2 ; 10 Rb6 + ;
1 1 Re3 + , BxE m.]
At the foot of f. 8 b/1 is a partially
erased diagram (Cott. 16): Red, Ka8,
Ra2, b2, Pa6, b5, c4, d3, e2 ; Bl. Kel,
Rg2, hi, Bfl, Pa7, b6, c5, d4, e3, f2, gl.
(Erased are Red, Kh5, Rg8, h8 ; Bl.
Ba4, b3.) There is no text.
Cott. 19 : Ar. 88.
(10 a/1) Quaudo duos tenet ultima linea
regis. Aufin trere pur eschek dire, ki ne
done ceo kum eyme. ne prene ke desire.
Qui non dat quaudo amat. non accipit
omne quod optat.
[The Dilaroxn position. 1 Bc5 -f d,
Ra2 ; 2 R x R + ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Pb7 + ;
5 Kta6 m.]
Cest rei de 9a dit al rei de la al quin-
zime tret le matera en le point ou sun roc
esta par la reisun ke de primes treira.
[Soln. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 Pg7 + ;
4 Kte7 + ; 5 Pg8 = Q + ; 6 Ktf7 + ; 7
Pg4 + ; 8 Ktf5 + ; 9Ktg5 + ; 10Rc2 + ;
11 Kth3 + ; 12 Ktg3 + ; 13 Re2 + ; 14
Ktf2 + ; 15 Rc2 m. The condition mate
on cl cuts out the move 5 Rh2 m.]
These last two positions are also as-
sociated in the Persian MS. Berlin Orient.
4°. 124, where they fill two stray leaves
(92 b, 93 a).
MS. KING’S, 13, A. XVIII (K)
Introductory Lines.
(The text is an abbreviated version of the introduction to the Cotton MS.)
Ici comen cent les iupartiez des eschez.
Seignours, vn poy entendes Des guispartiez aprendre le doetrinement,
Vus ke les gius des eschez ames, Les sutiles trayt & les mateysounes,
E ieo vn partie vus dirray Les defenses cum les aprenderounes,
Solunc ceo ke apris en ay. En une cours sisseurement.
De plusures mestres les ay apris Juer porra le plus afeitement.
Graunt ueisdie iad moy est Auys. Mes vus ke ceste liueret en auez
Kar ky voudra ententiuement Vus requer ke trop ne le pupliez,
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
589
Kar choce qe trop est puplidz
Meyns vaut & meyns est amde ;
E sens & auer plus vil ensount
K&unt comoan sount A tut le mouns ;
Kar si le set sage de Rome
Ne suissent plus ke alt re home,
Nient plus ne fut ore de eus parl£
Ke des altres ke del si&cle sunt pass6 ;
E si li or fut si comuns
Ou fer ou asser ou plumbs,
H ne fut de plus chierr6
Ke altre metal que ay nome.
Ki
p
□
□
□
□
m
□
m
a
a
□
□
□
□
□
m
□
a
□
SSI
□
□
a
a
m
a
□
a
□
0
a
□
□
□
□
a
m
a
a
Q
□
m
□
m
□
D
□
m
m
a
□
m
□
□
□
m
23
23
1 . Guy de Chivaler.
En ceste giu n’ad poynt de matesoun.
Ne tret si de chiualer noun. Ke en vn
angle esta. E par touz les poyns de
eschecker pas sera. E vn foytz soulement
en checun poyn treyera. E en le angle
le tret final auera. E pur leger auer
enseignement. Les tree ay ieo escrit en
present. Per noumbre ke vus enseygnera.
Quel checun tret parordre serra (27-36).
K 2.
I
m&mnm
*mm |
ba*i
liiil
ymmm
mm i
01SXB
2. Guy de Chivaler.
En altre maner le poez juer. Si en la
moyt£ de le eschecker. Seyoiren le homes
ie ambe pars assys. E par le chiualer en
le angle douz serunt pris. Les pouns
blanks prendres prime remen t E puys
les neyres ensement. Mes ceo fetes k coste
treant. Le echecker deuz fethe enuirou-
nent. Puys les alfinz blankes perres. A
dunkes les neyr9 a puys chiualerez. Puys
les rokes e puys les reynes. Puys les
reys ke serount dreynes (37-48).
K 3 : Ar. 563.
m sfe i
jkk »»
H & II
m m i
§s
sSfc i
m m m
3. Guy de Chivaler.
Ceste giu de chiualers si ad noun. E
en ceo n'ad poynt de matesoun. Mes en
ceo est la mestrye. Ore le entendez cum
ieo le vus dye. En la manere cum issy
veyes. Set chiualeres vs i mettres. De
deyns le neof poyns del echecker. E tous
par le tret de vn chiualer. Jssi ke les
neof poyns ne isses. Mes ke deyns touz
iours treyes. A iceo fere primes tocheB.
Quele poynt ke vus voltes. E de cel
poynt k tret de chiualer. Deuez le primer
chiualer asseer. Puys del secunte chiualer
altre poynt tochaunt. Sil asseez en poynt
ke tochastes deu&nt. E en mesme la
manere les altres assees. E iames salier
ne porres (49-66).
4. Le Guy de Dames (CB 249).
Apres les guys de chiualer. De guy de
dames volie parler. E pur ceo ke ou
dames est la medl6. Le guy de dames si
est nome. Tiel est de ceo guy le coue-
naunt. Ke .xvi. fierces auera le vn iuaunt.
L’altre soun rey soulement auera. E en
quel poynt qe ly plest si saudra. Si noun
par force rolle luy seyt. E a dreyn par
force mate sereyt. Primes deyt il soun
rey asseer. La v il vaudra en le es-
checker. E en la manere cum cy veyes.
Les fierces si asseyeres. E k checun tret
eschec dires. E a dreyn par force li materes.
Par vn soul poynt ne remeyndra. V le
rey repoea porra. Mes a primes del co-
uenaunt fet seyt. Ke nul fierce pris iseyt
(67-86).
Digitized by Google
590
CHESS IN EUROPE
Fill ;
K S.
mm mm
mm mm
m m a m
a m m m
m m m m
lililiSi
i i A i A i i i
5. Le Guy de Damoyseles.
Les damoiseles me out requis. Ke leur
guy ne seyt oblis. E pur l'amour qe a
eus ay. Lour guy en ceste escrit mettray.
Seygnoures, li poun ceo m’est auys. Si-
gnefient meschines de pris. Kar reynes
faimes de pounes. E dunkes ficrces les
appellomes. E pur ceo damoyseles signe-
fiunt. Noun pas garcouneB cum les vnes
diunt. Kar si li poun males estoyt.
lames femeles ne deuen droyt. De altre
part il vount simplement. Cum k me-
schines bien apent. Dreyt auant e peut
pas. De cy la ke fierces les fras. E pur
ceo ke ceste guy est ou poun. 4 Le guy de
damoiseles’ appellom. Tiel est de ceste
guy le couenaunt. Ke .xvi. pouns auera
le vn juant. E mater deyt le vermail
rey. Si ly grauntera en countre ley. Ke
il soyt reyne Roc chiualer. Aufyn poun
kaunt ert mester. E kaunt ke il en sa
warde trouera. Si il put prendre si
prendra. E tut solonc sa volenti. De
trere eyt il la poeste. Mes ke il traye
naturelment. Soloum ceo ke checun des
guy 8 apent. Mes de vne chose vus ke
iues. Purueuz e garniz k primes seyes.
Ke si il prent vn soul poun. Le guy est
torn6 k destructioun. Mes ky sey voudi*a
de ceo ganer. E sagement le iu ti*aer.
Legerement le put mater. Sanz ceo ke
il put arester (87-124).
6. Le Guy de Alfins (Cott. 11).
Vn guy des alfins ore vus diray. Si
com ieo apris le ay. E de vne choce
seyer certeyns. Ke aufin de guy est bon
gardeyns. Si bon J uour Tad agarder. Et
pur oeo deyt horn les deuer chier. Le vn
roy .iiij. alfins auera : E par force 1’ altre
rey matera. Mes les treyz ne sount pas
diuis6s. Kar hom q’est bien endoctrin6s.
Meut pur par sey le guy juer. Ke par
enseygnement moustrer (125-36).
7. Le Guy de Alfins (CB 281, Ar. 5i*v
Altre guy dirray meyn ten aunt. Ite
alfins cum l’altre deuaunt. Mes en &
n’ad poynt de mateysoun. Kar iiij. r ep
tout enviroun. Sege sount de dor* part ’
Ke mouer ne pount en nule plaa. £ k<
confundu serreyount. Si altre aoooerx
aueyount. Ces iiij. alfins sant soudeoB
Ke k eus veniunt pur socours. Le u
alfin va costetunt. Le eschecker fc
enuirounant. Cink homes prent si a-
peyrera. En le lu dount il mua. L-
altres alfins ensi frunt. Si ke .iiij. rob
soul remeyndrunt. Pays chescun alfin t
roc prent. Lour soud demaund cam
apent. Les reys k eus responient. L
ren k eus doner ne volient. Les abb
repeyrount k lour lu primer. Si off
vount eirrer eus conselier. Co men t despc
les fere pusount. Ke les guerdoner i<
voleyount. Chescun alfin va eschec dir
A vn roy pur eus despire. Puys les rey
par ire graunt. A tret de fierce voor
eus suant. Pur eus venger si il pussouct
Mes les alfins ensemble treyount. E altr
foyth eschec diunt. De quey les re*'
plus irrta sunt. Si diunt kc sey volion!
venger. De ces alfins en tote maoer
Mes entre eus teles couenanz sount. K«
touz .iiij. reys primes treyerount. Pop
touz les .iiij. alfins suant. Vncore 2
ad altre couenaunt. Ke nul rey AHb
prendreyt. Fors ceo ke a luy escher
diseyt. Ore comence la medle. Entn
les alfins e les reys sen6 (145—86).
K 8 (the ring is placed
on square a5).
8. Le Guy de And.
Cest vn guy sutil & beal. Si est ap-
pelle guy de aneL Le rey blank mys en
le eschecker. Vn anel entre luy & soon
aduerser. E k le rey neyr graunte le ad
Si il par force gauier porr&d. E si ad
mult bele mestrie. De le garder ke ne le
perde mie. Mes ke solunc mey le iuera.
Plegge suy ke ne le perdera. Car & force
Digitized by Google
HAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
591
e le punt prendre. S’il iad qe sache
efendre (187-98).
9. Le Guy de Cauenaunt (Cott. 1 2).
Guy de couenant si ad A. noum. Ceste
ruy cum noas appelloum. E si est entre
renz mult vs6. Pur daunt ne deyt estre
•efusA Kar trop bele mateysoun iad.
E sutiles trayz ke aprendre voudrad. Le
neyr rey treyera tout primer. E si
matera soun aduerser. A seizime tret v
de vaunt. Mes entre eus est tiel couenaunt.
Ke le neyr alfin ne sey mouera. Ne le
vermail pris ne serra. E en Tangle meismes
v il esta. Le vermail rey mater deuera.
E pur ces couenauns ke nus diroum. Guy
de couenaunt le appelloum (214-30).
1 0. Guy de Propre Confusioun (Cott. 3 ;
Pf5 on f4).
Guy de propre confusiouu. Ceste guy-
partie si ad noun. Pur ceo ke il fet soun
aduerser. Voile ou noun ly mater. E
mult biel est & poy seuz. Pur ceo est il
plus chier deuuz (249-53).
1 1 . Guy de Propre Confusioun (Cott. 4 :
Pa6 on a5, Qb5 on a4, omit Qf4).
Ceste guy trait k mesme la fin. Ke
deuant fit le seon veisyn. Kar il fet soun
compaignoun. Sey mater volie v nun
(289-92).
12. Guy de Propre Confusioun (Cott 5 :
Qe3, f3 on d4, e4).
Ceste guy est de tiel couenaunt. Cum
les deuz altres furunt devaunt Le rey
neyr treyera k primer. E soun compai-
gnoun li fra mater (309-12). . . . Par ces
treys guys vus poez sauer. Coment vus
fres vostre aduerser. Vus mater volie ou
noun. E ceo fut ma entencioun (331-4).
i
k
1
m
n
o
P
q
Ceste guy si ad noun mal assis. Mes
il n’est mye del meyns pris. Le neyr rey
K 18 (corr.).
a bcdef $rh
primes treyera. E al sine tret si matera.
Tut par force soun aduerser. En my lu
dreyt del eschecker (335-40). A con-
ditional mate in VII on e5 by 1 Hal + ;
2 Kc6 ; 3 Rbl ; 4 Rb8 + ; 5 Kc5 , 6
Rb7 ; 7 Re7 m.
K 14.
1 4. Guy coiidian .
Ceste guy dunt ore vus diroum. Guy
cotidian si appelloum. E pur ceo ke il
est si comoun. Guy cotidiane si ad a noun.
Kar cely ke setz bien juer. En ceste guy
put touz diz entrer. Kar souente fethz
il auendra. Ke deuz ferces & vn roc le
vn auera. Kaunt le altre nul home ne
conyt. Fors soun rey. E si ency seyt.
Al setime tret si put mater. Le altre en
my lu del eschecker. E si par auenture
ensy seyt. Ke alfin ou altre home eyt.
Cele home en nul manere ne pues. Auaunt
ke vos gentz assys eyes. En la manere
cum cy veyes. E dunkes vostre iupartie
juez (35 1 -68). Another conditional mate
in VIII, not VII, ‘in the four points*.
1 Bal + ; 2 Kb6 ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Rh8 ; 5
Rh7 ; 6 Kb5, Kd6 (If Kd4 ; 7 Bh3 ;
8 Rd3 m.) ; 7 Bg7 ; 8 Rd7 m.
K 15 (1).
i .ju ia
i I 1.4
m m m m
Bill
And two other diagrams (I. Red, Ka8 ;
Bl. Kc6, Rcl, Ktg5, g6 ; II. Wh. Ka8 ;
Bl. Kc6, Rcl, el).
15. Le Guy cotidian,
Ces treys Juparties suant. Matunt en
la manere cum ceo deuant. Kar k iodine
Digitized AGoogle
592
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
tret funt mater. Le rey en my lu del
eschecker. E pur dire la verite. D ne
ad nul diuereite. Fore ke nitres homes
ensount. E altrement en le eschecher
esteunt. Kar queles geittz ke sount.
Ke ces .iiij. poyntz garder porrunt. En.
Em. El. Ek. Cum vus dis ay mat serra.
E en mesme la manere cum cy veyez. En
poynt devis li mater porrez. Kar il ne
ad poynt en le eschecker. Ke en cel ne
ly poez mater. Fors cel poynt ke est.
Del angle de fierce la tret. E en cel
poynt mater vus apprendrum. A pro-
cheyn guy ke nus diroum. mes les trayz
ne volie escrire. Ne les mettre en ceste
liuere. Pur ceo ke checun ke sache juer.
Par sey mes es le porra mater. Par si
ke de ceus quatre Juparties. Eyt apris
les vudyes (383-409). These only differ
from the previous game in the method
adopted for blocking the «-file.
K 16.
And a second diagram (Wh. Ka8 ; Bl.
Kb5, Rc7, Qb6, Bf3).
16. Le Poynt estraunge.
Le guy doun me en parleroum. Le
poynt estraunge si ad & noum. Car il ne
ad poynt en le eschecker. Ke pys est
pur leyns mater. Cum cel i)oynt ke del
angle est. De vne fierce le tret. Mes si
vn roc & fierce eyez. E altre home ke
trere poez. E al roy kaunt en cel poynt
est. Eschec dire kant il vus plest.
Dunkes vus poez de leger. En cel poynt
ly mater. Mes k primes vus purueyez.
Ke en la manere cum cy veyez. Ke vos
gentz seyunt assis. E dunkes lu materes
cum ieo vus diz (409-24). Mate on b7 :
1 Rh7 ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 Pc6 m.
K 17.
1 7. Le Poynt estraunge.
Vncore ieo voyl plus plener. De mes-
me ceo Jupartye parler. Kar plus i ad
diueraitA Kaunt vus ne auez altre
mene. Fors vn roc & deuz chiualeres.
Mes ne pur kaunt asset est legere. De
ly mater k vostre voluntA En le poynt
auaunt nomA Par sy ke vos genz assiez.
En la manere cum cy veyez. E al tierce
tret ly poez mater. On le roc v ou le
chiualer. En le poynt ke assigne est.
Ou quele de euz ke vus plest. Mes sachez
ke en cliueree maner. Ou le roc vus li
poez mater. Mes entre mil a peyne vn
serra. Ke ou le chiualer le mater sauera.
E pur ceo ke il ne serreyt en vbliaunce.
Le mat escrit ay pur remembraunce (435-
53). Soln. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Ktc6 + ; 3 Ktd6 m.
K 18.
1 8. Ky perde sey salue.
Ky perde sey sauue ce guy ad noun.
E si ly ad trop bieal mateysoun. E ja
seyt ceo ke il seyt leger. Ne deyt pur
ceo estre meyns chier. Car ky voet tuz
les gius aprendre. Les legeres lestoet od
les forz entendre. Mes il iad vne manere
de gent. Ceo ke il seuent ne preysent
nient. E si de altre apris ne lour fust.
Par sey aprendre falier peust. Le rey
neyr primes trere deyt (461-71). Mate
in IV: 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Ra6 + ; 3 Qc6 + ;
4 Em. accordingly.
19. Ky ne doune ceo ke il eyme ne jrrent
ke desire (Cott. 9).
Digitized by
Google
HAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
593
K 20.
20. Bien troue.
Ceste guy si ad noun bien troue. E si
38t il sutils & de graunt health. Kar al
sime tret matera soun aduerser. A force
en my lu del eschecker. E bien fut trou6
& Bien fust fet. Kar en li n'ad pur veir
qllI tret. Ke ne porte graund force en
aey. En my Teschecker pur mater le rey.
E souent en guy venir put. Kar si vus
eyez vn roc & vn chiualer. E vn altre
bom ke put garden Le poynt ke dl. est
noxnes. Vostre purpos dunkes aueres
(505-18). Mate in VI. 1 Ktd4 ; 2 Rhl ;
3 Hal + ? 4 Kd3 ; 5 Rbl ; 6 Rb5 m.
K 21 (corr.).
21. Beal petis.
Ceste guy si ad noun beal petiz. E
nepurkaunt si est bien sutilz. Soule-
ment vn chiualer le neyr auera. E k le
quinte tret l'altre matera. E touz le
tretz de ceste guy sount de chiualer (527-
31). Mate in V. 1 Ktf6 ; 2Kte4,Kh2!;
3 Ktd2 ; 4 Ktfl ; 5 Ktg3 m.
K 22.
22. Meut vaut engyn ke force.
Seygnouis ceste guy est appellez.
Mieut vaut engyn ke force de assez. De
1270 P
quey n estut mie duter. Kuunt par ex-
cample le puse puer. Kar Troye fut set
aunz assege. Vnkes par force ne fut
gany£. Mes par engyn fut conquis.
Destrut & k cendre mis. De altre part
li fort Sampsons. Cum en nos liueres
le trouoins. Vnkes par force ne fust
conquis. Mes par engyn de femme fut
trays. Des saumples seygnours taunt
i ad. Ke homme counter ne les porrad.
Ensy est de ceste Jupartie. Kar le rey
vermal ert mal balye. Si engyn plus ke
force ne fu. En poy de houre ert con-
fundu. Le vermail primes trayera. E
k secunde tret l'altre matera. Primes
eschec ou le roc serra. Issy ke k force
ou le alfin prendra. E a le altre tret
prochtyn suant. Mat serra del poun
erraunt (545-68).
23. Ky est larges est sage (CB 73 ;
Ar. 53).
Ky est larges est sages ceo guy ad
noun. E ensy est appell6 de graunt
resoun. Kar horn diet ke par largement
doner. Pur horn bien soun enemy asorber.
Le rey vermail ceo moy est auys. Ke
ceste sauoyr si as bien apris. Kar s’il ne
vst don6 le seon largement. Confundu
enfust saunz all element. Mes par soun
doner bien est deliuerk E soun aduer-
sarie sa ad encoumbr6. Seygnours pur
ceo ieo vus pri pensez. Ke coueydse a
queor trop ne eyez. Par auarice est vn
pyr meyn. Ke n'est de perdre le pee v
le mayn. Kar ky le vn de ceus perdu
aueyt. Prodomme apres estre porreyt.
Mes ly coueytous prodomme n'ert ja. Kar
li plus ke il eyt le plus coueytia (569-
■
m m m.
M 1
m m
m
k
m x
Xi%
m
B B 1
m m
! m m
m
mm o
m *
i M M
24. Ky doune ganye.
Ki doune ganye ceste guy ad noun.
E cum ceo deuant ad tiel condicioun.
Kar le neyr rey par doner si eschuera.
Soun meBchief & a tierce tret l'altre
matera (593-6). Mate in III. 1 Re8 + ;
2 Pd7 + ; 3 Kte6 m.
Digitized by boogie
poynt estr. ifl
ad poynt *
pur ley
angle est.
vn roc & tirl
trere poez.
est. i
Dunkes vrn •
ly mater.
Ke en la m J
gentz seyunt i
cum ieo vus d
1 Rh7; 2 Rh
34 ) 29 . ^ mce Chiuakr.
<r V'tliis is c ^ace du chiualer ceo guysr^
noun. Pur ceo ke nul tret serrasi^
chiualer noun. E ja ceo ke il ne enseyp*
fc. est en hp poynt de le rey mater. Xepurkid
3 . 4 He3 ; bon est de apprendere la chacer. hi
g Ktf4 ; a ceus ke voliunt a les esches juer. 6
V x Kt; 11 diuerse cas souent lour put valer (69J-
^ 208) has 700). Wh. plays, and Bl. drives tlie K t#
gl. can h8, and stales him there. 1 Kd8 KtW
ox to make 2 Kc8, Ktd7 ; 3 Kd8, Ktb6. 0r2W
Ktc6, See.
IAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
595
30. La Choc# de Force $ de Chivaler.
^ n alt re chace vus volie enseygner.
)e la ferce &. de vn chiualer. Kar si
ostre ferce tr ere ne poez. En le angle
’ fcltve rey ^uez. James par force ne
‘i t mat6. A. taunt ke en tiel angle seyt
•hae&. Mes ceo k force estre ne puth.
voatre adixe rser la defense suth. Mes
‘litre cent & peyne vn serra. ke la
lefense biec^ gauera (715-24). The Kt
ind Q cann^>t mate against tlie best play,
1 Ktg5 ; 2 bC tf7 ; 3 Qh7 ; 4 Kte5, Kd8 ! &c..
R S3.
&
A ** i
33. Ly Ennoyou8.
Ceo guy est nome ly ennoyus. E par
dreyt kar mult est contrarious. Kar le
neyr rey treyera k primer. E ly altre
ad enpris pur mater. A quatorzime tret
v deuaunt. E en le angle ceo lour coue-
naunt (904-9). Mate in XIV on I18.
1 Qg7 + ; 2 Kf6 ; 3 Kf5 ; 4 Ke6 ; 5 Kf6;
G Bf4 ; 7 Qf8, Kh8 ; 8 Kf7; 9 Qe7 ;
10 Kg6; 11 Bd6; 12 Qf8 ; 13 Ph7 + ;
14 Qg7 m.
K 34.
31. Bien fori.
Bien fort ceo guy si ad noun. E si ad
il mult bieal mateysoun. Ke neyr rey
treyera a primer. E k disme tret l'altre
deyt mater. En Cj. la fierce primes
treyera. Puys le neyr rey en dk. Puys
ou le ferce eschec direz. En Eo. le alfin
puys treyez. Puys vostre rey treyez en
Cl. E puys apres en Dl. En. Cm. ou
Rey al tret setime. E puys en Cl. al
tret vtime. Le Alfin dunkes eschec
dirra. Puys ou le poun mat serra (816-
29). This may serve as an example of
the literal notation of this MS.
32. Fol si jrrent (Cott. 13).
Fol si prent ceo guy ad noun. E moult
estraunge est la mateysoun. E ky soun
auer a ceo guy mettra. Plegge su ke il le
perdera. Prenge il la defense ou la matey-
soun. Si le guy sache soun compaignoun.
Si il des esches trop ne seyt sutils. Ou
trop resacye de jupartis (830-7).
34. Le Seon sey ennoye.
Le seon sey ennoye ceo guy ad noun.
E si li ad trop bel mateysoun. Kar le
rey neyr deyt trere primer. E k sime
tret Taltre mater (938-41). Mate in VI.
1 Kd7 ; 2K~; 3Kc7; 4 Ktd7 ; 5 Bc5 + ;
6 Kt m.
K 86.
mm m
m
m a
w/m
k
M
35. Le Veyt conu.
De le veil conu ore volie parler. Ke
est moult preyser. Kar il est bonez &
heals assez. E en plusurus cours mult
amez. E mult i ad iours ke fust troue.
P p 2
/■
Digitized by Google
596
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Pur taunt le ay le veil conu nom6. Le
neyr rey treyera 4 primer. E si ad enpris
del altre mater. En le poynt v est le
vermail poun. Ceo est la mestrie de ceo
mateysoun. Le tretz de ceo guy ne
volie noumbrer. Pur ceo ke en diuerse
manere len le put juer (952-64). Confine
the red K to the 8th line by Rg7, then
confine it to a8 by Ka6. This c ompels
him de son poun boter auant , whereupon
1 llgl ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Ra2 ; 4 Ra6 m.
K 86 : Ar. 218.
36. Le Haul Enjyrise.
Le haut enprise ceo guy ad noun.
Pur ceo ke estraunge est la mateieoun.
Kar le neyr rey enpris ad ke le ultre
matera. En temps kaunt nul Roc ne
auera. E bien sauera k les esches juer.
Ke le matera saunz enseygner. Le
mateysoun ore vus diray. Si cum ieo
apris le ay (980-7). To sacrifice R and
mate. The K is driven via h8, hi, al,
to a6 and compelled to take the aP;
he is then driven back to al, staled, and
compelled to play his aP to a2, Bl. then
sacrifices his R on g6, queens the fP and
mates with it.
37. Le Guy de Cundut (Cott. 14).
Jupartie de cundut ceo guy si ad noun.
E si est appell6 de graunt resoun. Kar
le rey neyr le mat si ad enpris. Par tiel
couenaunt ke le poun ne seyt pris. Le
rey vermail treyra primer. E pur ceo
est il estraunge de le mater (1004-9).
38. Ky put se prenge (Cott. 7).
Ky put se prenge ceo Jupartie ad noun.
Kar si vus ne poez prendre soun poun.
Issy ke treys pouns de diuerse colour
eyez. James k force Taltre ne materez.
Mes en tiel manere ia ne deuez prendre.
Si vostre aduerser le sache defendre.
Bon & beal & sutilz si est nekedent.
Kar vn bon defendour ne trouerez entre
cent. Si soun rey vne foytz treyes
malement. Mat ert 4 force si vus diray
coment. Kar si vus poez vne foytz soun
rey es taler. Dunkes serreyt leger de ly
mater (1026-37).
39. La Batalie saunz aray (Cott. 2).
La batalie sanz aray ceo guy si ad
noun. Pur ceo ke si despupltez sunt
ly poun. E ne pount estre ferces si noun
de vn colour. Pur ceo del mater la mes-
trie est greuiour. Nepurkaunt k force
put estre mat£. Mes les tretz coment
ne sunt diuis6. Kar si mil homes le dey-
uent juer. Diuersement checun si porreyt
treyer (1070-7).
K 40.
40. Le Tret emble,
Le tret emble ceo guy si ad noun.
E si est appelle de graunt resoun. Kar
si vus ne poez vn tret fenier. James ne
le poez k force mater. Le neyr Rey en
ceo guy primes treyera. E tiel est lour
couenaunt ke le poun ne prendra (1098—
1104). Mate in (XXI) without taking
Ph4. 1 Qg7 + ; 2 Kf6 ; 3 Q(e7)f8 ; 4 Ke6 ;
5 Kf5 ; 6 Kf6 ; 7 Qe7 ; 8 Qh6, Kh7 ;
9 Qg5, Kh8 ; 10 Kf7; 11 Qd8 ; 12 Kg6 ;
13 Qe7 ; 14 Qf4; 15 Qg3, Kh8 (15 . . ,
P x Q ; 16 Ph4 and m. in V more) ; 16
Qf8 ; 17 Qg7 ; 18 Ph4 and m. in III
more.
K 41.
41. Le Tret emble,
Ceste guy est de mesme seinblaunt.
Cum le altre fut deuant. Kar le neyr
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
597
roy treyera primer. E ou le alfin l’altre
deyt mater (1142-5). I solve in IX.
1 Kf6, Kh7 ; 2 Qg7 ; 3 Q (g7) f8, Kh8 ;
4 Kg5; 5 Kh5, Kh8; 6 Kh6; 7 Kg6,
&c.
K 42.
42. Ly De&pertz.
Li desper6s ceo guy ad noun. E si
est vn beal mateisoun. Kar si rey ver-
mail sy haper put. Ke soun poun ferce
fut. Bien porreyt dunkes eschaper. Ke
soun aduerser ne ly deyt mater. E pur
ceo si mate estre deyt. Desturber couent
ke ferce ne seyt. Ou si le poun il pren-
dre put. Dunkes le mat asset leger fut.
E pur ceo ke estraunge est de fere issy.
Ly desperez ad noun ceste Juparty. Le
neyr rey primes treyera (11 46-57). Mate
in XHI. 1 Pe7, Kc8; 2 Be6 + ; 3 B x P;
4 Be6 + ; 5 Pe8 = Q ; 6 Qd7 ; 7 Bc4 ;
8 Kb6 ; 9 Be7 ; 10Kc7; 11 Qc 6; 12
Qb7 + ; 13 Bc 5 m. Or 1 . . , Pg3 ; 2 Be3,
Pg2; 3 Bgl, Kc8.
K 48 : Ar. 852.
£
u m sa
T7/' >
y/y.
;>• W/A
V/
V-
14*12
m
mm
a y 3
■/yJi M Lai C&\
m m i
43. Ly Meruelious,
Li meruelious ceo guy ad noun. Kar
merueliouse apert le matey soun. Le Rey
neyr treyera primer. E al quinte tret
soun aduerser. Dreyt en my luy del
eschecker. En Em . si deyt mater (118 0-5).
Mate in V on e5. 1 Qe4 ; 2 Qe7 ; 3 Rg8;
4 Rg7 ; 5 Re7 m.
K 44.
44. Ly Meruelious,
Assez sount apurtenaunt. Jceste guy
& l’altre deuant. Kar ambedeuz en vn
maner. Matount par force lour aduerser.
Mes en taunt i ad diuersetA Ke ceste
Roy ad meynz men£. E si ad enpris se
mater. A vn tret meyns soun aduerser.
Le noyr Rey primes treyera. E al quarte
tret l’altre matera. En le poynt fl (i.e.
f6) nomA Ke soun poun ad occup6
(1196-1206). Soln. 1 Qf7 + ; 2Rd8 + ;
3 Qh6 ; 4 Rf8 m.
K 45.
45. De poun ferce home fet.
Ceste guy apell6 est. De poun ferce
home fet. Et si apert k primer vuhe.
De mult petit value. Nekedent cum
m’est avis. Ke est mye de meyndre pris.
Kar si touz les pouns ferces facez. Ia par
force ne le materez. Ou si le poun ke
fierce e fet. Malement de hors seyt tret.
Ia par force ne ert mate. E pur ceo
est il se graunt bounty. Pur sauer le
mateysoun. Ou ces quatre poun. Ke
vut enpris de mater. Le Roy vermail
sanz altre eyder. Il comenserunt primes
a trere. E al xi tret materount lour
aduersere (1216-33). Soln. 1 Pd 7 ;
2 Pe7; 3 Pe8 = Q ; 4 Qe6 ; 5-8 Q (e6)
to a6 ; 9 Pd8 = Q ; 10Qc7 + ; 11 Qb7m.
If the Red K had been on b8 originally,
Digitized by Google
598
CHESS IN EUROPE
pa r
the mate is in XII, Bl. playing 4 Qf7, &c.
— 1 Kaunt fet auez vostre poun ferce. Vus
ne la frez en el. salier . Mes soulement
en fk. le fete muer .*
46. Must vyltyn (Cott. 10).
K 47.
47. Le Guy de Dames de Damoycdes.
Vn ajtre guy Vus enseygneray. Que
de dames & de damoyseles apell6 ay. E
par resoun si est norn^. Kar ensemble
sunt la medtt. E si les pounes reynes
fusunt. Que les damoyseles signefiunt.
Le Roy de euz nul force freyt. Pur quant
que vules fere poreyt. Kar touz serreyent
de ,vn colour. E a mater sanz valour.
Mes kaunt li counseil est comunes. Des
les reynes & de pounnes. Bon espleyt
si porrunt fere. E a force mater lour
aduersere. Pur ceo deyuent les dames
amer. Lour meschines & honurer. Kar
eles sceuent lour mester. Pur succurrer
& counselier. Tout seyent eles simple
& coye. Entre gentz en sale & voye.
En chaumbre sount il engignousez. E en
destreste artiliousez. Si ke les dames
mult souent. Par lour sen gardunt de
clorment. E ky de ceo riens ert dotaunt.
Par essample le uoys pnruant. Kar
Brengueyn la lele meschine. Mult valut
a Ysoude la reyne. Qui por lam our de
Sire Tristram. Mult suffry peyne dolour
& ban. E ele souent fust mal bailly£.
Si ne fust par Brengueyn eyd6. Le rey
neyr primes treyera (1344-76). Black
plays. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Ka6 ; 3 Pe5, Kb8
(if Kd7 ; 4 Kb6 ; 5 Kc6, &c. ; and if
Kd8 ; 4 Kb6, Kd7 ; 5 Pg5 ; 6Kc6,&c.);
4 Qe6 ; 5 Ka7 ; 6 Kb6 ; 7 Qf5 ; Kd7 ;
8 Pg5; 9 Kc6 and the K is driven to
h8 and mated there. If, however, Qf5
were on f4, Bl. cannot m ite against vn
bon defend our.
48. Fol si sey fie .
Ceste guy seygnours est appellex. *
si he & a dreyt nom£z. Kar qui r.
feyez le veyt iuer. De riens ne gv
puys doter. Mais cum il sey pins certs-
guidra. Plus tost descomfrez sey tec I’
Kar soun aduerser sey tourne de ai:r
part. Si luy fet tenir por musard. I
rey neyr ke est en prisoune. De pmr
trere ad poeste. A1 quinte tret ma:*
Taltre deyt. On al quart il meismes mr
serreyt. E sachez qe si le rey venti
k primer, ffust assis en le comer. L
k force deyt mater. Sanz nul desturk:
(1426-41). Bl. mates in V. 1 Per
2 Ph7 + ; 3 Pe8 = Q ; 4 Qg8 (en
saliera) ; 5 Pg7 m. White, however, t;
checks can delay the mate for two more?
hence the name of the game. The ter
concludes : Sachez ke vn veisdre ilia. I*
quey meynt horn desceu serra. Si nui
seyt ke enprisa. Ke al quinte txv:
matera. Kar pur dire la verity. Le roit
put estre prolony^. taunt ke al septum
tret. E ceo par deuz eschtkkes es.
Ke les pounnes vermailes dire pussem
De queles les juoures garde ne fuo*.
Pur ieo si nul engage vst. Ke al quinte
tret mater le dust. Jeo luy dyverreymem.
Ke il perdreyt soun argent (1450-63).
K 49.
49. ( Without title.)
Ceste guy est assetz leger. De le noy
vermail mater. Nekedent ki le apris ne
Digitized by Google
I AP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
599
it. A quart tret mater falier past
464-7). Mate in IV. 1 Qh2 ; 2 Kf2 ;
Qg2 + ; 4 Qg3 m.
K 50 : Ar. 5.
50. Mai veysyn.
Ceo gny ad noun mal veysyn. Pleyn
est de art & de engyn. Kar le Roy neyr
enpris ad. Ke l’altre k force materat.
V soun Roc gaynera. E issy le guy
perdera (1474-9). A Muslim Bare King
End-game. 1-7 Q to d7, RxQ; 8 B x R.
Or 7 . . , R on 6th line ; 8 Ktg6 + ; 9
K x R. If 7 . . , any other ; 8 Ktg6 m.
K 61.
51. (Without title,)
Ceste guy ne enseygne poynt de mater,
lies enseygne le guy ganyer. Nekedent
& primes il apert. Ke ia k force perdu
ne ert. Le Roy neyr treyera primer. Si
deyt le guy k force ganyer. A1 quar tret
v deuaunt. E ensy perfournera le coue-
naunt (1532-9). Another Bare King
Ending. 1 Re8 + , Ka7 (if Kc7; 2 Re7;
3 R x R); 2 Re7, R x R ; 3 Bc5 eschek rok
— E si auez de guy le fyn.
K 52.
52. Le Mat de Ferces.
Le mat de ferces ceo guy ad noun. E
si est il mult comoun. Bon & beal est
nekedent. Kar en guy vient mult souent.
E si est il mult leger. En cel angle le
rey mater. V le deuz fierces puissent
entrer. lies en le altre angle bien porreyt
falyer. Ki cel guy ne vst apris. Pur
ceo ke ay ieo en escript mys (1550-9).
Mate in V. 1 Qc8 ; 2 Qb7 ; 3 Qd6 ;
4 Qa5; 5 Qc7 + ; 6 Qb6 m.
K 58.
53. fflour de Guys .
Ceste guy pur sa sutilite. fflour de
guys est appelle. Kar touz les alt res ke
ay escrit. Vers ceste valiount fors petit.
Ne ke plus estraunge est de mater. Pur
ceo flour de guys lem fet appeller. Sey-
gnours ke estes des esches apris. Nen est
inestrie come m'est auys. De mater vn
Roy tut k tours. Ou treys fierces de
deuz colours. Come al altre guy vus
enseygnay. Pur ceo cest vus apprendray.
Ke plus estraunge est de mater. Ke de
les autres vn nulier. Kar celi ke ceste
guy trouad. Tiel couenaunt fet en ad.
Ke le rey neyr deyt estaler. Primes le
altre & puys mater. E ke le vermail
trere ne estoet. Si par eschek noun fors
kaunt il voet (1568-87). Bl. mates with
conditions, Wh. need not move unless he
is checked, and Bl. may first stale and
then mate him. The solution runs 1 Qc6 + ,
Kb8 or c8 [if Ka8 1 ; 2 Qc7 ; 3-5 Q(e5)-
b6 ; 6 Ka6; 7 Qb7 m.] ; 2 Kb6 ; 3 Qd6,
Kc8 ; 4 Qe6, driving the K to the angle
Digitized by t^oosle
600
CHESS IN EUROPE
pat:
and mating him there. The MS. adds
solutions for the following five positions :
I. Bl., Kg4, Qf6, e6, e7 ; Wh., Kg6. II.
Bl„ Ke5, Qd7, f6, g5; Wh., Kg6. III. Bl.,
Kb6, Qe6, d6, e5 ; Wh., Kc8. IV. Bl.,
Kb6, Qd5, e5, d6 ; Wh.. Ke8. V. Bl.,
Kc5, Qd6, e5, e4 ; Wh., Ke6. The text
to this highly praised game extends from
1568 to 1803.
K 54 : CB 248 : Ar. 565.
La batalie de Hokes ceo guy si ad noun.
E en ceste guy n’ad nul mateysoun.
Nekedent bon est & beal come mey eat
auys. E estraunge de ganyer & cely ke
le n'ad aprys. En les angles trauers les
Rokes esterunt. E come vus diray ambe-
deuz treyerunt. Chescoun de euz le tret
de Hok auera. Mes nul de euz la role de
altre passers* E kaunt vn de euz ensy
est chac£. Ke trere ne put le guy est
gany6. E vus dy de certeyn qe cely
perdera. Ke al comencement primes
treyera. Par si vus volez le guy ganyer.
Le poynt v soun rok estet deuez regarder.
Tut k trauers tant ke k vostre role. E la
deuez trere pur dire verite. E en cele
manere tutdyz treyerez. E le guy k force
dunkes ganyerez (1804-21).
K 55.
SASAHW!
■ mm&m
mum
I Iji is
55. Duble Eschec .
Dubble eschec ceo guy ad noun. I
ad mult biel mateysoun. E en moutz #
guys put valer. A ceus ke voliutt
esches juer. Kar les vnes juoures *-
assise vunt. E de ses gentz tiel char*
enfunt. Ke k li dire eschek nul ne po?
Si noun se gentz perdre voet. E
fet ad ceo neyr rey. I6sy ke de ::
eschek donr6 sey. Nekedent vn dob*
eschec ert conclus. & tut le bele guy j
force perdue. De tous ses home? h
entour ly a. Oy valierunt kar mat j
force serra. Le rey vermail t reyen
primer. E al quarte tret matera ses
aduerser. Kar si rey neir le primer trtf
vst. A le primer tret l’altre mater do5t
Primes ou le alfyn eschec si dira.
eschec ou le chivaler que eoun pos 2
prendra. La tierce eschec ou le alfn
ke treyera. L'altre chivaler k discount
eschec mat dira (1821-43). Mate in F
by 1 Be4 + ; 2 KtxP+; 3 Bg6 + :
4 Kte5 m., which, however, does not keep
to the assise described in the introductory
text.
The other two MSS. of the Anglo-Norman group are written in English,
and the text of the solutions of the 28 problems which are common to both
MSS. is practically the same in both works.
The older of the two (Port.) occupies 5 leaves of a small quarto paper
MS., written soon after 1450, which contains a number of treatises in Latin
and English dealing with Fishing, Heraldry, and Hunting. The chess MS.
immediately precedes a brief chronicle of England for 1066-1458, apparently
written by a man of the name of Porter. 26 Each of the pages in the chess
portion of the MS. contains 4 diagrams with accompanying text, making
* A marginal note on one page records the fact that Hugh Joly and John Porter were
elected Burgesses of Parliament for the city of Worcester, 25 Hen. VI (1446). The MS.
belonged in 1610 to Sir Wm. Dethick, Garter. Later it belonged to Bp. Percy of Dromore
(D. 1811) by whose daughter, Mrs. Isted of Eton, it was given to Hr. Geo. Baker, the
historian of Northamptonshire, whose library was sold in 1842. Its present location is
unknown to me.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
601
40 problems in all. These have been copied very negligently ; the diagrams
are often incorrect, and the solutions to Nos. 7 and 8 have been transposed.
In seven of the positions (Nos. 1, 2, 11, 12, 18, 19, 20 — all of which are
Exercises) the men are denoted by numerals, 26 and the text, if any, is in Latin.
In the remainder, the text is in English and the names of the pieces are
written on the diagrams, and the squares mentioned in the solution bear
letters for the purpose of identification. This is the ordinary rule of the
mediaeval Problem MSS.
The second MS. (Ash.) is a very small quarto, or short square octavo,
composite volume, now consisting of 61 written vellum leaves and 2 fly-leaves.
The chess work occupies ff. da-23 a and contains 41 problems, one a page,
with the diagram on the inner edge and the solution down the outer margin
and at the foot of the page. It is written in a different hand to the Latin
treatise on Rythmomachy, which occupies the remainder of the MS., and is
dated c . 1470 by Mr. F. Madan. From a note on f. 3 a it appears that the
MS. belonged in 1529 to Roger Hartwell, son of Thomas Hartwell, panariu*
Londincnsi*. Hartwell has added brief notes in a very crabbed hand at the
foot of most pages, which in the main commemorate his successful solution of
the problem above. 27 The MS. itself is far more carefully copied than is Port.
Both M SS. are written in a Northern dialect, and there is good reason to
believe that an older English text lies behind them, and between them and
the Latin text from which Cott. and K are other selections.
Port. 20 gives on a single diagram three Exercises with the Kt : if we
reckon these as three distinct problems, the MS. contains 19 positions which
are in Cott. or K (11 mates, 2 mates in the ‘ four points *, 6 Exercises), and
23 more, of which 17 are mates, 2 are mates in the 1 four points *, and 4 are
Exercises. Ash. contains 12 positions which are contained in Cott. or K
(15 mates, 2 mates in the ‘four points’, 1 self-mate, 1 Exercise), and 14 posi-
tions which are given in Port. (12 mates, 2 mates in the ‘ four points ’). The
remaining eight positions are made up of 6 mates and 2 self-mates. Many of
the new positions in these MSS. illustrate simple Endings, in which Rooks
or Pawns are the only forces.
The problems in Port, and Ash. follow.
The Porter MS.
(Note. — The remaining problems will be found thus. Port. 1 — CB 244 ;
2 — K 7 ; 3 *= K 23 ; 7 = Cott. 19; 11-= Cott. 6; 12-=CB 233; 14-K18;
15 = K 44 ; 18-11; 19 — K 8 ; 21 - K 14 : 24-K15; 29 -Arch. 20;
33 — K 48 ; 34 - K 45 ; 36 - K 33 ; 37 = K 34.
There is no text to Port. 1, 2, 18, 19, 20.
At the end of the solution to Port. 4 is the note : * The most craft of pleying of
Jupertis is for to bring yn odde draujtis wt jn kyng\ This note occurs in Ash. at
the end of the solution to Ash. 4.)
16 The key is given in the text to Port. 11 : Rex signatur 6. Regina 5. Rok 4 . Miles 8.
Alfin 2. Pedun 1.
r As appears by his frequent probatum (a previous owner of Cott. has made a similar
entry to many problems in that MSA Other notes are longer, and appear to contain cross
references, or to record his failure to understand the solution of the MS.
Digitized by Google
602
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Port. 4. Port. 6 (ext. v. of K 31).
m |g ijy 5$
am m m m
HHjj
m m m m
m m'kw m
& P w
mm m m t
Wt W&
m mm m
rf p H p
m mm m
m Wm m '
mw m mm
m m pap
Mate in VI on h4.
Draw pi white anfen & sey chec. pen he
goys in to A / chec wt pi roke pen he
gois into B / yet chec wt pi roke in pe
pown ward pen he gope into C yet chec
in pe pown ward pen he gois into D. pen
chec wt pi pown & mate wt pe oper pown
per pe cros standith pis is don at 6
drau^tis.
(Ash. text is : Draw thy blak Aufyn
and say chek. Then the blak kyng goth
in to A. Sipen chek with thy Roke.
Then he goth into B. Yet chek wt thy
Roke in thy Pon Ward. Than he goth
in to D. Then chek wt thy Pon ande
mate hym wt thy other Pon ther pe crosse
standeth.
At v draught is pis Jupertye is plaied.
A is on d4, B on e5, C on f4, D on g4,
+ on h4 in Port. Ash. omits C, and
puts D on f4 and + on g4, shortening
the solution a move. In the text Port,
calls Bel White avfin, implying that cl
is a white square, and that hi is black ;
Ash. calls it Black aufin, which makes hi
a white square.)
Port. 5 (corr.): Ar. 300.
At iij ( read ii) draujtis pis is pleyd / pe
white men drau^t furst. chec wt R in
kny 3 ts ward & he take it vp wt pe kny$t.
pen mate wt pi kny$t in A (g6).
(Soln. from Ash. 6.) The black kyng
draw first pen draw pe ffers in to A (d7).
Sithen the Aufyn in to B (c5). Ande
pen pi king per pi ffers stode. Sithen thi
ffers to bord (to the margin ). then the
king in A. Then chek with the ffers in
pi Pon ward then withdraw the aufyn
(Port, pen awey w fc pi auf.). then set thy
king ther pi ffers stode first, then in to
C (d6). then in to B. then ayen ther thi
ffers stode first, then chek with thy
aufyn. Ande pan mate hym with thy
Pon.
Port. 8.
The white furst men. pen he sey chec
w t pe roke in poun ward, pen he takipe
wt pe kny^t. pen mate wt pe poun.
* Port. 9.
Hit;
t"
L.a\\ '
yr ' '
V' \ ;
y. '
At ij drau^tis pe pley is don / pe blac
kyng drau pe furst. yf he draw in to A
(c5) drawe pe rok into B (b8) / yf he
draw into C (e5) draw pe same rok into
D (f8), & mate at pe next.
Digitized by Google
HAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
603
Port. 10. Port. 17 (corr.).
v, y,/ t
b m m u
*
ki2 22 B B
m : s
S3 m. m m
‘ rz V"
. . : f , ; .
r ’’r; u ’:
S 3 B A
& r m z*
mm m m
res B : . &
m m m m
The blac mot be mate in pe corner at
v dran^tis. chec w t pi roke in A (c8) &
sithyn w i pe same roke in B (c7). & ry$t
in C (a7). and pen chec w* pi knyjt in
D (c6) & mate w t )>i roke in E (b8).
Port. 13.
Draw thi roke & sey checke in B (al).
then J>i roke in C (hi). )>en mate w* thi
ro. at iij drauth in pe poyn per pe cros
etant (e3).
Port. 16.
(Soln. from Ash. 1 4.) No fors who draw*
first, ffolow hym tyll thow haue pe blacke
kyng at souch plight. Then say chek with
thi Roke in A (g8). Sithen chek with
thi Roke in the corner. J>en chek with
thy ffers. Then say chek mate w* pi
Aufyn in C (f5) / Thus thow may lese
thy Roke and mate hym w* thy Aufyn.
aude to conclude is wele plaied.
The blac draw furst. j?en draw pi kyng
in A (h5). chec in fers ward, mate w t
pi aufen & yf he be aufyn of diuers colors
dryue into pe corner (Ash. other) side &
lose pi roke & pen mate hym w* pi aufyn
on )>e same maner p i pe Jupertye aboue
tellij>e & yf pu schalt loss© pi ro. or pu
mate hym w t pi aufen, )>i aufen & pi fers
must he of diuers colors or pu cannot
mate hym.
Port 20.
Three exercises with the Kt are placed
on one diagram, (a) Kts on a7, a8, b6,
b8, c6, c7, c8 : = K 3. (6) Kte on f6,
f7, f8, g6, h6, h7, h8 , another variety of
the same, (c) Kts on fl, f3, hi, h3: *=
OB 236.
Port. 22 (corr.y
: ' s
*
*
: ih
a’ ..
(Soln. from Ash. 17.) At ij drawghtis
the black King shalbe mated. The white
men draw first. Sett thy lowyst kni. in
A (d4) or B (f4) Then goth he in to C
(c!6) or D (f6). Then say chek mate with
thy Roke in F (f6) or G (d6).
Port. 23 (corr.).
Chec w t k. and drawe into A (c5). )>en
draw thi fers in B(d6)and mate w t thi roke.
Digitized by Google
604
CHESS IN EUROPE
im-
port. 25 corrA
Port. 27.
Take is auf. & make hyra bar & mate
hym after wtin 9 draujtis in j of iiij
poyntis (Ash. 20 adds ‘with J>i Roke').
furst he drau^t in A (a7). draw J>i R in
B (e8). J>en he gof>e into C (a6). )>en
chec in pe corner ]>en he goJ>e into D
(b5). draw pi kyng into J>i knyjtis for
losing for yf j?u stop j?i knyjt (Ash. for
lesyng of hym aude let hym stonde still,
for if he be mouyd) pa may not mate in
9 drau^tis in j of 4 poyntis )>en he is }>er
his aufyn stod draw thi roke in E (b8)
)?en he go into F (d4) ben mate wt pi
roke in G (b4). (Ash. adds, ‘ He will ande
may tell hys ix drawghtis for thow hast
a Roke abord.')
The solution runs 1 R x B ; 2 Rc6 ;
3 Re6; 4 Re8 ; 5 Ra8 + ; 6 Kdb ;
7 Rb8 ; 8 Rb4 m.
Port. 26.
(Soln. from Ash. 21.) This is covenant
pt the whight king shal lose hys Roke or
he mate y© black king. Suffre hym to
take thi pon. Affter p t driue hym in to
A (al). Ande stale hym tyll hys Pon
come in to B (a2). And when his Pon
is in B, loke thy Roke be in C (f2 ; MS.
has f8). )>an drawe thy Roke in his pon
ward. Than go up w 1 thy pon as fast as
thou may & make hym a ffei s. then draw
hym to thi kyng & mate the other kyng
in the corner. But j?ou must be wyse to
do. Dryue hym sotelly and war*.
(Soln. from Ash. 22.) Mate hym c
drawghtis ande euery man a dnvj
The black kyng draw t first, pen s ;
thy Roke in to A (dl). Sytben thy H
in to B (d6). ande }>en he goith
thy kyng ande mate bym w t thy
Roke in C (b8). But loke that r*
man haue but oon draught for that
couenant.
Chec w t fe rok in A (f6). yf. he go int
B (h6) pen mate wt j?i o)>er rok (read K:
in C (f7). yf he draw into D (h4) aey cfc**
wt pi oj>er R (read Kt) in E (f3). yet ^
pe same in F (gl). yf he go into D.
mate wt pi roc in pi kny^tis ward, yf hr
go into G (h2) draw pi oj?er kyng (ratf
Kt) into H (d5\ )>en into J (f4). J>en cbe:
fro H into G (read E). )>en mate w' p
roke in F J?er pe cros stant (hi).
Port. 30.
Chec wt thi roke in A (hi) £en feyn in
B (gl). )>en in C (g2). then is he mate
(only after 4 Rg3 ; 5 Rd3).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
605
Port. 81.
The blacke drau^t in A (e6). draw pi
roke in to B (h7) )?en mate in C (h6). yf
he draw into pe o£er poynt set )>i roke in
B & mate sicut prins.
Port. 32 (Wh., Kf7, Ktf5, f 6 ; Bl.
Kh8).
The blac kyng may not be mate but by
rechilnesse (recklessness) w* ij kny. & a
kyng.
Port. 86.
m *
m m
m m
m m
m&mm m
8 m
m m
urn m
m m
m n
m m
0-: '
■ H
Sey chec w* pi pown in A (c7). yf he
drawe byforn thi poun draw thi kyng
)>er thi poun stod & stale hym. ben make
a fers of pi oj>er poun & mate w* J>e same,
yf he draw at be furst in to B (e8). draw
pi roke into C (f4). then make a fers &
stale hym. )>en mate hym w t pe poun.
Port. 38 (Wh., Khl, Rbl ; Bl., Ka8.
A on c2, B c3, C c4, D c5, E c6, F al).
The whi^t drau^t furst but draw into
A as fast pu may. J>en into B C D E. J>en
mate w* thi rok in F.
Port. 39 (Wh., Kb6, Rhl ; Bl., Ka8.
A on al, B a6, C c6, D a7, E d6, F e6,
G f6, H f7, I hG, +h8).
Sey checke w t thi roke in A. ]>en w t
thi roke go into B. )>en w* pi kyng in C.
& n w t pi R. in D. )?en pi kyng in E F G
, pen Jri R. ayen in B & J>en mate w*
pi roke in J. j?er pe cros stand, he may
be mate long erst but yf he defend the
bettur.
Port. 40 (Wh., Ke3, Ral, h8 ; Bl.,
Ke5. A on a6, B d5, C c8, D f5, E g8).
Draw pi roke in A. and yf he go in B
draw pi ober R. into C & mate w* be
same, yf he go furst into D set thi roke
in E & mate next.
The Ashmole MS.
[Note. — The common material in Ash. and Port, is exhibited in the following
table :
A8H. PORT.
ASH. PORT.
ASH. PORT.
ASH. PORT.
1-2 = 3-4
10 = 8
24 = 33
27-28 = 36-37
3-4 = 9-10
1 1-15 = 13-17
25 = 30
29 = 35
5-7 = 5-7
16-23 = 21-28
26 = 34
31 = 38
The remaining positions are : Ash. 9 = K 29 ; 30 = Cott. 1 ; 32 = Cott. 3 ; 33 =
K 21; 39 = K 30; 41 - K 49.
In Ash. 2 the White Bishop on cl is termed 4 thy blak Aufyn* ; i.e. cl is a black
square, or hi is white.
Ash. 15 ends with the words, ‘This is a faire Jupertie to mate a man in on of
the iiij poyntis for it cumyth ofift in play \ This sentence is really the title of the •
following problem (Ash. 16).
Ash. 19 ends, ‘The drawghtis arn forgotten in the other Jupertie aboue (i.e.
Ash. 16) therfor play the oon be the other \
Ash. 26 adds the note on the variant position Ka8 on b8 : 4 And yf his kyng
stode at the begynning from the corner, draw thy ffers that thou makist first but
a poynte or els he ys not mated at xl draughtis. Ande yf he defends oute he shal
neuer be mated etc/
Ash. 27 adds the note : 1 And if it be not couenant to mate hym in the corner thou
shalte mate hym w* a pon yf thou play slylye so thou haue the fyrst draught ’.]
Digitized by Google
CHESS IN EUROPE
i
606
Ash. 8 (Wh., Khl, Ra 7; Bl., Kh8.
A on g2, B f3, C e4, D d5, E c6, F d6,
G e6, H f6, I g6).
This is couuenant p* the White king
shalbe draw first And his Hoke shall
never be drawen tyll he say chek mate
with his Roke. Draw first thi kyng in A.
Sithen in B. and then in C. and in D.
then in E. in F. in G. in H. And then
in I. And then chek mate with ]?i Roke.
At ix dranghtis as couuenant is at the
begynnyng. And yf he defend it not welle
it may be mated long afor.
A*h. 34.
~~m¥E I
' ' : a.B
& a ■ m
a' ... jl
1 ■ ,
m :
The white men draw first ande shall
mate the blake kyng at iij draughtis.
Say chek w t thi Roke in the pon ward
& he must nedis take it wt his knyght.
Say thou est chek with thi Roke in the
same poynte & he must nedis take it with
his other knight and lese hym. Then say
chek mated in thy pon warde. This is
a faier Jupertie for thow leses thy booth
Rokes or thou mate hym the blake kyng.
(He overlooks 1 Re7 + ; 2 Pf7 m.)
Ash. 85.
Say chek in A (a2) with thi white roke
then he must nedis helde hym with his
roke. Then chek mate wt thi pon for he
maynot take thy pon with his roke for
discouering. Neuerthelesse affter the first
chek thow may mate hym ande take vpp
his roke. But it is faier to mate hym with
a pon.
Pin
Ash. 36.
Thow shalt mate hym with a Pon a* ■
drawghtis yf thow play wel affter ti
Roke & if thou knowe itt not thow
not mate hym at ix dranghtis fkr L-
woll tel his draughtis for cause of t_
Roke. ffirst draw thi roke in to A (51
Sithen in to B (bl) than in to C (t-
Than chek in thy pon warde that is u
D (b7). & then chek mated wt thi pan n
D ( read E c7). Ande if ye be a gre*
plaier & can well defende your game
shall neuer mate hym at ix draught
with thy roke for sothe &c.
Self-mate.
A Jupertye to do a man mate the.
Driue hym to this plyght for it is do
raaystre. Then shall he draw first. Say
thou chek w t thy roke in thy ffers warde
aboue. Att next draught after set thy
rok in his pon ward. j>en sett thi nether
ffers fast by thy other fers ande stale hym.
Then must he take vp thy Roke w fc his
Pon & say chek mate & thus shalt J>n d«.-
a man mate the whej?er he will or nout.
But be war* thou stale hym not tyll thy
Roke be in his pon ward & )>u must stale
hym at next draught after tlii Roke is
set or els thou shuldest lese thy rok for
nowght & therto neuer the more mate
shulde ther be. Ande the most connyng
of playe is gettyng of odde draughty?.
Ash. 38 (same figure as the preceding:
A on dl, B d4, C d3).
Dryue hym to this plight wt thi roke
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
607
& ij fers. Ancle then if ]>e draught be
hese draw thy fers in A. )*en thi roke in
B & sij?en ther he stode first. Then thi
ffers that standeth in A drawe hym ayene
there he stode first. Then set thi roke
in his Pon warde & if he take it / then
art thou mate. Yf he take it not but
draw his kyng J>en say chek with thi fers.
Then drawith he & is stale. Then draw
thi fers in to A. & fayn a draught. Then
must he nedys take up thy roke & say
chek mate to thi kyng with hys Pon.
Ash. 39.
Black play ; White mate in XI.
Thus shalt thou bryng in ]>i odde
drawghtis in cas )>u be a drawght be-
hynde. He drawt first. Draw J>u thi
knight an aufyns draught fro hym }>*
bryngeth jri ffers to thi king. Then draw
thi kyng in A (c7). )>en draw betwixt
both kingis & yet draw thy knight in to
B (a5). Then chek with thy knight.
Then the next drawght after chek / set
thi knyght in C (b4). then set thi fers in
D (a6) in the knyghtis ward. Then
chek with thi fers in D and at next
draught mate w t thi knyght. But this
is a Jupertie that may neuer be mated
out of thi medyll of the table yf it be well
defended of connyng plaier.
(The text is a little obscure, but Wh.
has to win a move ; Bl. begins ; 1 Kb8,
Kb6 ; 2 Ka8, Kc7; 3 Ka7, Qc6 ; 4 Ka8,
Qb5 ; 5 Ka7, Ktb7, followed by 6 Kta5 ;
7 Ktc6 + ; 8 Ktb4 ; 9Qa6; 10Qb7 + ;
and 1 1 Ktc6 m. as in the text.)
Ash. 40 (Wh., Kh6, Rb7; Bl., Kh8.
A on a7, B e8, C f7, D f6, E f5, F g8,
G g6).
He that hath the white men shall mate
the blak king upon a couenant that the
roke shal neuer be drawen til he say chek
mate. Thou hast the white men draw
thy kyng as fast as thow may in to A. &
forth in to the lyne ther his kyng goth
yn. & forth aff'ter tyll thow art in B.
than draw in to C. Then chek discouer
in D. Ande if he draw afor thi kyng
then chek mate at bord. When jm art
in C. and seiest chek discouert yf he go
in to the pointe next the corner draw in
to oon of the iiij poyntis & then draw
tyll his king com before hym than mate
a Bord.
The problems of the early collection from which the four Anglo-Norman
MSS. are derived are distinguished from those of the later compilations by
certain broad characteristics which may be summed up thus. Unusual
prominence is attached to the Exercise (the Ar. mikhrdq) in which the powers
of a single piece are explored. In none of the later MSS. is there so large
a proportion of positions of this type. The problems are generally of a very
elementary and simple type ; those of European composition are more primi-
tive in type than most of the Muslim mansubdt . The wager-game is almost
entirely absent ; its only representative is K 48, Fol si sey Jie. The workman-
ship is of an early stage of European chess, but it is European, not Muslim.
It lays little account by possibility. In Cott. 13, 15, 20, K 16 (2), 25, 33, 42,
55 Bishops are placed upon squares that they could not occupy in a game. It
disregards the possibility of Fare King, not necessarily because it was no
longer of force — K 50 and 51 are examples of wins by Bare King — but because
the aim of the problem was to give practice in mating combinations.
The MS. Dresden 0/59 ( = D), like Arch., contains a collection of problems
as a supplement to the work of Cessolis, in this case in the French translation
Digitized by Google
608
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAKT II
of Jehan de Vignay. The MS. 28 is a folio of 78 leaves written in a hand
of the end of the 14th or beginning of the 15th c., with initials in blue and
red. The MoraliUs du gieu des etches par Jehan de Vignay occupies ff. 1-61 a,
and is followed by a collection of 69 chess diagrams, of which the first occupies
the lower half of f. 61 a and the remainder follow, two to the page, until the
foot of f. 78 a. The first two diagrams are diagrams of initial arrangements
(see p. 476), and are unnumbered, but the third and following diagrams are
numbered 1-67. The boards are chequered yellow and white, hi being white
in 46 and yellow in 23 diagrams. The names of the pieces were first
written at the foot of the squares occupied, and generally the names of the
pieces playing from the top of the board are inverted. Subsequently the
illuminator of the MS. inserted pictorial representations of the pieces, coloured
red and black for the hlans and jaune of the text respectively, in some cases
so carelessly that they occupy other squares than the ones intended. It is
clear that he did not trouble to study the positions critically. It is also
doubtful whether the scribe who copied the text knew much about chess,
for in the text of D 11 he has written Sierche for Fierche , while in copying
D 66 from a French Bonus Socius MS. he has misread the ‘ le roc a trenes
(roccus est aflSdatus) du roy noir * of his original, and has reproduced it as the
meaningless ‘ le Roc a iij du Roy noir ’. The MS. is in an East-central
French dialect.
If we except the three positions D 65-67, which have been obtained
from a French text of the Bonus Socius work, the text which accompanies the
diagrams only gives the conditions of the problems and not the solutions. In
a few cases the diagram is placed at right angles to the usual arrangement of
the MSS. I have found occasional diagrams oriented thus in all the larger
European MSS., and believe that they go back to an earlier MS. in which
this arrangement was the rule.
The diagram of D 64 is not completed, and it is impossible to identify
the problem intended from the text ; the text of D 38 and the first part
of that of D 60 do not belong to these positions, but merely reproduce the
text of D 39 and 59 respectively.
Excluding D 64-67, we may classify the remaining 63 positions thus:
10 (of which 4 are Muslim) are Exercises ; 1 (D 38) is, I think, a self-mate ;
26 (of which 8 are Muslim) are ordinary mates ; 17 (of which 3 are Muslim)
are conditional mates, 2 being mates in the * four points ’ ; 4 (of which 1 is
Muslim) are positions which can be won by ‘ Bare King ’ ; and 5 (of which
1 is Muslim) are End-game positions, 3 being concerned with Kings and
Pawns only.
*• From the Catalogue of the Dresden Library we learn that the present volume is only
the opening portion of a MS. which originally contained over 200 leaves, that it belonged
formerly to the Counts De la Marche and Dukes de Nemours, that it has belonged to
Anne Henrietta, Duchess de Cond6 (D. 1723), and Count Bruhl (who bought it in 1737).
Cf. also R. Wuttke, Aus S chachha ndschriflen der kgl. Bibl. zu Dresden , in Dresdner Schachbl. , 1823,
No. 2 ; W. Benary, Zur Kritik der SchachqueUen im Miitelalter , in Wochenschach, 1908, 889, 397,
406, 426. I have used a photographic reproduction of the MS., for which I am indebted to
the kindness of Mr. J. G. White.
Digitized by
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
609
Four positions show Bishops on impossible squares, viz. D 8, 24, 33, 67.
There are several duplicates ; thus D 5 = 6; 9 = 26 = 47 ; 15 = 42 ; 17 = 63 ;
18 = 45 ; 19 = 20 (text wrong) = 40 ; 22 = 23 ; 41 = 59 ; 51 = 60. One
of the most remarkable features of the MS. is the number of problems in
which a player is allowed to stale his opponent and yet continue playing,
Examples are D 15, 24, 42, 50, 53, 55 : in the case of the last two, the condition
would appear to be unnecessary.
The problems follow :
[Note. — The remaining problems in D will be found thus. D 1 = CB 53 (all
one to right, the illuminator has forgotten Re6) ; 2 = CB 52 ; 4 = CB 236 (Kts on
c4, c6, e4, e6); 5 - CB 185 ; 7 - CB 253 (Wh. Kd3, Pb3, d4, f3, h3; Bl. Kd5 ;
Le roy blanc auesques les iiij paonnes qui se puent faire fierches doiuent mater le roy
jaune et il se doit deffendre se il puet); 11 = CB 233 ; 12 = CB 161 (Qh8 on d8;
Rb3onb4); 13 - CB 230 (Ph5 on h7) ; 14 - CB 243; 18 = CB136; 21 - CB
162; 25 - CB 1 (Wh. Kf4, Rh7, Ktf5, e6; Bl. Ke8, Ktd7, c8); 27 = CB 273
(Wh. Kh2 ; Bl. Ka6, Bc8 immovable) ; 28 = CB 250 (reflected, B on h6 ; Bl. play);
29 = CB 257 (diagram half-turned to the right); 31 = CB 251 (Ka8 on d8, Kc6
on e6, Bc5 on d6 ; mate in XXXHI or less) ; 32 = CB 105 (Wh. Rb5, d7, Ktb7, d5 ;
Bl. Kc6, Pc5 — 1 to avoid 1 Bare King’) ; 35 Wh. Pdl, d2 ; Bl. Pe7, e8 ; Les paons
blans vont contre les jaunes mes le plus soubtil joueur vaincra) ; 36 = CB 280 ; 37 =
CB 198 (Ks on d6 and a8 and diagram inverted) ; 46 = K5 (Kd5 ; Pawns on 7th and
8th rows) ; 48 = CB 216 (fidated Qs — in diagram Ks — for Bs onal, a8 ; Pb6, c6 for
Qc6; Ktd5 on f5; diagram inverted); 50 = CB 225 (Kf6 on h6, omit Qg8 f reflect) ;
51 = CB 148 (Wh. Kb8, Ba8, Ktb5, Ba6, Pb3, c3 ; Bl. Kal, Rf6, g6 ; — the illumina-
tor has put the Wh. B, Kt, and Ps on a7, b6, b4, c4) ; 52 = CB 219 (Wh. Kb3, Rb2,
d2, Bh3 ; Bl. Kal, Bel) ; 54 = CB 189 (reflected) ; 57 (Kta4, 15 Ps on the other
squares of the square al-dl-d4-a4. Le cheualier doit leuer de son droit trait tous
les paounes Tun apres Fautre; which is impossible in 15 moves, cf. p. 335); 58 = CB
207 (Wh. Kd3, Rc2 ; Bl. Kdl); 59 = CB 255 (Wh. Kd6, Rd4, Pa6, h6 ; Bl. Kd8,
Pa7, h7) ; 60 - CB 148 (Wh. Ka8, Rhl, Ktg4, Bh3, Pf6, g6; Bl. Kh8, Rc4, f2 ;
mate in IV); 61 =* CB 277 (transfer to corner al ; the illuminator has put the
Wh. Kd2 on d3 in error); 62 is the Knight’s tour over the half board without
solution; 65 = CB 6 (Kd3 on c3, Pd2 on c2, omit Bd4, 1 a* on d2 ; none of the Wh.
pieces are drawn) ; 66 = CB 9; 67 = CB 8.]
D 3. Wh. Ke6, Pd6, f6 ; Bl. Kd8.
(Cf. CB 140 ; Cott. 7.) Les blans doiuent
mater les jaunes qui se deffendront se
il puent. Et le blanc ne pert pas se le
jaune est enclos. Et les blans traient
les premiers.
D6: Ar. 19.
Les blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
k vi trais. Et si traient les blans trois
»7o q
trais auant qui ne sont compt£s que pour
vn. (The Wh. K should be on b3.)
D 8.
Les blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
& iij trais du paounet qui est desriere le
roy et si traient li blanc premier. (Cf.
CB 64. The D position is solved
1 Kte6 + ; 2 P x R ; 3 Pe7 m.)
q
Digitized by boogie
610
CHESS IN EUROPE
D 9.
Leg blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
k iij trais et si traient auant. (3) 1 Rh8 + ;
2 Rb5, &c. The idea is CB 58. There
are two other aetting8 in D, viz. D 26
(Wh. Kf6, Ra7, f 5 ; BL Kf8, Rel), D 47
(Wh. Kb6, Rbl, hi ; Bl. Kb8, Bc7).
DIO.
n vi
■ a wa»
■ ■HI
■ m wa's
HB HI Ml
K
1 |
Le8 blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
& ij trmis et ai traient auant. (1 Kte7 -f d;
2 Ktg6 m. solves it.)
D 15. Wh. Kbl, Ra7, Kta6; BL Kc8.
(Cf. CB 222 ; K 29). Le blanc doit mater
le roy jaune it xvi traia ou k mains. Et
le roy (read roc) blanc ne se doit mouuoir
tant que il die mat. Et le roy jaune le
tieut enclos i. trait. Le roy (roc) blanc
ne se muet et le blanc trait auant. f White
can stale the K for one move and then
mate him. K 29 is only to stale : CB
222 avoids the stale by adding a BL Kt.
D 42 (Wh. Ra7, Kta8 ; Bl. Kc6) is really
the same. Les blans doiuent mater le
roy jaune et s'il peut il se defiendra et
peut faire un trait clos.l
D 16: Ar. 35.
ft*
I
Les Kans doiuent mater le jaunes ou
faire communal (i.e. draw> et si doiuent
rii'
traire auant. (An inaccurate rendgr - \
of a Muslim ending. 1 Rli8 f :
and plays opposite the R contiru f
Cf. Cas. 55.) |
Les blans doiuent mater les jaace
vj trais de Fauphin et si traieut kl
et le paon doit aler deuers les rose:
(Le. to a6). (1 Bf6 + ; 2 Rg7 and l-
position is CB 112, mate in IV. D 6 .-
Wh. Kf2, Rb3, Bh6; Bl. Kh2, PfT-
an other setting in V.)
Les blans doiuent mater les jaunes t I
(sic) point de Fangle deuers les ij paoune?
a xxv trais ou k mains et si traient ac&r
et le paounet jeune est affie. [An «-
tended version of CB 208. D 20 (Pa3 a
a4) is the diagram of a variation, BS 1 71
That these variations were diagramm*:
separately is clear from S 1 and 19!.
D 40 (Wh. Kf6, Rb8, Ktb5, Pa3 (drain
on a4 in error) ; BL Kg8. Pa2) in XIY is
the same.]
D 22.
mm*
L K K'
i - - «
Les Mans doiuent mater le rov jaune
a ij trais n i plus n a mains. Et tons sout
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
611
affi4z sans prendre et li blanc traient
auant. [An earlier setting of CB 9, 10
12. Of. Arch. 14. D 23 (Wli. Ke8, Bg6i
Kh8, Bh7, Kth6) is another
setting.]
D 24 = CB 212 (omitting the Bfl
which is added there to prevent the
stale). Les blancs doiuent mater le roy
jaune 4 xv trais ou 4 mains et si le tient
bien enclos et le paonnet jaune est affie.
D 26, see D 9 above.
D 30.
Les blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
et se il passe les deulz roseites il la perdu
et sans enclorre et blans traient premiers.
(1 Be3, Kh2; 2 Ktf4; 3 Kg3 ; 4 Kth3 :
6 Ktf2 m., or 1 . . , Pa7 = Q ; 2 Ku3 •
3 Ktf4; 4 Kth3; 5 Ktf2 m. If the Q
can leap, the second line of play fails for
4 • . . QxB is possible. Either the Q
could not leap when this problem was
composed or we must put the P on c7.
I see no point in the rosettes.)
D 34.
' * "'“v maico i
3 Kf6 ; 4 Rgl ; 5 Rhl in. Cf. AJf. 88
and 96 ; D 56 below ; CB (F) 331 ; 8 1 1 ;
WA 7; WD 157. The group bl, b2, cl
should be one line to the left.)
D 88.
(The MS. repeats the text of D 39.
I think the position is intended for the
self-mate CB 235.)
D 83.
D 39 (corr.).
White mates in VL (Probably intended
for a mate in the four points, cf. CB 149,
but if so the diagram in which Kb3,
K.tb4, and Bd3 are drawn on b4, b5, d4
respectively, is in need of correction.)
Qq
Mate in VI on d4. [Cf. K 20, CB 1 49,
* c - D 49 (Wh. Kb6, Rc5, Ktd5, Bd3;
x>l. Ka8 ; * on e5). Mate in VI, ‘ v mil-
lieu de l’eschequier 14 ou la roseite est,’
is a similar problem.]
D 40, see D 19.
2
Digitized by Google
612
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
D 41.
Les blancs doiuent mater les jaunes
a xxx trais du paounet blanc et le paonnet
jaune qui est apres le blanc si est affi6 et
les jaunes traient auant. (Kc4, Rg4 are
drawn on c5 and g5 in error. A similar
problem to D 59, CB 255.)
D. 42, see D 15.
D 48 (corr.%
H
M+M W,
MM 2 1
;tltg
[mvm i
(The MS. has Wh. Kd6, Qb5, d5, d7,
Eh5 ; Bl. Kf5, Rgl.)
Les blans doiuent mater le roy jaune
sanz encloire et il se doit deffendre et si
traient auant. (Bl. plays. 1 . . , Rd7 + ;
2 Qd5 + ; 3 R~, R opp. R ; 4 R x R,
stalemate. So C 112. CB 254 is an im-
proved version.)
D 44. Wh. Kc7, Pg3; Bl. Kg4, Qa8.
Qui premier est seul il la perdu. Et se le
paounet se fait fierche et fait vn trait, il
la gaaignie. (Wh. plays. 1 Pg2, Kg3 ;
2 Pgl = Q, Kg2 ; 3 Qe3, and gets over
to the Wh. K, which is then able to win
the Bl. Q. Cf. Ar. 39.)
D 45, see D 18 ; D 47, see D 9.
D 49, see D 39.
D 53 = CB 256 (omitting Ph6).
Les blans doiuent mater les jaunes en
vn des poins ou les roseites sont (i.e. a8,
b8) et se le roy jaune hist hors de l'un
des deulz poins il la gaaigne le blanc ne
pert pas sil tient enclos li jaune. Les
jaunes traient auant & s’il le doit mater
ou faire seul a vj trais. (Another position
in which stalemate is ignored. CB as
usual prevents the stalemate.)
D 55 = CB 113 (Wh. Kc3, Rb8, Ktd4.
Qc2, Pc4; Bl. Kcl, Ral ; in the MS. the
Wh. K, Q, and P are in error drawn on
c4, c3, c5 respectively). Mate in IV
with Pc4, le roy jaune se puet bien tenir
enclos. (CB 113, by the addition of a
Pawn, obviates the stalemate.)
D 56.
(In the MS. the Wh. Kts in error are
drawn on f7, f8.)
Les blans doiuent mater les jaunes k
iij trais du roc & ceulz aus roseites (Le.
Bfl, Pd4, Pa 7) sont affies et les blans
traient auant. (1 Pg5 + ; 2 Pd3; 3 Rh8m.
Cf. D 34, above.)
D 63, see D 17.
D 64. Diagram blank except for Bl.
Kb8. Les blans doiuent mater les jaunes
a v trais sans enclorre v point ou la
Rosete est et les blans traient auant.
We may identify some 25 positions in D as occurring in one or other
of the MSS. of the Anglo-Norman group. AJ1 but one of these occur also
in the Civis Bononiae collection. Since both the Anglo-Norman group and
D contain a number of positions which are not repeated in the encyclopaedic
Civis Bononiae work, it follows that the compiler of t!be last-named has used
neither of these earlier collections. I conclude that the material common
to the three collections must have been included in other MSS., now lost,
which lie behind the Civis Bononiae text ; that is, that they form part of the
common stock of European problems of the earlier period. The only position
V
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
613
which is peculiar to the Anglo-Norman group and D is D 46 (Cott. 6, K 5,
Port. 5). This is strictly not a problem at all, but a diagram of a derivative
form of chess. The greater collections limit themselves to problems and
exercises, and their omission of this game accordingly carries little or no
weight. I do not think that the evidence is sufficient to assign D to the
Anglo-Norman group of problem MSS.
The general style of problem in D strikes me as being more artificial than
that of the Anglo-Norman MSS., and as belonging to a lower level of skill.
The wager-game is still scarcely represented (though the mate in n moves
exactly appears), and the problems remain for the most part exercises for the
practical game. The disregard, however, of stalemate is a retrograde step which
robs the exercise of much of its value for the ordinary game. It points to a
generation of players who were removed from the Muslim tradition which
was on the whole characteristic of French and English chess.
The MS. is obviously a copy of an earlier work, which from the absence
of solutions may have been nothing more than a rough note-book, intended
to be the basis of a MS. with solutions complete. Its unfinished character is
exhibited in the concluding problems. The transcriber had obtained access
to a Bonn* Socius MS. and had begun to make extracts. After copying two
problems with text complete and the diagram of a third, he was interrupted,
and the MS. was never completed.
APPENDIX
MERELS AND ALLIED GAMES
The mediaeval board-games of Western Europe included, iu addition to chess
and tables, a number of games which were known by the name of merels, L. marelli
(* coins ’, * counters ’ or ‘ tokens * : a diminutive from L. maims), or Indus mareUanm.
In Alf. these games are called alquerque , a term adopted from the Arabic, in which
al-qirq was formerly used in the same sense. Two instances have been quoted already
(p. 189* n. 10, and p. 194). The modem Arabic name is dm (Dozy), a Persian term
which is apparently often confused with Edris , the Ar. name of the patriarch Enoch
(Culin, C. Ac P . C ., 857). The word qirq is neither Arabic nor Persian, and its
origin is not known : it might be simply the L. circus , but this word is not known
as the name of a board-game.
In modern usage the term merels (or 1 mill which has replaced the older term
in Germany, Iceland, Italy, and elsewhere) is restricted to those games in which
the player’s aim is to place three men upon adjacent points of the board in such
a way that they form an uninterrupted straight line. The different types of board
used would all seem to be based upon the ‘ guarded cross ’ ; all are of great antiquity,
and their diagrams have been found incised on articles from European lake-
dwelliugs and from the oldest strata of ruins on the site of Troy (Parker, Anc.
Ceylon , 579) ; they are still used as charms against evil influences in Ceylon (ibid.),
Digitized by Google
614
CHESS IN EUROPE
fir \
and the Arabs of Central Arabia trace the simplest type in the hearth-ashes t-
making a solemn asseveration (Doughty, Arabia Deserta, 1888, i. 267). la •_
Middle Ages, as may be seen from Alf., other games were included under the at
of merels. These games fall into three types, (1) games of the modern merels
(2) games resembling draughts, (3) games of the fox-and-geese type.
I
A. Nine Holes.
Two players have three men apiece, and, playing alternately, they place i el
at a time upon any vacant point of the board, with the aim of posting the thm.
a straight line. When all are placed on the board, a man can be moved to u
vacant point.
A
Boards for Nine Holes
In diagrams D and E, the points of the other diagrams are replaced by squares.
Played in England (boards A and C as Nine Holes, E as Noughts and Crotm
in this last case no movement is possible) ; Germany (A, Heines Jfiihlenspiel, former
according to Hyde, nulochen) ; Holland (C) ; Sweden (A, D, Uteri gram ; I
Tripp , trap}), trull) ; by the Arabs (D, dris cUh-thcddtha) ; in Japan (A, .Sa«-w
narabe) ; and by the Ainus (A, Chikkiri).
Formerly played in Egypt (A is inscribed on the roof slabs of the tempk
Kurna, 14th c. b. c. ; a board, D, from Ptolemaic times is in the British Muscsl
(B.M., 14315)).
B. Three men s morris (the smaller merels).
The same game, but after all the men are placed on the board, a man can on
be moved along a marked line to the ac^joiniig
point.
Played in England (board A) ; Spain (i
Castilian, tree en rat/a , alquerque ; Catalan
marro ; the alguerque de tree of Alf.) ; Fiancr
(A, merelles); Italy (A, muIineUo sempliet)
Philippines (A, tapatan); China (A, luk fotf
X’t) : North American Indians (A, from Spanish settlers). Apparently not played
in Germany or the Scandinavian lands.
Formerly played in Ceylon (A), Egy pt (A, B are both on the temple roof at
Kurna). Very large diagrams of B occur frequently on the Forum pavement at Borne
and Pompeii : their purpose is unknown.
C. Fire (*?>) men s morris.
Said to have been played on a board of three similar triangles, one within the
other and united by lines joining the corresponding angular points (.Vote* emi
Queries, 8th Ser., xiL 333) but I know of no certain evidence that this was so.
A B
Boards fertile Smaller Mcrd&
Digitized by
Googl
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
615
D. Nine mens morris (the larger merels).
Each player has nine men. As often as a player secures three men in a straight
line he removes an opponent's man. The game is won when the player is left with
only two men, or when he is
blocked so that he cannot move.
Men move along any marked line
to an adjoining vacant point.
This (board A) is the game of
the problem MSS. It was also
played by the help of dice in the
Middle Ages (Alf., Vetula). The
board was also completed by the
insertion of the diagonals, and
the number of men increased to
eleven or twelve, for Eleven (Twelve) mens morris.
Played in England (A, nine men ; B, eleven or twelve men) ; United States (B,
twelve men); France; Germany; Holland; Scandinavia (A, B, with nine men);
Iceland (A, mylna) ; Russia ( melniza ) ; Italy ; Hungary ; by the Arabs (A, B, with
nine men, drts at-tis'a) ; in Ceylon (A, nerenchi) ; in Assam, China (B, sam k'i) ; in
Corea (B, kontjil); and by the N. American Indians (A, B, with nine men, from
Spanish settlers).
Formerly played in Egypt (Kurna) ; Spain (Alf., alquerque de nueve). A frag-
ment of a board from Viking days was found in the Gokstad Ship, and others are
cut on the steps of the Acropolis, Athens (Notes and Queries , 8th Ser., xii. 173).
Board* forth* Larger Merds
II
E. A Iquerque de doze .
Each player has twelve men, which are arranged for play as shown in the
diagram. A man can move along any line to the adjoining vacant point, and
captures an opponent by leaping over it into the vacant
square beyond it, in the same straight line — the method
employed in draughts. Any number of men can be
captured in one move (Alf.), and a man which does
not capture when it can do so is huffed (Covarruvias,
Tesoro de la lengua castellana , Madrid, 1611).
The game is played in Spain (Castilian castro or
alquerque , Catalan marro) ; in Italy (marelle) ; by the
North American Indians in Arizona and New Mexico,
who learnt it from the Spaniards.
It was formerly played in France ( Vetula) as mereles
qui se fait par douze mereles ; and in England (there is
a diagram in MS. Trinity College, Cambridge, O. 2 45 ; and an inscribed board in
the cloisters at Norwich Cathedral).
F. Draughts.
This game on the chessboard was formerly called marro de punto in Catalan and
Castilian (Torquemada, 1547, ‘ El . . . juego de marro de punto o damas' ; Montero,
1590, ‘Del juego de las damas, volgarmente el marro'; Vails, 1597, ‘Del juego de
Digitized by Google
616
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
las damas, por otro nombre el marro de pvnta*), and mardla in Sicily (Camera,
1617, 35). We may therefore properly include it in the present group of games. 1
The name of Damas (L. Indus dominarum in MS. Per.), Fr. dames , It. dama, which
took its place, is obviously due to the fact that the ordinary move of the draughts-
man in the Western European game was identical with that of the mediaeval Queen
in chess, who, as we have already seen, was so frequently called domina (dama,
dame, donna, &c.) in the 14th and following centuries. There are only two certain
references to the game before the 16th c., both occurring in English versions of
French romances ( c . 1380, Sir Ferumbras , 2225 : ‘ Summe of hem to iew-de-dame;
and summe to tablere’; c. 1400, Destr . Troy , 1622 : ‘The draghtes, the dyse, and
other dregh (i.e. tedious) gaumes’). In neither case has the French original any
mention of draughts. This does not point to any wide popularity of draughts at
the time, and it is probable fc that the game sprang suddenly into favour in the
sixteenth century. There was, however, a game in France in the 13th and 14th cc.,
called forges, i.e. ferses, in which a player might have a King. Thus Philippe
Mouskes, praising Philip Augustus of France, says (Chronique, 23617-21) :
Cis n’estoit mie rois de gas 2 ,
Ne rois de fierges, ne d'escas,
Ains iert a droit fins rois entire,
Rubins, esmeraude, et safirs.
It seems probable that it is of this game that the Arabic writer Abu’l-Fadl Ja'far
b. Sharaf wrote an account. In a list of this writer’s works in b. Dihya’s K. at-
miUrib min ashlar aid al maghrib (quoted, Qst., 411, from a Brit. Mus. MS. of
1251 a.d.) we read: ‘His work on games, with the game named Farma (which
means the player’s Queen), wherewith one plays as with chess, which work belongs
to the most remarkable productions of that period.’ If this game were identical
with draughts, it would clear up a puzzling line in Chaucers Book of the Duchess ,
723, ‘ Thogh ye had lost the ferses twelve,* which cannot be explained satisfactorily
from chess.
There are two theories as to the origin of draughts. The one, proposed by
v. d. Linde and strongly supported by Fiske, is that the game is a simplified chesB ;
the other, suggested by Brunet y Bellet and others and developed by Mr. W. S.
Branch in a series of articles in the Pittsburg Leader , 1911-12, is that the game is
a result of the transference of A]fonw* s\alquerque de doze to the chessboard. There
are difficulties in either case, and it may be that the truth lies in a combination of the
two theories. The board and the idea of promotion seem due to chess, the method
of capture, the multiple capture, and the huff, to alquerque. It is important to note
that the arrangement and method of move of the older Western European game are
different from those of the Turkish (and older German) game, though the Muslim
name of the game, dama , is obviously borrowed from the Southern European name.
Ill
G. De cercar la liebre (? mod. juego de la liebre).
Twelve (eleven or ten) men arranged from one end of the alquerque de doze'
board endeavour to hem in a solitary piece (the hare). The men move as in alquerque
1 Hollybrand, Treas. Fr. Tong., 1580, has ‘ Le jeu des merelles, the playe of dammes \
2 Gas occurs repeatedly in connexion with esches and mine in OF. works as the name of
a game. Nothing is known as to its nature.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
617
de doze, and the hare alone has the power to take. This is the game in Alf. ; it is
still played by North American Indians, who have been taught it by the Spaniards.
Some Indian tribes omit the diagonal lines in part or in entirety, while others give
the board a circnlar outline.
A similar game on the same board has been played in the Far East, e.g. in
Japan (the older Juroku musashi), in Assam (T. C. Hodson, The Nag a Tribes of
Manipur , London, 1911, 62-3), in Siam ( Sua ghin gnua ), and in Burma {Lay gwet
IcyaK), Both the last-named games omit the diagonal lines of the board. The
Indian and Malay ‘ Tiger game * seems to be a development of this simpler game.
In Europe and Samoa, Fox and Geese is now often played on the chessboard
between four Geese, with the move of the ordinary draughtsman, and a Fox who
moves as the English draughts King.
H. Fox and Geese .
The older European game was played with a Fox and thirteen Geese upon
a hoard composed of five smaller merels boards put together to form a cross (the
* solitaire ’ board). The older game survives in Iceland (where
it is called RefsJcdk , ‘fox-chess’), Hawaii, and among the North
American Indians. In Europe, the number of Geese has been
increased, first to fifteen, and then to seventeen, and with this
number of Geese the game is played in France, Germany,
England, and the United States. Edward IV {Accts. Roy.
Household , 1461-83, in V. B. Bedstone, England during the
Wars of the Roses , Trans. R. Hist. Soc., 1902, 195) purchased
‘ two foxis and 46 hounds of silver overgilt ’ to form two sets of * marelles In
the sixteenth and seventeenth century, more elaborate boards were employed.
Handle Holme speaks of double and triple Fox and Geese, with more men and
larger boards.
For further information as to these games the reader is referred to Hyde (ii. 337-
52 and 357-65), and especially to Fiske, Chess in Iceland , 1905 (97-156).
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. II
The great collections. — The MSS. of the Bonus Socius work classified.— T:
authorship and date of the work. — Contents. — Additional material in the Mr
of the Picard group. — The MSS. of the Civis Bononiae work. — Authorship u
date. — Classification of the MSS. — General remarks on the mediaeval problex-
Contents of the Civis Bononiae work. — Additional material from single MSS.
We have now arrived at the fourth stage in the history of the Europea:
problem MSS., in which the attempt was made to reduce the existing maUr^l
to order. The method of classification adopted was based upon the number '
moves in which the solution of the problem was to be accomplished , 1 a per I
mechanical method, which allows the same idea to appear in many differs
settings. 1
Two great Latin works on these lines were compiled in Lombardy in tu
mediaeval period, which are generally known as Bonus Socius and Civis Bonos ^
from the pseudonyms adopted by the compilers in the most important MS>
of the two collections. These works became the favourite mediaeval collectioa-
of problems, and were repeatedly copied or translated, the Bonus Socius wes
being current chiefly in France, and the Civis Bononiae work in Italy. Bot:
works aimed at being encyclopaedic, and contain partita, not only of che~.
but also of tables and merels, the other popular board-games of the MiddV
Ages . 2
The two collections cover very much the same ground, and often for page?
together the same positions follow in the same order in both works. The texi
of the solutions, however, is different in the two works, except in the secti-
on tables, where the earlier portion of the Civis Bononiae text is identical with
that of the majority of the Bonus Socius MSS. Generally speaking, the ten
is in each work on uniform lines, and each compiler has been at pains w
remove any trace of the source from which he obtained the problems. Appa-
rently, the diagrams of the positions, with all the explanatory letters and
symbols by means of which the description of the moves of the solution wss
simplified, were copied from the older MSS., and the solutions were thee
written anew by each compiler. In this way the chess name ferz,fercia y whidi
1 This method of classification has been the general principle of arrangement adopted in
all European collections right down to the present time.
2 As noted above (p. 581), the MS. K also contains a treatise on the game of tables, whki
concludes with some problems (here called jupertiae ) ; but this treatise is not so cloasljeoB*
nected with the chess work as are the sections on tables and merels in the great collections.
VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
619
alone used on the diagrams, is in each work in the text of the solutions
>laced by the more literary term regina , 3 The only clear evidence of the
t of different sources is supplied by the diagrams. While the great majority
5 oriented in the way universally followed in modern text-books, a small
mber in each work are at right angles to the ordinary arrangement. These 4
ost have been derived from a MS. in which the positions were drawn on
e supposition that the players were seated to the right and left of the
ard. The Persian MS. RAS and the Spanish MS. Alf. are examples of
is type of MS., but neither can have been the source used by the compilers
Bonus Socius and Givi s Bononiae .
The number of scholars who have up to the present time attempted
critical study of the chess contents of the two great collections is very
nail, but all are agreed in regarding the Bonus Socius work as the older,
he majority of the existing MSS. of this work are earlier in date than any
ivis Bononiae MS., and they are drawn from a wider extent of Europe. In
ich section the Bonus Socius work is the less extensive. Thus Bonus Socius
mtains 194 problems of chess, from 34 to 48 of tables, and 24 of merels ;
ivis Bononiae , 288 of chess, from 76 to 80 of tables, and 48 of merels. That
either work is a selection from a larger work is evident from the introduc-
ions. Each professes to give the whole of the problem-material known to
bs compiler.
These considerations apart, it is difficult to draw any conclusions from the
anguage of the solutions in the two works or from the diagrams. V. d. Lasa
las pointed out that the Bonus Socius text is often less clear than that in Civis
Bononiae , and, on the whole, the style strikes me as being older. In one or
>wo cases (e.g. CB 100 = BS 75) Civis Bononiae preserves an older arrange-
ment of the position than Bonus Socius , but these cases are too few to justify
my conclusion.
The most important MS. of the Bonus Socius group is that in the
National Library, Florence (MS. Nat. Lib. Florence, Banco dei Rari, B. A. 6,
p. 2, No. 1, to which I refer as BS). This is a beautifully executed parchment
late 13th c. Latin MS., which contains 1-119 quarto leaves (1*, blank ; l*b,
a much faded miniature representing a King and a Moor seated at a blank
chessboard, chequered gold and black (al black), with two ladies looking on ;
1 a, introduction or preface ; 1 b-99 a, 194 problems of chess, two diagrams on
each recto except 98 a and 99 a, with the solutions on the verso facing ;
99 b-112 a, twenty-four problems of merels with solutions similarly arranged,
100 a and 101 a have only one diagram each, the other rectos two diagrams
each ; 112 b-118 a, eleven problems of tables with solutions similarly arranged,
8 In on© or two cases the Bonus Socius MSS. of French origin have substituted fierge, firgia,
for regina . Thus Br. 7, PF 6 , M 7, all of which are the problem BS 7, have fierge in the
solution. The other MSS. ^W, PL, Fn., PP) have roine, regina. The other instances occur in
PL, Fn., and PP in solutions of non-BS positions.
4 Viz. GB 6 , 146, 158, 182, 183 and the corresponding BS positions BS 13, 116, 125, 152,
153. The following positions are without Pawns, but would show Bishops on possible squares
if the players were supposed to be seated on the right and left of the diagram : CB 98, 127,
128, 135, 151, 160, 161, 171, 219. All occur also in BS.
Digitized by Google
620
CHESS IN EUROPE
?j£ 4
117 a has only one diagram ; 118 b and 119, blauk). 5 A note on the iis& a
the cover (a 16th c. leather binding with brass bosses and clasp), in ah ad S
the 16th c., shows that the MS. was for long in the possession of the I WL ft
vinetti family : ft
Questo libro insegna il modo e le regole di giaocare alii scacchi e merit* at - I
sia tenuto conto per la sua antichitk e per la diligenza con la quale fa xnc. ft
miniato, e perchb fd acquis tafco di nostri antenati, ed h molto tempo che si tiwi . ft
casa nostra de' Baldovinetti. ■
It was purchased from the Baldovinetti family by the Grand Duke of Tuaor M
in 1852. Mr. Magee’s guess that the Baldovinetti family inherited it ins: H
the Dati family in 1767 is probably unfounded.
The Bonus Socius work was undoubtedly translated early into Italian, *
no MSS. have survived, and we only know that this was the case from -
fact that a couple of leaves from a quarto parchment MS. of the 14th c.
discovered a few years ago in the binding of a later work. The leaves contki
the four problems BS 169, 172, 173, 174, one to each page. They are now :
the possession of Mr. J. G. White.
A later problem-lover made a fresh Italian version of the MS. BS in
course of the first half of the 16th c. This is the more remarkable bee*
the translator was already familiar with the reformed chess. His version •
the BS work is contained in another MS. of the National Library, Florence-
MS. XIX. 7. 51 (=It.), which was once in the possession of the Emper,
Francis I (1745-65), and later in the Magliabechian Library, Florence. I
consists of 211 quarto paper leaves (1 a-25 a, 28 a- 29 b, and 149 b,*
problems of the reformed chess ‘a la rabiosa * and a Knight’s tour ; 51 a-14&i
197 problems (of which three are duplicates) from the MS. BS ; 186 a and L
two exercises (K 3 and CB249); 25 b-27 b, 30a-50b, and 150a-185 -
blank diagrams for chess ; 187 a-198 b, 24 diagrams of problems of mert.
without solutions, taken from BS ; 199 a-203 b, 10 diagrams of problem
of tables from BS, of which the last alone, called ‘ labbaco di fuori \ ht
solution; 204a-210a, blank; 210b-211b and continued on the fly-leii
notes on card games and the puzzle of the ‘Ship* 6 ). The writer merely
copied the diagrams from BS, and re-wrote the solutions: in a few cage
(ff. 146 a, 147 b, 148 b-149 b) he has omitted to add the solutions. Tbr
importance of this MS. is in connexion with the modem game.
The Bonus Socius work must have reached France early in the 14th c., for wt
possess no less than seven MSS. of French production, of which the oldest are littk
if any, later than the MS. BS itself. None of these MSS. exactly reproduces the
6 The work Good Companion ( Bonus Socius) of James F. I^agee, jr., of Philadelphia, Flores*-
1910, contains 88 full-page photographs from the MS., but is otherwise incomplete and gin:
less help to the student than the extracts in Qst, 127-77. )
6 This puzzle of Muslim origin (see p. 280) occurs in other European MSS. The usa*l 1
form is to arrange 15 Christians and 15 Moors on board a sinking ship in a circle in sad
a way that the 15 Moors may be left alive after 15 men have been thrown overboard as tt«
result of counting round and drowning every ninth man. The arrangement was remember^
by the hexameter ‘ Populeam virgam mater regina ferebat \ in which the vowels (a « 1.
e = 2, i *= 8, Ac.) give the numbers of Moors and Christians in each successive group
(i. e. 4 Moors, 5 Christians, 2 Moors, Ac.).
Digitized by Google
AP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
621
riier form of the work, and all possess certain features in common, while they
1 naturally into two groups containing three and four MSS. respectively,
2 h of which groups exhibits other and marked characteristics of its own.
That group of MSS. which reproduces most closely the text, the diagrams,
d the sequence of the Florence MS. BS, consists of three MSS., which are
alike in general workmanship that it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
at they are the work of a single scriptorium in N.E. France. In each MS.
te diagrams are beautifully executed and coloured. The chessboards are
lequered white and black, hi being white on the recto and black on the
3rso of each leaf, an arrangement which is due to the fact that the diagrams
ci front and back of each leaf exactly cover one another, and the semi-trans-
are ncy of the parchment compelled the illuminator to oppose black squares to
lack. The chessmen are drawn, reproducing somewhat conventionally the
ctual forms of the chess pieces ; the opposing sides are coloured, and described
s gold and red. These three MSS. are :
PLi = MS. Nat. Lib., Paris, Lat. 10286. A magnificent folio MS. of the
niddle of the 14th cent, with Latin text (an occasional lapse into the Picard
Lialect of French reveals the writer's native tongue), which contains 264 leaves
1 a, blank ; 1 b, two miniatures, the one above the other, the upper a battle
between two knights, the lower two people playing chess on a board chequered
•ed and blue (hi blue); 2, blank; 3, the introduction; 4a-148b, 290 pro-
blems of chess, one a page ; 7 149 a-172 b, 48 problems of tables ; 173 a-184 a,
23 problems of merels; 185a-264b, Vignay’s French version of Cessolis ) .
The MS. once belonged to Charles, Duke of Orleans (D. 1467), and an attempt
has been made in M. Pierre Champion's Charles <P Orleans , jouenr d' tehees,
Paris, 1908, to prove that the many sidenotes made by a former owner, in
which the algebraic notation is regularly employed, are by this prince. The
MS. is richly illuminated throughout ; in the first initial A of the text three
cofts of arms are blazoned, the one over the other. The top one is probably
the arms of the Emperor, since it contains a black two-headed eagle on a brown
ground ; the middle one is the ancient arms of France ; and the lowest is the
arms of England. I imagine that the illuminator selected these as the arms
of the three Powers nearest to Picardy. 8
PP = MS. Nat. Lib. Paris, F. fr. 1173. A similar MS. of the 14th c.
with text in the Picard or Walloon dialect of French, which consists of 216
folio leaves (1 a, blank ; 1 b, two miniatures, the one over the other, the
upper a battle, the lower a siege; 2a— 4b, the introduction; 5a-179a,
348 problems of chess; 179b, blank; 180a-203b, 48 problems of tables;
204a-216b, 25 problems of merels; 217 blank). At the foot of f. 216b
is a title in a slightly later hand, * Chius roumans est des parchons des eschies,
des taules, et des merelles a neuf.’ At the foot of many leaves (practically
7 When the solution was too long to be completed in the page, the scribe has completed
it at the foot of some neighbouring page where there happened to be room. The same
device is followed in PP and Fn.
1 V. d. Lasa (144) associated the arms with Burgundy (Arles), France and Aquitaine,
and so connected the MS. with the South of France.
622
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST II
every fifth leaf) is the MLG. note, c Ach mocht es sijn/ which appears to be
the wail of the weary illuminator. In this MS. the introduction is much
longer than in the other Bonus Socius MSS. I have already made con-
siderable use of it in dealing with the Lombard Assize and the mediaeval
notation (see pp. 461, 469, 495).
Fn. = The Fountaine MS. (so called from its having been from about 1700
to 1902 in the possession of the Fountaine family at Narford Hall, Norfolk ; at
the sale of the Fountaine library in 1902 the MS. was bought by Mr. Quaritch
for £800, and is now in the library of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan
of New York). A similar MS. of the 14th c. with text in the Picard dialect
of French, which now consists of 216 folio leaves (1 a— 145 b, 290 problems
of chess; 9 147a— 168b, 44 problems of tables; 169a, blank; 169b— 182b,
25 problems of merels ; 182 b, blank). The MS. has suffered mutilation ; the
opening leaves have been cut away, as has also a leaf between ff. 146 and
147, which contained the first two problems of tables; in other places
illuminated initials have been cut out. The MS. was once in the possession
of a French family named Vaubouton.
A small collection of chess problems which occur on ff. 81 a— 82 a of the
MS Sloan, 3281, in the British Museum (= SI.), written in the 14th c.,
is allied to this group of MSS. The chess entry is very carelessly made, the
diagrams are imperfectly filled, and the problems follow one another without
system, two columns to the page. At the foot of f. 81 a 2 is the Latin line
which gives the solution to the problem of the ; Ship ’, and the favourite
hexameter ‘ Rex, roc, alphinus, miles, regina, pedinus \ The eleven problems
are SI. = BS 12, 2 = BS 16, 3 = BS 1, 4 = BS 54, 5 = BS 45, 6 = BS 108,
7 = BS 118, 8 = BS 29, 9 = BS 9 (the solution is longer, as in all the Picard
group), 10 = BS 18, 11 = BS 62.
Although the three MSS. PL, PP, and Fn. contain many more chess
problems, they are essentially based upon the BS work. With few exceptions
the BS problems follow one another in the same order as in BS, with closely
similar text, and occur in blocks together, the additional problems coming
in blocks either before or after the BS positions in the same number of
moves. We may divide the chess problems thus :
From
BS
Common to
all three MSS.
Common to two MSS.
Only in one MS.
Total.
PL&Fn.
PL & PP
Fn. & PP
PL.
Fn.
PP
PL
192
89
5
4
0
290
Fn.
191
89
5
—
4
1
290
PP
198
89
—
4
4
—
—
58
348
(PL omits BS 74, 76 : Fn. omits BS 10, 11, 83 : PP omits BS 8.)
• The problems were originally numbered (Roman numerals) at the foot of the page, but
in many cases the numbers have been cut away in binding. In adding the numbering, the
scribe has made a mistake somewhere between f. 100 b (where is the number 100) and f. 116 a
(where is 271). The intervening numbers have been cut away, but there are no leaves
missing. In PL and PP the problems in tables and merels are ‘ numbered ’ by the letters
of the alphabet.
Digitized by Google
HAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
623
l The new material is for the most part problems in two, three, and four
noves, many of which are variations of BS positions, or are based upon the
XKl&ram’ idea, but it also includes some longer problems and exercises
arhicli are of an older type and in part of Muslim origin. Some of these new
> 08 ition 8 occur in the Civis Bononiae work, but they do not appear to have
)een obtained from that collection. There are indications which point to
bheir having been obtained from an older French MS. (see especially the
solution of PL 271 below. The greater extent of PP is more apparent than
real : the compiler has, as a rule, diagrammed separately every variation in BS
or the other Picard MSS. which is mentioned in the text of the solutions ;
if we exclude these artificial additions, we shall reduce the number of positions
unique to this MS. to 13 only. I reproduce the additional material of the
Picard group of Bonus Socius MSS. below.
The second group of Bonus Socius MSS. of French workmanship contains
four MSS., all in French dialects spoken in Central or Eastern France, and
a fifth MS. in Middle Low German. The complete MSS. of this group all
omit the last problem (BS 194) in the Florence MS., and add ten chess
positions to the 193 positions which they have from the Bonus Socius work.
Five of these are really duplicates of problems in BS and already in the
MSS. of the group, but the text of the solutions differs from the BS text, and
the identity of the problems would seem to have escaped notice. These
duplicate solutions do not occur in the three MSS. of the Picard group.
The other five positions, on the other hand, are included in the Picard MSS.
None of the MSS. of this ‘ Central French * group exhibit the orderly arrange-
ment of the Florence MS. or the Picard group of MSS., and a comparison of
the existing order in the different MSS. shows that the disorder must go back
to a MS. that lies behind them and between them and the original Bonus
Socius work, whose order was BS 1-150, 155-170, 151-154, 191, 193,
171-178, 181-190, 192, A, 179-180, B-K, where I have used the letters
A-K to denote the ten additional problems. 10 The existing MSS. are still
more disarranged than this, but this is due to the accidental displacement
of leaves, and in M, the only MS. of the group which does not regularly
allot one page to each position, to a deliberate attempt to economize space.
The MSS. which I include in this group are :
W = MS. Wolfenbiittel, Extrav., 118. This is a parchment MS. with
French text of the middle of the 14th c., of 133 quarto leaves (1 a, intro-
duction ; 1 b-103 b, 205 problems of chess, one a page with solution below —
two problems are repeated in error; 104a-116a, 25 problems of rnerels ;
116b, blank; 117a— 133b, 34 problems of tables, somewhat carelessly copied.
The last leaf ends, ( Ci achieue le liure des eschecs et des tables et dee
merelles ’).
M = MS. Montpellier, Faculty of Medicine, H. 279 (Fonds de Bouhier,
E. 93). This is a 14th c. vellum MS. of 128 quarto leaves (1 a, blank ;
10 These problems are A — PL 286 ; B=PL240; C~BS178v; D-PL287; E- PL 288;
F « BS 174v ; G « BS 99y ; H » BS 188v ; J = BS 188 v ; K = PL 279.
Digitized by
624
CHESS IN EUROPE
FAIT
1 b, a title, * Chi commenche le livres des p&rtures des esches et de tables e
de merelles et se claime cis livres Bakot et le trouva Nebroa le joiant ^
fit premiers en Babylone la tour con claime Babel, ou li langage fa rent m:-
par la volente nostre seigneur, qni vit lor outrecuidanche. Et de la l
B akot aportes a troie la grant. Et de troie en Gresse apres la destructioi i
troie. Et de gresse vint en franche, et encore i est, dont loue soit Dies
2a-88a, 206 numbered problems of chess, one or two to the page, of whk
three are repeated in error; 89a-113b, 48 problems of tables, careless j [
copied with many duplicate entries; ll4a-128 a, 28 problems of mereb \
128 b, blank). The original first leaf has been cut out The MS. former
belonged to Jean Bouhier, Conseiller laic au parlement de Dijon in 1630.
PF = MS. Nat. Lib., Paris, F. fr., 1999. A 15th c. parchment MS^ n
a Central French dialect, of 135 quarto leaves (1 a, blank ; 1 b, a miniate
of a pelican nourishing its four young with its own blood, surrounded by ti-
motto, ‘ Ensy est comant quyl aille haute sens faylle * ; 2 a, blank ; 2 b,
entries in a later hand, one the title, ‘ Liuret de diuers Jeux partis du tablier
3 a- 104 a, 203 problems of chess, the text at the head, the diagram at tb
foot of each page — six problems are repeated in error; 104 b-105 b, blank
106 a-117 b, 24 problems of merels ; 118 a-134 b, 34 (four duplicates) problem
of tables; 135, blank).
Br. = MS. Brussels, 10502. A parchment French MS. of the secon.
half of the 14th c., of 56 quarto leaves (la-56 b, 112 problems of chess, on:
a page, with text below — three are repeated in error). A title on the fror
cover, * Liure du jeu des Eschetz * ; a note on the back cover, ‘ E ce sera m*
Nassau’; and sundry notes scattered through the MS. ( faulx on 42b, 561;
parfait , 24 b; parfait eprouve, 49 a; parfait et bon , 54 b), are all in one hin?:
of the 16th c. V. d. Linde (i. 302) thought the owner might be the Coan;
of Nassau, chamberlain of the Archduke Maximilian of Austria in 1483.
This MS. contains no problems of tables or of merels.
Lobk. = MS. Lobkowitz Lib., Prague, 497 a. A parchment 14th c. MS.
in Low German, of 8 leaves, containing 31 problems of chess (one on f. li
two side by side at the foot of each succeeding leaf, with text belowi
Formerly in the Blankenheimer Library. It was edited by Kelle in Ifavf/*
Zeitschrift f d. Alter thum, Neue Folge, II. i. 179-89, Berlin, 1867.
To this group probably belonged two of the problem MSS. in the library
of Martin V of Arragon (see p. 567).
In all of these French and German translations (with the possible
exception of M, where the solution of M 1 has in one place aussi instead
of aufin , plainly a blunder of the scribe, whose ignorance of chess is revealed
by his writing scat for scac throughout) the text is a close and literal transla-
tion from the Latin, and not a transcript of an older French MS. This h
shown by the different renderings of the h.fiducia in the translations of the
same BS problem in the various French MSS. by minor differences of ex-
pression, and by the blanks which the translators of Fn. and Lobk. have left
when they came across unfamiliar Latin terms. In Fn. the scribe has
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
625
regularly left a space of the number of litters in the unknown Latin word,
and occasionally he has inserted the Latin word itself in a minute hand in the
space. Since these omissions are nearly always of terms technical to the games
they suggest that the scribe was often unfamiliar with chess and tables.
I have so far endeavoured to classify the Bonus Socius MSS. by means of
the broad characteristics of the chess contents. In the main, the other two
t
sections (tables and merels) support this classification, but there are greater
variations, especially in the case of the problems of tables, and these sections
have been copied with less care. The two Florence MSS., BS and It., have
an entirely different section of tables from that of the other MSS. of the
Bonus Socius work, and the problems common to the two sections have
different texts in the solutions. The Civis Bononiae MSS. show that the
section as it exists in the * French * MSS. was certainly known in Italy, for
it has served as the foundation of the section on tables in these MSS.
It would, of course, have been possible to base the classification upon other
considerations, such as variations in the text or the diagrams. I have not,
however, found that the former consideration has been very fruitful. It
supports the grouping together of PL, Fn., PP, and SI. by the longer
text of BS 9, which is found in all these MSS., as I have already mentioned.
V. d. Lasa (105) based some arguments upon the omission of the concluding
words of BS 173 in the corresponding problem in PL (PL 257, where,
however, the words are not wanting), but I do not think that we can argue
safely from isolated omissions, and v. d. Lasa confessed that they often lead
to contradictory results. The diagrams, on the other hand, provide a safer
test when care is taken to eliminate accidental differences. The omission of
a piece or letter, the posting of single pieces on wrong squares, the raising
or lowering of a whole row of pieces, are mistakes which any transcriber
might easily make, and a single mistake common to two MSS. may be only
due to a coincidence ; 11 but when a group of MSS. show many coincidences
of this character it is impossible to explain them away as the result of
accident, and we can draw conclusions with certainty. And it is, a fair
inference in all cases in which some MSS. diagram a position correctly and
others incorrectly, that the former MSS. are not derived from the latter, for
none of the Bonus Socius MSS. exhibit any trace of critical examination at
the hand of the transcriber. 12
Examined in this way, the evidence of the diagrams will be found to
support entirely the classification of the MSS. which I have already suggested,
and, in addition, to show that no existing MS. of the two French groups is
a direct or indirect copy of any other existing MS. It shows a closer con-
11 A curious example of this is to be found in the foliation of BS and the Civis Bononiae
MS. B. Sig. Fantacci, who made the first transcript of BS, accidentally turned over the two
leaves (then unfoliated) 45 and 46, and as a result omitted the positions on BS f. 46 (BS 88
and 90) from his copy. In numbering the leaves of B the leaf 52* was omitted in the same
way. This leaf contains the same two positions as BS f. 46 !
lt I have already mentioned the fact that subsequent owners of Br. and PL have made
a critical examination of these MSS., but this is quite a different matter.
is70 R r
Digitized by
Google
626
CHESS IN EUROPE
pakt □
nexion between PL and Fn. than between either of these MSS. and PP. *&:
between M and Br. on the one hand, and W and PP on the other, than betwees
either of the first pair and either of the second pair of these MSS. of the
Central French group. It will be convenient to embody in a table the relation-
ships of the different MSS. so far as I have been able to ascertain them.
I add notes which summarize the evidence of the diagrams. The genen
result of the collation is to establish BS as the most accurate of all the Bow
Socius MSS. so far as the chess portion is concerned. Its diagrams are ak
closest to the original Civis Bononiae work.
JB3
*7®
lr >-\®
a-® 51 W
Y? jGbak. M
/Br
51
r
??
(1) Errors common to y and z occur in the diagrams of BS 3, 18, 24, 31,
* 52, 64, 72, 80, 138, 143.
(2) The diagrams of BS 30, 46, 132, 133 group PL, Fn., and PP together.
The order of PL and Fn. has more in common than has the order of PL or
Fn. and PP.
(3) The diagrams of BS 9, 12, 21, 23, 46, 53, 59, 78, 83, 94, 96, 99, 105,
112, 115, 121, 131, 132, 135, 141, 145, 156, 158, 159, 171 group the MSS.
W, PF, M, Br., Lobk. together. The closer relationships between W and PF,
and M and Br., are inferred from the order of the problems in these MSS.
The Florence MS. BS commences with an introduction or preface in which
the compiler of the collection gives a brief account of the genesis of his work.
This introduction also commences the Paris Latin MS. PL, but with an
important addition, to which I shall return directly. In translation it U
repeated in the French MS. W, while it forms the foundation of a more
ambitious introduction in the Picard MS. PP. It probably also originally
commenced the MS. Fn., the first leaf of which is now missing. It is
important to note that it occurs in MSS. of each of the groups into which
the Bonus Socius MSS. fall, because this goes far towards establishing the
introduction as a part of the original work.
The different texts of this introduction will be found in the Appendix to
this chapter. The BS text commences with a reference to the weakness of
human memory as a justification for the compilation of a collection of jmrtits.
The argument is strengthened by numerous references to passages in legal
and religious works. It then continues :
‘ Wherefore I, Bonus Socius, consenting to the prayers of my socii, have taken
pains to collect in this little book the partita which I have seen, and which I have
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
627
by Btudy newly discovered, of the games of chess, dice, and also of merels, in order
that by their instruction and practice knowledge may he the more easily obtained
of others which can be made.’
It then concludes with a request that his masters (domini), socii , and friends
will pardon and correct all imperfections which they may discover in his
book.
The term socius , which II have left untranslated, had a definite technical
meaning in the Lombard Universities. It was used by the Professors and
lecturers to describe their fellow-teachers, as opposed to the students, of the
universities. From the use of the term in this preface, and from the many
references to legal and other scholastic works, it is generally accepted that the
anonymous writer was a member of one of the Lombard Universities.
The pseudonym Bonus Socius is not used in the other MSS. which repeat
the preface, although socii (W compaignons ) is used in the concluding passage,
in which the author craves their indulgence for his mistakes. In its place PL
and W have the initials * N. de N/, and PP amplifies this into ‘ Nicholes de
St. Nicholai, clers', and in a later passage adds dwelling in Lombardy (‘de-
mournns en lombardie ’). A side-note in PL also gives the name as Nicholaus
de Nicolai, but I do not know how old this note is.
The earlier writers who discussed the authorship of the Bonus Socius work,
including v. d. Linde, had no hesitation in accepting the statement of the
three MSS. PL, W, and PP. V. d. Lasa, on the other hand, who devotes
several pages of the Forschungen (135-6, 143-8) to the point, rejects it, but on
grounds which seem to me to be insufficient. 13 He attempts to account for
the substitution of the initials or name in the MSS. of French origin in some
«uch way as this. The collection was the work of an anonymous writer who
used the pseudonym Bonus Socius. Soon after the appearance of the work
a Picard monk, Nicholas of St. Nicholas, came across the work during a sojourn
in a Lombard monastery, and sent home, first the Latin text, and later a new
preface (that of PP) in the Picard dialect, in which he represented himself as
the author of the work. This new introduction was then prefixed to a Picard
translation of the Latin[ text. At a later date, the transcribers of PL and W
heard of this and inserted the initials in their copies of the original intro-
duction, possibly because they were doubtful of the genuineness of the claim.
V. d. Lasa does not appear to have come to any conclusions as to the relation-
ships of the Bonus Socius MSS. : had he done so, I think that he would have
seen that the fact that the initials occur in MSS. of both groups of French
MSS. leads to the conclusion that they were already in the parent MS. ‘ x 9
of these groups, while the age of the existing MSS. compels the conclusion
that this MS. must have been at least as old as the Florence MS. BS.
V. d. Lasa’s idea that the scribes who made the MSS. W and PL worked
1S V. d. Lasa’s doubts arose from (a) a supposed difference in dialect between the intro-
duction of PP and the remainder of the work ; (6) a scribal error in PL, 4 idcirco ego N. de
N. in oo rum precibus acquicscens by which the word sociorum is omitted ; (c) his own
uncertainty as to the reading 4 N. de N.’, owing to the form of N used. The reading is,
however, quite certain.
B r 2
Digitized by Google
628
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
critically must, I think, be rejected. The MSS. were copied for, bat by no
means necessarily by, chess-players.
I can discover no valid reason for rejecting the Nicholas authorship. Like
many other young scholars in France and England, he had probably travelled
to the Lombard Universities in search of knowledge, and had remained, after
completing his studies, to teach other scholars. There may have been reasons
for preserving his anonymity in copies of his work circulating in the Uni-
versities or in Lombardy. He may, for instance, have felt that his subject
was hardly worthy of a University lecturer. 14 But the same reasons would
not necessarily prevail outside Lombardy, and in sending copies away, he
would feel no difficulty in giving his initials or even his full name. His
native place may possibly have been St. Nicholas (in the Middle Ages,
St. Nicholai), between Ghent and Antwerp.
In the passage which I have quoted from the preface to BS the author
claims to have included partita of his own composition. How far this claim
is true cannot be determined. It is possible that Nicholas merely added a few
variations of existing problems. Certainly, all that is best in his work is
either Muslim or occurs in idea at least in older European collections.
The longer introduction to PP gives information first, how, by whom, and
where the game of chess was first discovered : and next of the fashion of the
game and the assizes, and how it can be shortened by problems ( parlure *).
The game was invented (so the story runs) at the siege of Troy, by a Trojan
knight and his lady. After the fall of the city they brought the game to
Lombardy, whence it spread throughout the country, for ‘ the Lombards are
the wisest and most subtle at this game that there are \ The problems in the
MS. are said to be composed according to the rules of the Lombard assize.
We have no means of discovering the date of the compilation of the Bonus
Sociii8 work other than from the dates of the existing MSS. and their relation-
ships. There is nothing in the text that throws the slightest light upon the
period at which Nicholas lived, or the date of his writing. I do not think
that we need assume any very long period for the missing steps in my pedi-
gree. I think that it is more likely that the work achieved an instant
popularity among problem-lovers, and that there was a great multiplication
of copies within a short time of the writing of the work. I would ascribe it
to the second half of the 13th century.
Since almost all of the chess problems in BS recur in CB, I have not
thought it worth while to give the contents of the former MS. separately.
The table below will show where the problems will be found in the larger
work, which I reproduce in abbreviated form below. Readers who wish to
see the problems of the BS work in their original order are referred to Qst.,
14 Richard de Fournivall also half apologizes for writing about the game of merels in the
Vetula (I. zxziv) :
Sunt alii ludi parvi quos scire puellas
Esse decens dixi : std parxa movere pudebat
Nuncque magis , quam tunc, pudet ilia minora rtferre.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
629
127— 177, where they will find the problem diagrams and shortened solutions,
with one slight error. The copy of the MS. which v. d. Linde used acci-
dentally omitted two positions (BS 89 and 90), and these are omitted in the
Qst. series. The missing problems will, however, be found in Qs from other
BS MSS., on pp. 178 (no. 6) and 179 (no. 7). In comparing the present work
with Qst it will be necessary to remember that my numbering of the BS
problems, from BS 91 on, is two higher than that of Qst
BS Problems in CB.
(Problems in which CB changes the colours of the sides are marked with a *.
Problems in which the CB arrangement is not identically that of BS are given in
italics. Full details of all differences will be fouud with the CB solutions.)
BS
CB
BS
CB
BS
CB
BS
CB
BS
CB
BS
l
CB
BS
CB
1
82*
28
28
66
86
84
97
112
142
140
171
167
201
2
34
29
22
67
86
86
98
113
148
141
172
168
202
8
2
80
21
68
87
86
99
114
144
142
173
169
208
4
4*
31
20*
69
88
87
101
116
146
143
174
170
204
5
6*
82
49
60
89
88
102
116
146
144
175
171
206
5 v
46*
83
60
61
66
89
108
117
147
146
176
172
206
6
8
84
61
62
68
90
104
118
149
146
177
178
208
7
29
86
62
68
91
91
106
119
160
147
178
174
210
8
80
86
61
64
66*
92
106
120
161
148
186
176
262
9
86
87
60
66
90
93
107
121
162
149
179
176
218
10
41
88
66*
66
92
94
110*
122
168
160
180
177
216
11
_
89
72
67
98
96
108
128
164
161
181
178
217
12
7*
40
66
68
94
96
109
124
166
162
182
179
216
18
6
41
67
69
62
97
116
126
166
168
1 88
180
220
14
9
42
78
70
68
98
182
126
167
164
184
181
219
16
8
48
71
71
69
99
124
127
168
166
185
182
222
16
11
44
76
72
47
100
126
128
169
166
187
188
228
17
14*
46
48
78
44*
101
126
129
160
167
190
184
268
18
18*
46
76*
74
112
102
127
180
162
' 167 v
189
186
247
19
18*
47
74
76
100
108
128
131
161
168
191
186
260
20
16
48
78
76
118
104
129
132
168
169
192
187
-
21
16
49
77*
77
116
106
188
188
164
160
193
188
226 *
22
37
60
79
78
120*
106
184
134
166
161
196
189
251
23
28
61
80
79
96
107
186
186
166
162
197
190
266
24
27
62
82
80
121
108
186
136
167
168
-
191
218
26
26
68
81
81
122
109
187
187
168
164
211
192
267
26
26
64
84
82
128
110
189
188
169
166
199
198
266
27
24
66
88
88
96
111
18 8
139
170
166
200
194
194
BS 11. BS 163. BS 187.
*x>m m m
m m
m m m m
. e
m m m m
m m
i
*.i m m m
m a a m
a m
j. :
b&h m m
a m m m
m a m m
L. . t 13
L L
E E EE
m m m m
m m m m
m m m m
m m m m
RIBS
mm mm
m m m m
(Bl.) Mate in X with B.
Mate in II ezaotly. The Unsound.
R is fidated from K, and
Q from all pieces.
White wins.
The new Qs cannot leap.
Digitized by
630
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAJTT a
Solutions. — BS 11. ‘Albi primo trahunt, et roccus babet fiduciam a regret
regina ab omnibus, et uolunt mat tare nigros ad ii tractum et fieri potest. Trabei?
roccum ante pedonem non ualet, quia nigri caperent alfinum album, et postea m,
fieret in secundo tractu, quia roccus non posset dicere mat quia licet sit afBdata
a rege, non tamen a milite. Sed tu qui babes albos cape pedonem nigrum de rtir
tuo, et secundo dabis mat cum regina/
BS 163. * Albi trahunt et dicunt se uelle mattare regem nigrum ad x tracts
de alfino. Defende subtiliter, quia non fit ad x sed ad xii si bene defendis. If®
trahet regem in A (e7), et in B (d7), et in C (c6), postea reginam in B, et alia ? ,
reginam iuxta alfinum, et postea retrahet alfinum, et tu uade ubi alfinus percuss
postea in unguium, et defendes. Sed cum rex stat in C et regina in B, si ills quo:
fiat ad xii, trahe regem in unum punctum (b5) et postea in duo (b6) ; paste
retrahe reginam sinistram et alfinum. Tunc pone regem in D (c7), et reginam is
E (c8), et de eadem da scac et mat de alfino/
BS 187. ‘Albi trahunt et mattabuut regem nigrum, et cum aliquis pedo fitt
regina, non ealtabit, quia tunc diuersimode posset ludi. Da scac de pedone dextr:
Ipse ibit directe superius quia illud est suura melius. Tu facias iiii tract us cm
rege tuo secundum alphabetum (A c4, B b4, C b5, D «6) ; scac de pedone quem pm?
traxisti. Si uadat in angulum, mattus est, vnde oportebit eum exire. Tu poterb
facere reginas de omnibus pedonibus, nec oportet saltare cum aliqua noua regisa
et uinces eum si scias in omne angulo/
The following* tables show where the problems in BS occur in the other
MSS. of the Bonus Socius work. I include in the tables the references to the
problems which have the Bonus Socius text in the Paris MS. S, which is
described in the following chapter.
BS
It.
PL
Fn.
PP
W
PF
1 M
Br.
Lobk. S
BS
It.
PL
Fn.
PP
W
PF
M
Br.
Lobt ;
1
101
8
19
21
1
1
1
1
1
95
34
134
77
93
79
84
35
162
85
_
2
102
9
53
22
2
2
2
2
_
96
35
186
76
92
80
35
4
158
87
_
8
108
12
20
23
3
3
3
3
_
97
86
137
78
94
82
86
5
154
36
_
ll
4
104
13
21
24
4
36
4
4
_
93
37
138
79
95
83
37
88
155
89
_
]\
6
105
15
23
26
5
87
5
5
_
92
38
189
81
97
88
88
39
156
38
_
IS
6
106
14
22
25
6
6
6
6
-
98
39
140
80
96
85
39
40
157
48
_
1%
7
107
16
24
27
7
7
7
7
2
99
40
141
82
98
87
40
41
158
40
_
Lv
8
108
17
25
-
8
8
8
8
3
143
41
142
83
99
105
41
10
183
41
_
u
9
109
18
26
29
9
9
9
9
-
_
42
143
84
100
106
42
11
184
42
_
IS
10
110
19
-
81
10
42
10
10
-
169
43
144
85
101
107
43
44
185
45
_
13
11
111
20
-
32
11
43
11
11
_
100
44
145
86
102
108
44
45
186
44
_
11*
12
112
21
27
38
12
12
12
12
-
101
45
146
87
103
109
45
46
187
47
_
IS
13
113
24
28
34
13
13
13
13
_
170
46
147
88
104
111
46
47
183
46
_
13
14
114
25
29
85
14
14
14
14
_
172
47
148
89
105
112
47
48
189
49
_
IS*
15
115
28
30
87
15
16
15
17
-
102
48
149
90
106
113
48
49
190
4S
_
U?
16
116
29
31
38
16
15
16
15
-
103
49
150
91
107
114
49
50
191
51
_
1:4
17
117
82
32
40
17
18
17
19
-
168
50
151
92
103
115
50
51
192
68
_
15
18
118
30
33
28
18
17
18
18
-
174
51
152
93
109
116
52
53
194
52
_
ii:
19
119
34
34
41
19
20
19
21
-
105
52
153
94
110
117
51
52
193
53
_
n;
20
120
85
35
42
20
19
20
20
-
104
53
155
95
111
118
53
54
121
55
6
i$
= 77
54
154
96
112
120
54
55
122
54
7
ir
21
121
36
36
43
21
22
169
23
-
171
55
156
97
113
119
55
56
123
67
_
= 28
56
157
98
114
122
56
67
124
66
_
143
22
122
87
87
44
22
21
170
22
-
173
57
158
99
115
124
57
58
125
59
_
1*
23
123
88
88
45
23
25
178
25
4
106
58
159
100
116
121
58
69
126
58
_
.
24
124
39
39
46
24
24
174
24
5
175
59
160
101
117
125
59
60
127
61
8
144
25
125
42
40
47
25
27
143
27
-
177
60
161
102
118
126
60
61
128
60
9
145
26
126
43
41
48
26
26
144
26
-
179
61
162
103
119
128
61
62
129
50
_
151
27
127
44
42
49
27
29
145
29
_
181
62
135
104
120
128
62
63
ISO
62
_
28
128
45
43
51
28
28
146
28
_
130
= 163
29
129
50
44
54
29
31
147
31
_
176
68
164
105
121
132
63
80
131
65
_
_
30
130
51
45
52
30
80
148
30
_
178
64
165
106
122
127
64
81
132
64
_
-
31
131
52
46
55
31
83
149
83
_
182
65
166
107
123
131
65
82
133
67
_
_
82
182
74
91
104
32
32
150
32
_
134
66
167
108
124
134
66
83
134
66
S3
133
75
-
81
33
34
151
34
-
180
-136
Digitized by Google
chap, vn THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM 681
BS
It.
PL
Fn.
PP
W
PF
M
Br. Lobk.
,S
BS
It.
PL
Fn.
PP
W
PF
M
Br.
Lobk,
.S
67
168
109
125
183
67
_
135
69
_
_
127
228
209
208
264
120
128
181
97
26
_
68
169
110
126
186
68
84
137
68
_
_
128
229
210
209
265
121
159
182
_
27
_
-85
129
281
211
210
266
122
141
111
99
-
_
69
170
111
127
139
69
107
138
71
10
_
180
230
212
218
268
128
129
112
100
_
_
-87
181
282
218
212
269
124
132
113
101
_
_
70
171
112
128
141
70
86
189
70
11
-
132
238
214
214
270
125
131
114
98
_
_
71
172
113
129
147
71
87
140
78
12
-
-127
72
178
114
180
149
72
88
141
72
13
-
183
234
215
215
271
126
134
115
108
_
_
78
174
115
131
135
78
89
142
76
_
_
t
= 128
-91
134
235
216
216
272
129
133
116
102
_
_
74
176
_
148
190
74
90
51
74
-
_
185
286
217
217
273
130
186
117
105
28
-90
186
287
218
218
274
181
185
118
104
29
_
76
176
169
149
191
75
91
54
77
14
_
187
288
219
219
275
182
188
119
107
_
_
76
177
_
150
192
76
92
52
76
15
_
138
239
220
220
276
133
187
120
106
_
_
77
178
143
153
193
77
93
55
79
_
_
139
240
221
221
277
134
140
64
109
_
_
78
179
144
152
194
78
94
58
78
_
-
140
241
222
222
278
185
139
66
108
-
_
79
180
145
151
195
79
95
67
82
_
-
141
242
223
228
279
186
142
€5
111
_
_
— 96
142
243
224
224
280
187
130
67
no
-
80
181
146
154
196
80
_
66
80
-
_
143
244
225
225
281
138
160
68
-
_
-
81
182
147
155
197
81
98
59
84
-
-
144
245
226
226
282
139
143
70
112
_
-
82
183
148
156
198
82
97
58
81
_
_
145
246
227
227
283
140
162
69
-
-
-
88
184
149
157
199
88
_
61
86
16
-
146
247
228
228
284
141
161
72
-
-
-
84
186
150
158
200
84
99
60
83
17
_
147
248
229
229
285
142
164
71
_
-
_
-100
148
249
280
280
286
143
168
78
_
-
_
86
186
151
159
201
85
102
62
_
18
_
149
250
231
281
287
144
166
74
-
-
-
86
187
152
160
202
87
119
21
_
20
_
150
251
232
232
288
145
165
75
_
-
-
87
188
153
161
208
86
101
63
85
19
151
252
233
28 8
289
163
184
92
-
_
-
88
189
154
168
204
88
120
22
_
21
_
152
253
234
234
290
162
183
93
-
_
-
89
190
155
162
205
89
121
23
_
_
153
254
235
235
291
164
186
94
-
-
-
90
191
156
164
206
90
122
24
_
-
-256
91
193
157
165
207
91
128
25
_
_
_
154
255
286
236
292
165
185
95
-
-
-
92
192
158
166
208
92
124
26
-
-
-
= 257
93
194
159
167
209
93
125
27
-
_
-
155
258
237
237
293
146
168
77
-
-
_
94
195
160
168
210
94
126
28
_
_
_
156
259
238
288
294
147
167
76
-
-
-
96
196
161
169
211
95
127
29
-
-
-
157
261
289
289
295
148
170
47
-
-
-
96
197
162
170
212
199
64
80
_
-
_
158
260
241
240
297
149
169
78
-
-
-
97
199
163
171
218
200
65
81
-
-
-
159
262
243
241
298
150
172
48
-
-
-
98
198
179
178
231
201
66
32
_
_
-
160
263
242
242
299
151
171
49
-
-
-
99
200
181
176
216
202
67
159
_
-
161
264
245
244
801
154
176
84
-
-
-
100
201
180
174
283
208
68
160
_
_
_
162
265
246
245
302
158
178
83
-
-
-
101
202
182
175
234
204
69
161
_
_
163
266
247
246
303
152
174
50
-
-
-
-72
164
267
248
247
304
155
175
85
-
-
-
102
203
183
177
285
205
70
162
_
-
-
165
268
249
253
805
156
178
86
-
-
-
103
204
193
186
286
96
71
168
_
-
166
269
250
248
306
157
177
87
-
-
-
104
205
184
178
287
97
74
164
_
-
-
167
270
251
249
807
158
180
88
-
-
-
106
207
185
179
238
98
73
165
_
_
-
168
271
258
250
808
159
179
89
-
-
-
106
206
186
180
289
99
_
166
_
-
-
169
272
252
251
809
160
182
91
-
-
-
107
208
187
181
240
100
75
167
_
-
-
170
273
254
252
810
161
181
90
-
-
-
108
209
188
182
243
101
76
168
_
-
-
171
274
255
254
811
185
106
98
-
-
-
109
210
189
183
245
102
79
171
_
_
-
172
275
256
255
812
186
105
99
-
-
-
-195
178
276
257
256
313
187
108
100
93
-
-
110
211
190
184
246
103
78
172
_
-
_
-195
-196
174
277
258
267
815
188
109
101
92
-
-
111
212
191
185
247
104
-
197
_
-
-
-196
112
213
194
201
249
105
144
198
_
_
-
175
278
259
258
816
189
110
102
95
-
-
113
215
195
203
250
106
145
199
_
_
_
176
279
260
*59
317
190
111
103
94
-
-
114
214
196
202
251
107
146
200
_
-
-
177
280
261
260
818
191
112
104
-
-
-
115
216
197
189
252
108
147
201
-
-
_
178
281
262
261
819
192
-
105
96
-
-
116
217
198
190
253
109
148
202
_
-
-
179
282
265
264
822
172
194
36
-
-
-
117
218
199
191
254
no
149
203
_
-
-
180
283
266
265
328
178
193
37
-
-
-
118
219
200
192
255
111
150
204
_
-
-
181
284
267
266
324
198
114
106
-
-
-
119
220
201
193
256
112
151
205
-
-
182
285
268
267
325
194
118
107
-
-
-
120
221
202
194
257
113
152
206
_
-
-
188
286
269
268
826
195
116
108
-
-
-
121
222
203
195
258
114
158
175
-
22
-
184
287
270
269
827
196
115
109
-
-
-
122
223
204
204
259
115
154
176
-
23
-
185
288
281
282
829
197
118
no
-
-
-
123
224
205
196
260
117
156
177
_
_
_
186
289
278
273
328
198
117
79
-
-
-
124
225
206
205
261
116
155
178
_
_
_
187
290
272
272
880
166
187
80
-
-
-
= 158
188
291
276
276
338
167
188
81
-
-
-
125
226
207
206
262
118
_
179
-
24
_
189
292
284
284
334
169
190
82
-
-
-
126
227
208
207
263
119
167
180
-
25
-
190
298
280
280
387
168
189
33
-
-
-
Digitized by Google
ow>»
682
CHESS IN EUROPE
past n
BS It. PL Fn. PP W PF M Br. Lobk. 8 BS It. PL Fn. PP W PF K Br. Lobt. S
191 294 282 281 348 184 108 97 89 - - D - - 287 287 341 178 198 40 - - -
192 296 278 278 342 170 191 84 - - - E - - 288 288 344 177 197 41 - - -
-192 F - - - - - 178 20042 - --
198 296 274 274 331 183 104 96 88 - - G - - - - - 179 199 43 - - -
194 297 286 285 339 - - - - - - H - - - - - 180 202 44 - - -
- 286 286 840 171 - 85 - - - J - - - - - 181 201 46 - - -
- - 240 - 296 174 196 38 - 30 - K - - 279 279 848 182 203 46 1« - -
_ - _ _ _ 175 - 39 - 31 -
I now proceed to give the additional chess material from the three ‘ Picard ’
MSS., PL, Fn., and PP.
PL 1 : Fn. 1 : PP 10
Mate in II exactly.
PL 6 : Fn. 5 : PP 6.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
The Bl. R is fidated from
the K. Unsound.
PL 2 : Fn. 2 : PP. 11.
Mate in I L exactly.
The Bl. R is fidated.
PL 7 : Fn. 6 : PP 6.
Mate in II exactly.
PL 4: Fn. 4 : PP. 2.
Black mates in II exactly.
The Q is fidated.
PL 10 fcorr.): Fn. 7 :
PP 8, 12.
Mate in II exactly.
PL 22 : Fn. 9 : PP 14. PL 26 : Fn. 11 : PP 4.
PL 27 : Fn. 12 : PP 7.
Mate in II exactly.
Rb7 is fidated from K,
and Q fidated entirely.
Mate in II exactly.
*
/-vi
M m ®A.m
2 asm
We&’.J
y'A
m w.zw ■
4iti :
j a
■* i
M 1 1 i
* m
1 ■ JL ■
E: S
J,
* . jr/ t
m, m mpm
m m & m
O Li
' j
T—r " ‘ ' — * ' r
Li iuJ L
r-Ti '
L : : v£
B W B BB
B si i I
a ■ ■ a
n n
Kill
\m m m m
Digitized by boogie
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
633
PL 88 : Fn. 18 : PP 18. PL 41 : Fn. 15 : PP 16. PL 46 : Fn. 16 : PP 18.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
PI. 65 : Fn. 49 : PP 56. PL 56 : Fn. 51 : PP 60. PL 67 : Fn. 50 : PP 69.
Black plays, and White
mates in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Black plays, and White
mates in II exactly.
All the men are fidated.
All the men are fidated.
Unsound.
Unsound.
PL 116: Fn. 182:
PL 59 : Fn. 56 : PP. 64. PP 152.
PL 117: Fn. 188:
PP 151.
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
(Bl).
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly.
PL 121 : Fn. 69 : PL 122 : Fn. 70 : PL 128 : Fn. 71 :
PP 187. PP 188. PP 140.
Mate in III exactly. Mate in III exactly. Mate in III exactly.
Rhl is fidated. Unsound.
Digitized by boogie
CHESS IN EUROPE
Mato in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly.
Rd2 is Mated.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly.
Both Rs are Mated.
PL 135 (corr.) : Fn. 83
PP 153.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
All the men are fidated.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly. Pb7
is immovable, Bb4 may
not play first move, and
Ra8 may only move to
give mate.
Mate in III exactly.
The Bl. K may not be
bared.
Mate in III exactly.
HAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
635
-I* 142: Fn.84: PP164.
PL 172 : Fn. 147.
PL 178 : Fn. 387
PP 225.
Mute in IV exactly.
(Bl.)
Either plays. White
mates in V. Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
Mate in V exactly. Mate with Kt in V (Bl.)
Bc8 is fidated.
exactly.
Mate with B on f8 in
IX exactly.
PL 268 : Fn. 262 :
PP 820 : Ar. 86.
PL 289 : Fn. 289 :
PP 845.
Mate with B in IV Mate on f5 (in XXIV). Mate in III exactly.
exactly. The R may only move
7 times.
Digitized by boogie
636
PP 181.
CHESS IN EUROPE
PP 188.
mtm m m
i i i I
x
| ( |4g ^
A A f ' A >3
'A HAH&B
Jt :
I i S
71 7 ; 77
b m m m
B I
m m m m
* '
mmm a
■ m m me
■ ■si Me
Mat© in III exactly.
PP 186.
Mate in III exactly.
PP 186.
Mate in III emu
PP 215.
n
i
m mjLmm
5
Mate in III exactly.
m mmm m
m m me
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in IV exactly.
PP 280.
Mate in V or less.
Bf8 is fidated.
(a) Pboblems from PL.
1. 1 Bb7, RxP(a5) + ; 2 Ktf5 + d, Rh7. If 1 Bf7, R x cP. If 1 K-,B-.*
Bf3, Rb7. Variation : Kg5 on f5. Sound. 1 Pg7 + , R x P ; 2 Ktf7 m. Or 1 .
Kb 7 ; 2 Ktf7 m. PL 119 is the same position; mate in III exactly. 1 Ktf5+^
Rh7 ; 2 Pg7 + , R(a7) x P + ; 3 P x R m. Cf. CB 35.
2. 1 Ktf5 + d, Rh7 ; 2 Pg7 m. Variation : The Kt may not play first
Unsound. 1 Bf7 or Pf7, Rb2. Otherwise 1 . . ., Rf7 blocks f7. Cf. CB 36.
3 = Fn. 3 = PP 1 is CB 3 var. ; position reflected.
4. 1 Rh7 + ; 2 Qg7 m. Cf. CB 9.
5 = Fn. 66 *= PP 89. Same position as PL 4. Black mates in III exactly
the Bl. Q is fidated, and the Bl. R is fidated from the K. Unsound. I Bx&
Ktg6 ; 2 Rf8, Kt x B. If 1 Rg5, Rg7 ; 2 R x R, Be6, &c.
6. 1 any, Pa6 or B~. Variation: Pa7 on a6. Sound. 1 Q x B; 2 Rh7 m. Cf. Cti?
7. 1 Ktg5 + d, Q x R ; 2 Ktf7 m. Cf. CB 25. Variation : Mate in III exactly
1 Ktg5 + d ; 2 Kt x B + d ; 3 Ktf7 m.
10. 1 Kh6 ; 2 Kt x B(e6) or Rg8 or Rf7 m. accordingly.
11 = Fn. 8. A variation of PL 10. Add Bl. Ktf3. Mate in II exactly;
is fidated. 1 Re7 (‘only move 1 ), Kt~; 2 Pg7 m. Or 1 . . , Bf7 + ; 2 BxBm
1 Rd7 or c7 will also do, and the fldation of the R seems unnecessary.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
637
22. 1 R x B + ; 2 Ra8 m. Cf. CB 9.
23 = Fn. 10 = PP 3 is really the same as CB 27 (replace Bc3 by two Bl. Ps on
d3, e2, and Ph6 by Wh. Kt). PL 120 (same position as PL 23) is a variation in III
exactly. Unsound. 1 BxR,BxKt + ; 2 Kc7, Ra5. If 1 Ktc5 + d, Ba6 + ; 2 Kt x B,
Rf 8 + .
26. 1 Be6, Bg7 ; 2 Q x B m. Or 1 . . , any other ; 2 Qg7 or Rh7 m. Variations :
(1) Be5 fidated. Unsound. 1 Be6, Bg7. (2) Mate in HI exactly; Be5 fidated.
1 Be6, B~ ; 2 (not g3), B~; 3 Rh7 m. This is PP 91.
27. 1 Ktf6 + d, BxR; 2 Be6 + d, Bf8. Or 1 . . , P x R « Q ; 2 Be6 + d, Qf8.
Variation : Pg7 goes to g8 or is a Q. Sound. 1 Be6 + ; 2 R x P(Q) m. PP 92
is another variation; Q for Pg7. Mate in HI exactly. Unsouud. 1 Be6 + d, Q18;
2 Ktf6 + d, B x R.
31 = PP 91 is really CB 64 (omit Pg4, colours changed). Mate in III exactly.
Unsound. 1 P x B, Rc8 ; 2 B~ + d, Kt x R ; or 2 Rd8 + , Kt x R + . If 1 K x B,
Rc8 ; 2 any, Kt x R.
33. 1 R(c7) x Q, R x Kt (or R). If 1 Pi x R, Bd5 or h5. If 1 Kt x R + , K x It;
2 R x Q + , K x Kt(g6). Variation : Add Wh. Be4. Sound. 1 Kt x R + , KxR;
2 R x Q m. Or 1 . . , Q x Kt ; 2 Rg8 m. PP 94 is another variation : Add Wh.
Be4. Mate in III exactly. Unsound. 1 R x R, Q x R. If 1 Rg8 + , Q x R. If
1 Kt x Q + , K x R.
40 = Fn. 14 = PP 15. A different arrangement of CB 26 (Qf6 on f7, Ktf4 on
c3, add Wh. Bd3. Mate in U exactly. 1 Re6 + , BxR; 2 Kte4, Bb4, or Bf4 m.
Variation : P for Qf7. Unsound. 1 Re6 + , KxR.
41. 1 Rh8, RxR; 2 Pd7m. Or 1 . . , B x P ; 2 R x R m. Or 1 . . , Qc7 ;
2 Pd7 m. Variation: Be5 on e6. Unsound. 1 Rh8, Bg8. This is PP 17.
46. ‘Aurei primo trahunt, et uolunt matare rubeos ad duos tractus nee plures
nec pauciores. Tu qui habes aureos trahe primo roccum tuum in A (a8), et dic&s
ei scac. Ipse capiet te de suo alphino, et tu dabis ei scac et mat de tuo milite in
loco ubi erat roccus. Sed si traheres primo roccum tuum in B (a7), ipse traheret
alphinum suum in C (b7), et deffenderetur. . . . Item si tu traheres primo alium roccum
in B f ipse traheret roccum suum in D (f7) et deffenderetur. Item potest istud
partitum esse trium tractuum (PP 96) et tit tali ter. Tu qui habes aureos trahe
primo roccum tuum in G (e7). Si trahat roccum suum in D, trahe roccum tuum
in A, et poBtea mat de milite in loco rocci. Item si traheres alphinum tuum in A,
uel alibi, ipse traheret roccum suum in B. Item si traheret alphinum suum in
E (d7), dicas scac in A, et postea cape alphinum suum et mat/
47 = Fn. 17 = PP 19. A variation of PL 46 (Wh. P for Ktb6, Bd5 on b5).
Mate in II exactly. 1 R(a6)a7, R x Kt; 2 R(g7)b7 m. Or 1 . . , Bd7 ; 2 Kta6 m.
Or 1 . . , any; 2 R(g7)b7 or Kta6m. accordingly. Variation: Mate in III exactly;
all the Bl. men are fidated. 1 Rc7, R x Kt ; 2 R(a6)a7, B(c6)^ ; 3 R(c7)b7 m. If
1 . . , Rf6 or e5 ; 2 R(a6)a7, RxB; 3 Kta6 m. This is PP 97.
48 = Fn. 18 = PP 20. A different setting of CB 6 (Wh. Rb3, g7, Kta6, Bc5,
d4; Bl. Ka8, Ktc8, Bd6, e5). Mate in II exactly. 1 R(g7)b7, B(e5)^; 2 Ktc7 m.
Or 1 . . , Kt(c8)~; 2 Ra7m. Or 1 B(d6)^; 2 Rb8 m. The MS. solution 1 Rd7 is
foiled by Bb4.
49 = Fn. 54 = PP 61 is CB 274 (omit Ps e4 and e5 ; add Bl. Bh6 ; reflect),
but adds the variation: Remove P. Unsound. 1 any, Bc4. This is PP 62.
52 is BS 31 (CB 20) but adds the variation: Mate in IH exactly; all the men
except the B are fidated. Unsound. 1 Rc3, Rc6. But the MSS. overlook 1 Pg7 + ,
Kh7 ; 2 Ktf7 + d, Kg6 ; 3 Rh6 m. The variation is sound. It is PP 103.
53 = Fn. 47 = PP 57 is CB 19.
54 = Fn. 48 ■» PP 58. Another setting of CB 6 (Wh. Kf3, Rb5, d7, Kta6, Bc5,
Pc6 ; Bl. Ka8, Ktc8, Bd6, e5, Pg3). 1 Kg2 ; 2 R or Kt m. accordingly.
55. 1 . . , Rf8 ; 2 . . , Rf7 and 1 . . , Rfl ; 2 Qf7, Rg8 + ; or 2 Pf7, Rf5 + , are
both sufficient defences.
56. 1 Pg7 + , RxP; 2 Ktf7 m. ; or 1 . . , Kh7 ; 2 Ktf7 or g4 m. Variation:
Remove Pf5, and make Rhl immovable. Unsound. 1 Pg7 + , Kh7 and escapes.
Digitized by
Google
638
CHESS IN EUROPE
pajtt ii
57. 1 . . , Rgl + ; 2 K*, Bg2 (or B + ).
58 = Fn. 55 = PP 63 is a variation of PL 1 (add BL Ktb5). Hate in II exactly.
1 Bb7 ; 2 Ktf7 m. Variation : Omit the Ktb5, = PL 1 exactly.
59 = Fn. 56 *= PP 64. A variant of CB 32. Hate in II exactly. Unsound.
1 Bg7, Rh5. Or 1 Bc7, Rli5 or f5. Or 1 Pb7 + , Ka7 (not R x P + as in MS., for
2 KtxR m.). Or 1 K*, Ra7. Or 1 Pc7, RxP. Variation : Omit Pc4. Sound.
1 Pb7 + , Ka7 ; 2 Ktc4 m. ; or l..,RxP + ; 2 KtxRm. This is PP 65.
60 = Fn. 57 = PP 66. Wh. Kf6, Ra7, Ktc5, d6; BL Kd8, Kte7 f f8. Hate
in II. Unsound. lRd7 + ,KtxR + . Or 1 Ex Kt, Kth7 + . A setting of CB 1.
61 = Fn. 58 = PP 67. Wh. Kb6, Rh7, Ktd6, e5 ; BL Kd8, Ktb8, c7. Mate in
II exactly. 1 R x Kt, Kt* ; 2 Kt or R m accordingly. Another variation of CB 1.
62 = Fn. 60 = PP 69. Wh. Kfl, Rg7, QfB, Be4; BL Kh8, Rf7, Ktf8, g6,
Bfo, g8. Mate in II exactly; Rg7 is fidated from K, QfB is fidated generally.
Unsound. 1 Rh7 + , BxR. Or 1 R x B + , Kh7 ; 2 Rh8 + , Kt x R. Variation:
Remove Ktg6. Sound. 1 RxB + , Kh7 ; 2 Rh8 m. The variation is PP 70. The
position is a variation of CB 9.
63 = Fn. 61 » PP 71. A variant of PL 10 (Bg7 on h7, add BL Ktf3 ; leflect).
Mate in II exactly. 1 Rd7 ; 2 Pb7 or Be 7 or Kt x B m. accordingly. Apparently 1 Re7
or f7 will do as welL Variation : Remove Ktc3. Unsound. 1 Ka6, Bb8. This is PP 72.
64 = Fn. 63 - PP 75. A variant of CB 4 (Kh6 on d6, Ra4 on a2 ; colours
changed). Mate with Pb6 in II exactly ; Ra2 is fidated. 1 Kc7 ; 2 Pb7 m. Variation :
Kd6 on h6. Unsound. This is really CB 4. PP diagrams it again as PP 76.
65 - Fn. 62 - PP 73. Wh. Kg5, Ba7, QfB ; Bl. Kh8, Ktf8, Bg8. Hate in II
exnctlv; Ra7 is fidated from K, and Q is fidated genenlly. Unsound. 1 Rh7 + ,
Kt x B + . Or 1 K*, B*. OrlQg7 + ,Kh7. Variation : Ra7 on e7. Sound. lQg7 + ;
2 Qh8 m. This is PP 74. The position is another variant of CB 9. So also is
66 = Fn. 64 = PP 77. Wh. Ka6. Rd7, Qc6 ; BL Ka8, Ktc8, Bb8. Mate in II
exactlv ; all the men are fidated. 1 Rd6 ; 2 Qb7 m. Variation (diagrammed again
as PP*78): Rd7 on h7. Unsound. 1 Rc7, Bd6. Or 1 Rb7, Kta7.
67 = Fn. 59 = PP 68. A variant of CB 33 (Rf6 on e6, Bl. Qf5 for Pg4 ; reflect).
Sound. Mate in II exactly. 1 Kb5. Variation: Remove Qc5. Unsound.
68 = Fn. 136 = PP 173. A variant of CB 49 (Bb5 on c6, Rb3, c3, on a4, b4 ;
reflect). Mate in 1H exactly. 1 Bd4. Bb8; 2 Pb7 + ; 3 Kt m. Or 1 . . , R x B;
2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ra8 m.
69 = Fn. 137 = PP 174. Wh. Ral, Kta3, Bd6. Pb6, c6; BL Ka8, Rc8, h7.
Mate in HI exactly. 1 Ktb5 + d. Ba7 ; 2 Ra6 ? RxR; 3 Pb7 m. Or 2 . . ,
BxP; RxRm. Or 2 . . . Be 7 : 3 Kt x R m. (CL CB 42.) Variation : Kta3 on a4.
1 Ktc3 + , Ra7 ; 2 Ktbo, RxR; 3 Pb7 m. Or2..,RxP; 3RxRm. Or 2 . . ,
Rc 7 ; 3 Kt x £ m. This is PP 175.
70 = Fn. 138 = PP 176. A variant of CB 67 (omit Bd5). Mate in HI exactly.
Unsound. 1 Rdl, Rc7; 2 Rhl, Rh2. Or 1 Ral, Rc7 ; 2 Ra8 + , Rb8. Variation:
Rb2, c3. on c2, a3. Now sound. 1 Rbl, Rb2 or 3 (or Rh2; 2 Rb7, Ac.) ; 2 Rhl ;
3 Ktf7 m. This is PP 177.
71 =» Fn. 139 = PP 178. Wh. Ral, Kta6, Bd6, Pb6, c6 ; BL Ka8, Re2, f3. Mate
in HI exactly (c£CB 43). 1 Ktc5 + d, Ra2; 2RxR + ,Ra3; 3RxRm. Or
1 . . . Ra3 ; 2 Kte6 ; 3 Ktc7 or R x R in. accordinglv. Variation : Re 2, f3, on f2, e3.
Unsound. 1 Ktc5 + , Ba3 ; 2 Re6, Rf7, Ac. This’is PP 179.
72 = Fn. 140 is position of CB 110. Mate in HI exactly. 1 Rfl (or Rdl, Ac.);
2 Rcl ; 3 Rc8 m. Variation: Black plays and White mates in II exactly. 1 . . ,
Kii8 (or Kf8, Ac.) ; 2 Rcl ; 3 Rc8 m.
73 = Fn. 135 = PP 172. Wh. Rhl, Kth6, Bb6, Pf6, g6 ; BL Kh8, Ra4, b4, Be6
(a variant of CB 49). Hate in III exactly. Unsound. 1 Bd4, Bg8 ; 2 R on k file,
Be6. If 1 Kt f7 + , Kg8.
104. Wh. Kd6, Rc6 ? e6 ; BL Kd6, is BS 62 (see CB 53), but the text adds a
variation (diagrammed separately as PP 130): Add BL Bc4. Hate in LH exactly,
each Wh. piece moving once, and the BL B only allowed to move if it makes a
capture. 1 Re2, BxR; 2 Ke6 ; 3 Rc8 m. This is CB 57 without the Wh. P.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
639
114. Wh. Rd4, f6, Kte4, e6; Bl. Ke5, is BS 72 (CB 47), but adds a variation
in IV exactly (= PP 189). 1 Rb4 ; 2 Ktd8 ; 3 Ktc6 4- ; 4 Rd6 m.
116. ‘Aurei primo trahunt et uolunt mattare rubeos ad tres tractus, et uidetur
quod fieri possit, trahendo primo alpbinum in A (c5) dicendo scac ; deinde dicendo
scac de rocco in B (e2), et tercio mat de milite. Non tamen fit, quia poterit redire
ad primum locum. 1
117. 1 Rd8 4- ; 2 Ktg5 4- ; 3 Be5 m. Contrast with CB 74.
118 = Fn. 134 = PP 153 is the same problem as PL 75 (BS 33, CB 50), but the
text is different from either BS or CB.
119 = Fn. 65 - PP 93. See PL 1 above.
120 «= Fn. 68 = PP 95. See PL 23 above.
121. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rh7 + ; 3 Pf7m.
122. 1 Ktf5 + ; 2 Kte7; 3 R x R or Bf6m. Variation: Rhl is not fidated.
Unsound. 1 Ktf5 + , Rh7 ; 2 Kte7, R x R.
123. 1 Pe7, Rc4. Or 1 Kth6 + , Kh8; 2 any, Bg6. Or 1 Kt elsewhere +d,
Bg6. Variation : Add Wh. Pd4. Sound. 1 Pe7, Bg6 ; 2 B(g3)h3 ; 3 Rh8 m.
Or 1 . . , R x P; 2 Kth6 4- ; 3 Ktf7 m. The variation is PP 142.
124. 1 Ra8 ; 2 Rh8 4- ; 3 R x R m.
125. 1 Ktg5 4- , Rh3 ; 2 Pf5, Rd7; 3RxR + , Rh7. Or 3 Pg7 4-, RxP. Or
3 Ktf7 4- , R x Kt. And if 2 Rh2, Bd7, &c. Variation : Rd2, c3, on c2, d3. Sound.
1 Ktg5 4- , Rh3 ; 2 Rdl ; 3 Rd8 or Pg7 or Ktf7 m. accordingly. This is PP 145.
126. 1 Ktf7 4- ; 2 Rh7 ; 3 Rh8 or P x R or Kth6 m. accordingly.
127 = Fn. 75 = PP 148. A variant of CB 42 (Be7 on a7, omit Kgl) with same
solution, but adds variation : Rf8 on e8. Unsound. 1 Ktg5 4- , Rh7 ; 2 any, R x B.
This is PP 150.
128. 1 Rhl + , Rh2; 2 Pg7 4-; 3 Pf7 in. Or 1 . . , Kg8; 2 Pf7 4-; 3 Pg7 or
Rh8 m. Variation: Ke6 on a6. Unsound. 1 Rhl 4*, Rh2; 2 Pg7 4*, Kg8;
3 Pf7 4- , K x P. This is PP 155. Cf. Picc. 118.
129. 1 Ktg5 4- , Rh7 ; 2 Rh6 ; 3 Pg7 m. ‘ Si tu trahas alio modo, tu non potes
lucrari.’ Lucrari is rare in the older texts, but common in the later ones.
130. 1 Pc7, Ba6. Or 1 KtxB4-, Ra7 ; 2~, R x B. Or 1 Re3, Ba2 or Ra7.
Variation : Ral, b3, on bl, a3. Still unsound. 1 Rel, Ra7.
131 •= Fn. 79 = PP 158. A variant of PL 130 (Kta5 on a6, Rb3 on a3, omit
Bc4, add Wh. Be5). ‘Aurei primo trahunt et uolunt matare rubeos ad tres tractus,
et fit hoc modo. Tu qui babes aureos trahe primo tuum mil item in A (e5), et est scac
discoopertum. Et ipse cooperiet se de suo rocco, et tu trahes tuum militem in B (d7),
et non poterit se deffendere quin matetur. Sed si tu traheres tuum alphinum primo
in C (c7), ipse finget unum tractum de suo rocco, et postea caperet tuum alphinum et
deffenderetur. Item si tu remoueres tuum regem ipse traheret suum roccum in D (a7),
et deffenditur.' Fingere unum tractum , MF. feindre un trait , ME. to feign a draught ,
is the regular mediaeval term for * to play a waiting or non-attacking move \
132 = Fn. 80 = PP 159. Another variant of PL 130 (Kta5 on a6, Rf7 on g7,
add Wh. Be5). Mate in III exactly; Ral is fidated. Unsound. 1 Kc5, Ra7.
Or 1 B x R, B x Kt, and 2 . . , R x B. Or 1 Ktb4 4- , Ra7. Variation (separately
diagrammed in PP 160) : Bc4 on c5. Sound. 1 Kt x B 4 - , Ra7 ; 2 Ktd7, &c.
133. 1 Ktf5 4> , Rh7 ; 2 Rg7 ; 3 Rh7 m. It can also be solved by 1 Ktg8 4*.
Variations: (l)add Wh. Kf4; (2) add Wh. Kf5. Both are unsound. 1 Ktf5 4-,
Rh7 ; 2 Rg7, R 4 - .
134. 1 Ra7, RxR; 2 Kte7 4-; 3 Rg8 m. Or 1 . . , Bh8; 2KtxB4-; 3 Rh7 m.
Or 1 . . , Bd8; 2 Kth84-, &c. Or 1 . . , R- ; 2 Ktf84-d; 3 Rh7 m.
135. 1 Kt x B 4 - ; 2 Rd6 ; 3 R x R(a7) or Rd8 m. accordingly.
136 = Fn. 85 = PP 165. ‘Tu qui habes aureos trahe primo tuum roccum in
B (e7) uel in C (e6) et quicquid rubei faciant tu matabis ad tercium si beue ludas.'
1 Re7 is sufficient (1 . . , RxR; 2 Bd6 4-; 3 Ra8 m. Or 1 . . , Rf6; 2 Rb7 4-;
3 Ra8 m. Or 1 . . , Kc8 ; 2 Rc7 4- ; 3 Ra8 or Bd6 m. accordingly), but 1 Re6 seems
to be met by 1 . . , Rd7.
137 = Fn. 86 = PP 166. Wh. Rdl, hi, Kth6, Bd6, f5, Pg6, f6 ; Bl. Kh8, Rc3,
Digitized by
Google
640
CHESS IN EUROPE
FUS
A
1
A
\
V
■\
A
A
\
A'
\
\
a'4
<
c7, Be6. Mate in III exactly. This is similar to PL 1 26. 1 Ktf7 + ; 2 Rh7 ; 3 F > L
Rg7, Rh8, or Kth6m. accordingly. Variation: Add Bl. Bd5. Unsound. 1 Et7-
Kg8 ; 2 Rh7, BxKt; 3 P x B + , R x P. This is PP 167.
138. 1 Kth8 + ; 2 Pf7 + ; 3 P x R m.
139 = Fn. 88 - PP 169. A valiant of BS 43, CB 71 (omit Rb7, Fb3, L
Pg2). Mate in III exactly ; all the men are fidated. Unsound. 1 Rh5 or L
Rc6. Or 1 Rdl, bl, al, R(c7) opposite R.
140. 1 Bb4 ; 2 Klc7 + ; 3 Ra8 m.
141 = Fn. 89 ■= PP 170. Wb. Rg2, hi, Ktg6, Bd6, Pe6, f6 ; Bl. Kg8, R ti :
Mate in III exactly. 1 Rh6 (or h5), R x iP ; 2 Ktf4 + ; 3 R x R m. Or 1 . . t R s #
2 Kte5 + ; 3 R x R m. Or 1 . . , Rg3 or g4 ; 2 R x R, &c.
142. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Ktd7 + ; 3 Ra2 m.
164 « Fn. 172 = PP 214. Wh. Khl, Ral, Ktb4, Ba3, Pb7, c7 ; Bl. Ka8, R:
Ktf3. Mate with Kt in IV exactly, is a shoitened version of the Dilaiam mu
1 Bi 5 + d ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Pb7 + ; 4 Kta6 m.
165 a Fn. 142 *= PP 217 is CB 118 reflected, with Wh. Q fidated.
166 « Fn. 143 - PP 218. Wh. Ke6, Rd6, Ktd4, e4, Qe7, Pc6, e5 ; BL
Ra8, Ktg4. Mate with Pe5 in IV exactly. Unsound. 1 Ktf6 -h , Ktxl
2 P x Kt, Ral ; 3 Kte2, Rfl ; or 3 Ktf3, Rel + . Or 1 Rd8 + , R x R ; 2 Kt *18-
RxKt+; 3 PxR, Ktf6. A variant of CB 114, &c.
167 - Fn. 145 = PP 220. Wh. Kh6, Ral, Ktb4, Ba3, d5, Pb6, c-6 ; BL L.
Re3, f2. Mate in IV exactly. Unsound. 1 Bc4 + , Ra3. ‘ Videtur istud partiu
idem cum precedente, sed est penitus diversum, et provenit ista diversitas ex podii^
iegis/ The problem referred to follows in PL, but precedes in F and PP.
168 = Fn. 144 = PP 219. In diagram of PL 167 remove Kh6 to gl and itSa*
Now sound. A new setting of CB 115, allowing an extra line of play.
170 = PP 223 is really BS 76, CB 113 (Rd4 on dl, P16 on g7, add BL K£-
Bg3, Ph7). The extra men make no difference to the solution.
171 = Fn. 146 = PP 222 is BS 87, CB 101, but the diagram is older (adil Vi
Kal ; BL Rc2, b3, Ktc3). The text differs from BS. * Aurei primo tiahunt et uckr
matare rubeos in loco ubi scribitur A (h6) uel B (f8) ad quatuor tractus et fit U I
modo. Trahe primo roccum in A et dicas ei scac, et alium in B et dicas ei scjm?
firgiam in C (f6) et dicas ei scac, et ipse accipiet vnum de roccis tuis, et tu trahe
in angulum et dicas ei scacet mat/ The use of Jirgia is rare in PL, and genet
occurs only in positions added from sources other than BS, and probably Fi-encii.
172. 1 Bd6 + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Pb7 + ; 4 Pb6 m.
173. ‘Aurei primo trahunt et uolunt aurei matare rubeos ad v tractus, et
isto modo dare partitum : accipias quam partem tu uis. Tu qui habes aureus tiai?
primo alphinum in A (h6), postea in B (f4), postea dicas scac de pedone, et poitd
scac de rocco in angulo. Si uadat in C (g2), tu dabis scac et mat de rocco in E (gH
Si nadat in D (e2), tu dabis ei mat in F (el). Quidquid ipse faciat, fac primus doo:
tractus in A, et in B de alphino, et poBtea facies secundum quod ipse trahet, ut pe
te uidere poteris/ But if Black plays 1 . . , Rb7 ; 2 . . , R x R + ; or 1 . . , Ktet\
2 . . , Ktd8 or e5 + ; the mate in V is spoiled. The position in Fn. 187 (omit Qcl
Kf7 on c2) is upset by 1 . . , Ktc4 ; 2 . . , Kte3 + . The text is important for t k
light which it throws upon the method of propounding a wager*game.
174 = Fn. 188 = PP 224. Wh. Kg6, Ra8, 11, Bc8 ; Bl. Kh8. Mate with B in T
exactly : is a variant of CB 135. 1 Kf7 ; 2 Kf6, Kh8 ; 3 Rgl ; 4 Rhl + ; 5 Befiis.
Or 2 . . , Kh6 ; 3 Rf5 ; 4 Rh5 + ; 5 Be6 m. Or 2 . . , Kg8 ; 3 Kg6 ; 4 Rhl + ; 5 Be6 m.
175. 1 Ri3 ; 2 Bh6; 3 Kc6 ; 4 Rf8 ; 5 Pd6 m. Cf. Picc. 161, Luc. 111.
176. 1 Ra8 + , &c. Another setting of the Dilaram mate.
177 = Fn. 199 = PP 228. Wh. Kal, Ra6, Qa5, b5, b6, c5, c6, e5 ; B^ KU
Mate on c5 in V exactly. This is another setting of CB 133, with a different teit
from BS. The Queen is again named Jirgia.
178 = Fn. 200 = PP 229 is CB 230 (diagram varies slightly).
192 = Fn. 211 = PP 267. A variant setting of BS 120 (CB 151 ; Rb8 on sS,
Kh8 on g8). The solution is similar.
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
641
1 94 «= BS 112, CB 142, but with different text.
240 = PP 296. Wh. Kb3, Rh8, Ktf8, Bh6 ; Bl. Kal ; mate in VIII exactly,
by 1 Kte6 ; 2 Rc8 ; 3 Ktd4 ; 4 Ra8 ; 5 Kc4; 6 Ral ; 7 Ra2 ; 8 Re2 m. This is
really the same as CB 188. The CB position occurs in M 38, PF 196, Lobk. 30,
and with accidental omission of R in W 174.
244. 1 Bc4 + ; 2 Rgl + ; 3 Rcl + ; 4 Rc3 + ; 5 Pd5 + ; 6 Re3 + ; 7 Re6 + ;
8 Ktg5 + ; 9 BxKtm. Cf. Cott. 1, K 28, Ash. 30.
263. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Rc8 + ; 4 Rc6 + ; 5 Re6 + ; 6 Re4 + ; 7 Rc4 + ;
8 Rc2+; 9 Bel + ; 10Rc4 + ; HRe4 + ; 12Re6 + ; 13Rc6 + ; 14Rc8 + ;
1 5 Ila 8 m.
264 = Fn. 263 = PP 321. Wh. Ka8, Rc8, Kth5, c5, Qf6, Bb4, c4, Pf3, g3,
g6, going to first line; Bl. Kdl, Rcl, c2, Bhl, h8; mate with B on c8 in XV ;
the Wh. Kts and Bl. Rs are fidated, and the Bl. Ra are debarred from making
a capture. This is only a variant setting of CB 216. The following problem in PL
(265) is the CB position in which the new Q leaps to give check. The present setting
preserves the Muslim solution.
271. Wh. Kd6, Pc6, e6 ; Bl. Kd8 ; dot on d6. * Aurei primo trahunt et uolunt
mat are regem rubeum, et est iste Indus subtilis, et rex rubeus non potest reueri
clausus, ut uerbi gratia dicatur. Scac de pedone ex parte dextra. Si uadat rex
rubeus uersus partem dextram, aurei seruabunt eum, et facient reginam de alio, et
matabunt eum. Deinde aurei habent tractum ante, et uolunt trahere pedonem ex
parte dextra. Si tu scias bene deffendere, non matabis. Statim ibis uersurn partem
sinistram, et ipse ibit cum rege ubi fit punctus. Et tu descendas cum tuo. Ipse
ibit sub pedone suo. Si tu ascendas directe, matus es. Si ascendas uersus cantonem
bene defiendis. Si ipse faciat reginam non ascendas, sed uadas directe uersus earn.
Si ipse dat scacum, deffende directe. Si uadat cum regina noua duos tractus, uade
uersus cantonem, et quicquid ipse faciat bene deffendas, si caute ludas.’ Cf. CB
140, &c. The text of this problem is important for the light it throws upon the
sources of the new material in PL, Fn., and PP. The italicized word seruabunt
makes the sentence unintelligible. It is clearly due to a blunder of the scribe who,
with a French text before him, misread auiront (L. sequunlur) as suiront or seruiront.
The writer of Fn. (Fn. 271) has warderont , and therefore had a Latin text before
him with seruabunt . PP 332, on the other hand, has chil dor le suiront , and
consequently is derived neither from PL nor from Fn.
275 = Fn. 275 « PP 338. The Knight's Tour, CB 244.
277. Wh. Kb6, Rb7 ; Bl. Kc8. Mate in XII or less, the R only moving to give
mate. Cf. CB 207.
279. CB 227 (add Wh. Qe7). Also in W* 182, &c.
283 = Fn. 283 •= PP 335. Wh. Ke5, Rd5, Qe6, f5 ; BL Ke7, Kh8. Black
plays and draws. This is the variation of BS 184 : see CB 253.
284 ■» BS 189 (CB 251), but the text is different.
286. Also in W 171, &c. It is the main play of CB 279.
287. Also in W 176, &c. It is CB 240.
288. Also in W 177, &c. It is CB 235.
289. 1 Kf2, Kh2 ; 2 Rb4 ; 3 Bb3, Kh2 ; 4 Kfl ; 5 Rb2, Ph2 ; 6 Rb5, P x R ;
7 Pa6; 8 Pa7 ; 9 Pa8 = Q; 10 Kf2, Pbl - Q; 11 Kfl, Qdl ; 12 Qb7, Qe2 + ;
13 Kf2; 14 Qc6; 15 Qd5 ; 16 Qe4 ; 17Qf3; 18 Qg2 m. Ifll..,Qc2; 12
Qc6, &c.
290 = Fn. 290. CB 277 (Kb8 on a8, Pc6 on c7, reflect). The PL solution is
in XII. It begins 1 Pf8 — Q ; 2 Ke8 ; 3 Kd8 ; 4 Ke7, and the position is that
in CB after move 2.
( 5 ) PfiOBLEMS FBOM Fn.
52. 1 Rb8 + ; 2 Rd8 m.
67 is the variation of PL 7, with the text problem of PL 7 as variation.
141. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rb5 ,* 3Ra8 + ; 4 Bm.
1270 S S
Digitized by Google
642
CHESS IN EUROPE
put _
270 = PP 347. 1 Kc2 ; 2 Kbl ; 3 Kal ; 4 Ka2 ; 5 Ka3 ; 6 Ka4 ; 7
8 Ka6 ; 9 Kb6 ; 10Ra2; 11 Ra7 ; 12Ka6; 13llb7; 14Ka7; 15Ka8; 16 Kt?
17 Kc8 ; 18 Kd8; 19 Ke8; 20 Kf7 ; 2lRb8; 22Rh8 + ; 23 Rh7 ; 24 RIiSel
(c) Problems prom PP.
The following problems appear as variations only in BS, but in PP
are diagrammed separately.
PP
BS
PP
BS
PP
BS
PP
BS
PP
BS
PP
BS ,
PP
30
9
53
30
98
5
110
45
232
99
244
89
16
84
87
101
10
129
62
188
26
241
107
248
60
27
86
39
102
26
177
41
223
76
242
107
314
IT?
The following problems appear as variations only in PL but in PP tbt-
are diagrammed separately.
PP PL
9 6
17 41
62 49
PP PL
65 59
70 62
72 63
PP PL
74 65
76 64
78 66
PP PL
90 7
91 26
96 46
PP PL
97 47
100 18
103 52
130 104
142 123
PP PL
145 125
160 127
155 128
PP FL
160 152
167 MT
175 ^
179 71
189 114
36. Wh. Kb5, Rd7, Qc6, Pc5 (going to cl); Bl., Ka8, Ktc8, Bb8, d5, Pb4. «
Mate in II exactly ; the R fidated from the K, the Q fidated from all. Unsoaoc
1 Qb7 + ,Ka7; 2Qa8 + ,Bb7. Or 1 Q x B, P x P. Cf. CB 9.
92. See under PL 27 above.
94. See under PL 33 above.
100. See under CB 35.
180. 1 RxR (b3), RxR(a7); 2 Bb7; 3 R x B or Ktf7 m. acc. Or 1 . . . K:
or c3 ; 2 Ra8 ; 3 R x B or Ktf7 m. acc. Or 1 . . , B x Kt ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 R x R c?
RxBm. : or 2 RxB+; 3 Ra8 or R x R m.
181. 1 Ktf5 + ,Rh3; 2 RxR+; 3 Kte7 m. Or 1 . . , Kg8 ; 2 Re7 ; 3 Kt x E
or Re8 or Pf7 m.
182. A variant of PP 181 (Rf3 on f4, Be5 white, add Bl. Qf5 ; omit Wh. PfB)
Mate in III exactly. 1 Ktf7 + , Kg8 ; 2 Rh7; 3 Rg7 or h8 m. Or 2 . . , Rh4;
3 Rg7 m. Or 2 . . , B x Q ; 3 Rg7 or h8 or R x B m. (It can also be solved by
1 B x R, Q x P (or R x R) ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh8 m. Or 1 . . , Bg8 ; 2 Rg7 ; 3 KtfT
or R x B m. acc.).
183. 1 Bc7, RxB; 2 Qg7 + ; 3 Ktf7 or f5 m. acc. Or l . . , B x Kt ; 2 Pg7 + ;
3 R x Bm. Or 1 . . , R + ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 R x B m. Or 1 . . , R on line 2; 2 Ktio+;
3 R x B or Qg7 m. acc.
184. 1 Ktf7 + ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 Kth6 m.
185. 1 R x B, R x B ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh8 m.
186. 1 Ktg4 + , Bh3; 2 R x B + ; 3 RxRm. Or 1 . . , Bh7; 2 Pa7r\
3 P x R m. *
187. A variant of PP 186 (Bf5 on d5). Mate in III exactly. Unsound.
1 Rc3, Rh7 ; 2Pg7 + ,RxP + . Or 1 Ktg4 + , Rh7 ; 2 R(g3)h3, RxB.
215. 1 Rdl ; 2 Ktf6; 3 Rd5; 4 B m.
230. 1 Qh6, B x Q ; 2 Kte4 ; 3 Ktg5 ; 4 Qf6 ; 5 Qg7 m.
346. Wh. Kb6, Rb7, c 7, Bh6 ; Bl. Ka8, Ba6. Mate on a8, the Wh. B being
immovable and the Bl. B fidated. A variant of CB 219 &c. The MS. solution is
similar.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
643
I now turn to the second of the great European problem collections, that
which goes by the name of Civis Bononiae . We possess a number of MSS. of
the complete work, and some other MSS. either unfinished or selections from
the greater work. These are all in Latin, and were copied in Italy. The
complete book does not appear to have been translated, although there are
some Italian MSS. which are certainly derived from this collection. The
MSS. of this group are as follows :
Jj = MS. Lasa, originally in a private library in Rome, now in the
library of Baron v. d. Lasa. This is a small quarto parchment MS., written
in a hand of the second half of the 15th c., which consists of ii + 242 leaves
(i, blank ; ii a, a note partly in cypher ; ii b, blank ; 1 a, blank ; 1 b, the
prefatory poem ; 2 a-145 b, the 288 chess problems of the collection ;
146 a-153 b, blank diagrams, of which those on 146, 147, 148 a, 149 b, 150 a
have been filled by a slightly later hand ; 154 ar-193 b, 80 problems of tables ;
194a^-217b, 48 problems of merels; 218a-225b, blank diagrams of merels,
of which the first has been partially filled ; 226 a^-233 b, 16 diagrams of the
‘Ship’ puzzle under different conditions; 234a-234b, blank). This is the
most accurate of all the CB MSS., and the diagrams are for the most part
identical with those in BS.
R = MS. Vittorio Emanuel Lib., Rome, No. 273. A beautifully executed
parchment MS. of the middle of the 15th c., of 217 quarto leaves (1-4 a,
blank ; 4 b, the poem ; 5 a-148 b, a leaf between ff. 62 and 63 being omitted
in the foliation, the 288 problems of chess ; 149 a-186 b, 76 problems of
tables; 187-188, blank diagrams of tables; 189a-212b, 48 problems of
merels ; 213 a, blank diagram of merels ; 213 b-216 b, blank).
B = MS. Vatican, Barberini, Lat. 254, formerly in the Palazzo Barberini,
Rome. A MS. similar to the last and of the same date, of 4 + 240 leaves
(1-4, blank except for a few unimportant notes ; 1 a, the poem ; 1 b, blank ;
2 a-144 b, a leaf between ff. 52 and 65 being omitted in the foliation, the
288 problems of chess ; 145 a^l60 b, blank chess diagrams, the first of which
has been partially filled by a later hand; 161 ar-198b, 76 problems of tables;
199ar-206b, blank diagrams of tables; 207ar-230b, 48 problems of merels;
231 a-238 b, blank diagrams of merels ; 239, blank).
F = MS. Nat. Lib., Florence, XIX. 7, 37, formerly in the Magliabechian
Library. A paper quarto MS. of t£e second half of the 15th c., which
originally consisted of 246 leaves, some of which are now missing (1 a, a title
in a slightly more recent hand : c Libro de belli partiti al giuoco de scacchi
composto per vn valenthuomo Spagnolo,* of which the last five words have
been erased ; 1 b, 2 a, blank ; 2 b, an index of the c puleherrima partita ’ in
2, 3, and 12 moves ; 3, 4 a, blank ; 4 b, an extract from the Vetula ; 5 a-6a,
.an index to the problems in five and more moves ; 6 b-7 a, hints on the use of
problems for gambling purposes ; 7 b, blank ; 8 a-167 b, 320 problems of
chess, of which 16 on ff. 47 a-54 b are now missing ; 168 a-207 b, 80 problems
of tables, of which 8 on ff. 181, 188, 205, 206 are now missing ; 208 a-231 b,
48 problems of merels, of which 4 on ff. 211, 212 are missing; 232 a-237 a,
s s 2
Digitized by
Google
644
CHESS IN EUROPE
PJLST II
238 a, 239 a, 13 chess problems ; 237 b, 238 b, 239 b-24i b, 248, bkak
diagrams of chess ; 242-245 are missing). This MS. is of considerable im-
portance, because it was written by a chess-player, who has made numerous
cross-references and notes. The writer has added a number of chess problem?
to the CB collection, the solutions of which throw important light upon ti*
rules and nomenclature of chess in Italy in the 15th c. 16
A fifth MS. of the CB work, with the title ‘Tractatus partitonmi
scacchorum, tabularum et merelorum, scriptus anno 1454,' which was former’;
in Florence (VI, B. 1), has not been seen since the middle of last century
It has been assumed that the MS. was the private property of the last Graad
Duke of Tuscany, and that he took it with him when he retired to Salzburg
It began with the prefatory poem, and contained problems of chess, tables,
and merels, the last following the order of R and B (see Qst. 9 183).
Ad. = MS. Brit. Mus., Add. 9351, purchased in 1833. A compost*
volume which begins with an incomplete copy of the CB work, the leave?
of which have been disarranged at some time. The games portion of the
MS. occupies 73 leaves, but the modem foliation is somewhat capricious,
omitting many blank leaves and including (ff. 45 and 46) a folded sheet of
paper which is no part of the original MS. (an unnumbered leaf, blank except
for a library note ; 1-7, blank ; an unnumbered leaf, blank ; 8-25 b, 44 problem.'
of tables, the last 10 having solutions in Italian ; 5 unnumbered leaves, blank:
30-43 a 53 problems of merels ; 43 b and 3 unnumbered leaves, blank ; 44 a
(old 2 a), the -title ‘1466. Tractatus partitorum schachorum, tabullarum, £
merelleorum,' the poem, and a note, ‘ Notandum est quod rubei pro albis
denotantur, et nigri pro nigris habentur ' (the same note followed the poem
in the missing Florence MS.); 44b, 47a-64a, 72 problems of chess, being
CB 1-71 and another position ; 64 b and an unnumbered leaf, blank diagrams
of chess). The MS. is a quarto paper MS., indifferently written, with two
problems on each page, the diagrams being at the foot of the page.
Leon = A quarto paper MS. of 120 pages, now in the possession of
Mr. J. A. Leon, London, which formerly belonged to Sig. S. Dubois. An
earlier pagination is still legible, and reveals the fact that the present arrange-
ment of the MS. is very different from the original one. The MS. original Iv
consisted of 186 pages (1-171, 171*, 172-185, arranged in 15 sheets of 12 pages
and 2 of 4 pages. 66 pages are now missing. If the leaves are arranged in
the original order, it becomes evident that the writer (of the first part of the
15 There has been considerable controversy as to whether there is anything missing from
the first sheet of the MS. The old foliation commences with f. 8. Some of the earlier leaves
have a more modern foliation, thus 4a is ‘l\6a is ‘ 8% 6a is *4 *, 7a is *5\ The second
sheet of the MS. begins with f. 7 , ns can be easily established from the missing sheet ff. 47-54
This leaves a sheet of 6 leaves, and not of 8, for the first of the MS. Moreover, neither the
index (6 a-6 a) nor the list of beautiful problems (2 b) is complete. The former omits the
problems in II, III, and IV moves, and it is only necessary to make a list of these to see
that the missing portion must have occupied two pages. The completion of the list of
beautiful problems must have occupied one page at least. It seems evident that two leaves
are missing, but this with the present leaves would make 8 instead of 6. I think, therefore,
that the two present leaves 8 and 4, the last page of which contains the extract from the
Vetula (see p. 521), which occur very awkwardly in the MS., did not originally belong to it.
and that they have taken the place of the missing leaves.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
645
16th c.) began by making a selection of 104 problems from the CB work,
to which he added two other positions, the second (on p. 106, now p. 64) being
a problem of the modern chess; that then he made a second selection from
CB, again inserting two positions (pp. 124, 125, now pp. 102, 129) from some
other source.
Gu. = A quarto paper MS., now in Mr. J. G. White’s library, formerly in
the Franz collection, Berlin. It consists of 40 leaves unnumbered, and
contains 76 problems of chess (33 diagrams are chequered without system ;
in 16, hi is black) from the CB work. On the inside cover is the note,
* Ludus scachorum repertus fuit a Xerse Philosopho pro correctione Euil-
xnerodach fratris Nabucadonosor cum esset tyrannus qui suos magistros et
sapientes occidere consueuit et hoc solatio indirecte attractus fuit ad emenda-
tionem. Inuentio huius ludi fuit anno 600 ante D. N. I. Christi incarnatio-
nem. Di Alex™ Padoani ’, in a hand of c. 1550 ; and on f. 39 a the MS. ends
with * Explicit liber de partitis scacorum. Deo gratias. Amen. Scriptus
per me Paulum Guarinum de fortliuio in milesimo quingentesimo duodecimo
die quarto mensis Ianuarij, Iulio secundo pontifice maximo Imperante
Paulo Guarino, who wrote this MS. in 1512, was a man of mark in his
day who played an important part in the affairs of Forli. He died in 1520. 1 *
In addition to these Latin MSS. there are two small Italian collections
which are probably translations from the CB work. These are :
Rice. = MS. Riccardi Lib., Florence, O. III. 30, 2871. A composite
paper octavo MS., containing different treatises in hands of the 15th and
16th cc. It contains ff. 1 ar-31 a, ‘ Ordine intorno ai cambj della fiera di
Piacenza * ; ff. 32 and 33 are blank ; ff. 34a-57 b, 4 Giuocho degli Scacchi ' ;
ff. 58 a— 65 a, ‘ Rime sacre \ The last two treatises are by the same writer.
There is an old foliation (ff. 1-26), which shows that the problem collection
was originally a separate quarto work, and that the original leaves 1 and 8
are missing. There are now 46 problems and 1 unfilled diagram. The
chessboards are chequered white and green, hi being alternately green and
white. 17 The chessmen are drawn conventionally. All the positions except
the last two belong to the CB collection.
Rice. 1 = CB 1; 2 = 22 ; 3, 4-28, 29; 5 = 41; 6-47; 7-50; 8-52;
9 — 53 (text — 62); 10, 11 — 84, 85; 12 — 143 (text — 99); 13, 14 missing;
15 - 145; 16 = 149; 17 - 162; 18 - 171; 19 = 177; 20 = 184; 21 - 233;
22 - 239; 23 = 197; 24 = 62; 25 = 91; 26 = 99; 27 - 106; 28 = 244;
29-211; 30 = 249; 31 = 102; 32,33 = 104,105; 34-36 = 110-112; 37 = 136;
38 = 140; 39 = 268; 40=11; 41 = 15; 42 = 86; 43 = 101; 44 = 179;
45 = 128 ; 46 = 208 ; 47, 48 see below, p. 699.
Bone. 3 = MS. Boncompagni Lib., Rome, no. N. 3. This composite
chess volume contains 8 leaves (ff. 65-72), with 16 problems from the CB
work in a hand of the 16th c.
u An interesting sketch of Guarino’s life will be found in a note to Fiske’s Chess in
Iceland , 211-18.
17 The problem on 56 a (no. 47) has an unfilled diagram ; the following diagram and the
unfilled one are not chequered.
Digitized by Google
646
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Bone. 3 . 1, 1 = CB 4 ; 2 = 52 ; 3 = 1 ; 4 = 136 ; 5 = 141 ; 6 = 207 ; 7 = 168 ;
8 = 57 ; 9 = 53 ; 10 = 172 ; 11 = 188 ; 12 = 11 ; 13 = 47 ; 14 = 50 ; 15 ,
16 = 105 , 106 .
The CB work is also one of the sources from which some of the later
compilers, e. g. Lucena, obtained some of their material.
The MSS. L, R, B, Ad. begin with a Latin poem, which is intended to
explain the purpose and contents of the MS., and conceals the writer’s name.
Many attempts have been made to discover this name, but the riddle has
never been solved, and is, indeed, probably insoluble. I quote the verses
from L:
Ubicumque fueris, ut sis gratiosus,
Ne te subdas otiis, nam uir otiosus
Siue sit ignobilis siue generosus,
Yt test&tur sapiens, erit uitiosus.
Yt a te remoueas uicium prefatum,
Legas et intelligas hone meum tractatum,
Et sic cum nobilibus cordis adoptatum
Certus sum quod poteris inuenire statum.
Statim ad scaccarii me uoluo partita
In quo multipliciter fiunt infinita,
Quorum hie sunt plurima luculenter sita,
Ne forte mens labilis quicquam sit oblita.
Ibi semel positum numquam iterator :
Posted de tabulis certum dogma datur,
Tunc merellos doceo quibus plebs iocatur,
Et sic sub compendio liber terminator.
Hec huius opusculi series est tota.
Quis sim scire poteris tradens tot ignota.
Versuum prineipiis sillabas tu nota,
Eorundem media litera remota.
Ciuis sum Bononie ista qui collegi,
Qui sub breuiloquio uaria compegi,
Disponent© domino opus quod peregi
Presentari principi posset siue regi. 18
The most interesting part of this poem of Civis Bononiae , the citizen of
Bologna — to adopt the name which he has chosen for himself — is the con-
cluding four verses. There is no reference to any predecessors in the task of
collecting problems, and the material is described as largely unknown. There
is, however, no claim to originality, and Civis Bononiae appears as a compiler
only, not as a composer. It is interesting to note the recognition of the
immense number of chess problems which can be composed, and the humble
place which merels occupies in the trinity of games, * merels at which the
commonalty play \ The statement that no problem occurs a second time
ignores the deliberate repetition of CB 25 as CB 283, 284, and 285, and the
unintended repetition of CB 216 as CB 271, and otherwise can only be
11 Apart from mere differences in spelling, the only variant readings of importance are :
line 11, B, B, AcL, tcita ; line 12, Ad., quicumqut ; line 15 Ad., vocatur.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
647
accepted in a very literal sense, for many ideas are repeated in settings that
only differ very little from one another.
The clue to the author’s name is given in the fifth verse : ‘ You may know
who I am that deal with so much that is unknown. Note the syllables in the
beginnings of the verses ; remove the middle letters.* Unfortunately, we do
not know what verses or lines we are to select, nor what meaning we are to
attach to the * middle letters ’•
None of the CB MSS. are much older than 1450, and there seems no
ground for supposing that the work itself is much older than the existing
MSS. It probably belongs to the last century of the mediaeval game, and
this is probably the explanation both of the fact that the work did not spread
beyond Italy, and also of the uniform order of the material in the different
MSS. 19 If this view of the date of the CB collection is well founded, it is
obvious that it is possible, and indeed probable, that the Bonus Socius work
was the main source used by Civis Bononiae,
The arrangement of the CB work is not so orderly as that of the Bonus
Socius work. In the latter, the classification of the chess problems by the
number of moves extends throughout : in CB it only extends as far as CB
258, the last of a group of Exercises and mates in n moves. CB 259 is
a mate in IV, and for the rest of the collection there is no attempt at any
arrangement. CB 262, 271, and 283-5 are the only problems in this part of
the CB work which are contained in the Bonus Socius collection. CB 259-88
has all the appearance of being an appendix or after-thought to the work as
originally planned, these problems having come to the compiler’s knowledge
after the completion of bis original collection. These problems were not sub-
mitted to the same rigorous examination which had been given to the original
collection, and the solutions of CB 267, 269, 272, and 278 are at fault, while
all the MSS. diagram CB 271 incorrectly.
In attempting to ascertain the relationships of the various MSS. of the
CB work, we are limited to the evidence obtained from a careful collation of
the problem diagrams. In this way I have arrived at the following pedigree.
19 The only variations in the order of the complete MSS. (L, F, B, and R) are : (a) the
writer of F in error has placed CB 243 and 244 between CB 238 and 239 ; the result of
turning over two leaves at once in the MS. from which he was copying; (b) R, B, and F
place the third of the three sheets containing problems of merels in front of the other two,
with the result that their order is CB 33-48, 1-32.
f
Digitized by Google
648
CHESS IN EUROPE
PA*T I
I add notes which direct attention to the diagrams which have supplied tb
evidence for the different steps of the table :
(1) Signs of an original error appear in CB 69, 169, 170, 266, 271, 280.
(2) See CB 21, 68, 69.
(3) See CB 64, 66, 104, 121, 129, 157, 158, 185, 189, 204,221, 222, 260,?::
(4) L is isolated by CB 2, 32, 178, 194, 271 ; is connected with Gu. by CB
40, 49, 157, 189, 264. Rice, is connected with this group by CB 85, 86, 104.
(5) F is isolated by CB 6, 121, 170, 188, 202, 280.
(6) The position of Leon is somewhat doubtful. CB 64, 66, 104, 157, B?
place it on this side ; CB 40 connects it with the sub-group R, B ; CB 83 with l
but CB 118, 124, 146 are more correct than in the other MSS. on this side.
(7) See CB 40, 61, 68, 79, 118, 121, 167, 256, 266, 285, 286. R is isolated -
CB 77, 116, 170, 180 ; B by CB 76, 83, 85, 86, 97, 137, 140, 239, 241, 255, 2T
278. It is the least accurate of all the CB MSS.
The CB collection consists of 267 problems ending in mate (51 in II, 5*
in III, 32 in IV, 18 in V, 20 in VI, 20 in VII, 10 in VIII, 6 in IX, 5 in I
8 in XI, 7 in XII, 2 in XIII, 3 in XIV, 3 in XV, 1 in XVI, 2 in XVII, 1 is
XVIII, 1 in XIX, and 19 in an unspecified number of moves), 5 unclassifie:
problems (of which two are really games ending in ( Bare King ’), 14 Exercise*
and 2 self-mates (a third appears as a variation of CB 124, a mate in V). h
75 positions the loser has no pieces other than King, and in 55 mate-problem?
the winner’s King is omitted. Many of the mates are conditional : in 31
mate is to be given by a Pawn, in 26 by a Bishop, and in 5 by other piec&
generally the Queen ; in 18 the mate is to be given upon a specified square. 5
of these being mates in the ‘ four points \ and 1 in the c point estraung© * of t£?
Anglo-Norman MSS.
The Muslim element in the collection is surprisingly small. I have oniy
identified 29 positions with mansubat in Muslim MSS. 20 Nine more are so
similar in style to Muslim positions that I think we can accept them a*
assuredly Muslim also. 21 Variations on these problems will account for 44
more positions in CB. 22 Even so, the total Muslim element in the colleetiot
will only amount to 82 problems — only 28 per cent, of the whole. Often the
Muslim position is simplified by the omission of non-essential pieces, so that
the defence is weakened; or the position is diagrammed at a later stage,
that the solution is shortened.
The small proportion of Muslim work is in part due to the alterations in
rule in Europe, and specially in Lombardy. The abandonment of the win by
Bare King in the Lombard assize made the whole of the Muslim strategy of
the End-game obsolete, and many of the finest of the mansubat became useless
80 Viz. CB 1 (Ar. 300), 58 (29), 73 (53), 76 (400\ 96 (120), 101 (50), 117 (83), 121 (199\
133 (352), 148 (88), 152 (86), 155 (27), 161 (138), 185 (19), 188 (361), 194 (271), 195 (206 ,
206 (206), 216 (214), 219 (208), 236 (562), 241 (46), 248 (565), 246 (41), 255 (217), 257 (SS0),
271 (214), 277 (407), 281 (668). ' "
81 Viz. CB 9 (see Ar. 24), 11, 74, 109, 122, 142, 196, 229, 244.
88 Viz. 34, 266, 270 ; 10, 12 ; 2, 5, 7, 8, 17, 20, 24. 27, 32, 85, 86, 87, 88, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49,
51, 54,55, 66, 61, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72, 80, 88, 98, 115, 116, 123, 130, 182, 267. The b«
89 of these are based on the ‘Dil&r&m’ problem (Ar. 88), but the variations are so ftr
removed from the Muslim spirit that it is rather unfair to the Muslim composers to reckon
them as Muslim at all.
Digitized by A.OOQLe
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
649
as a result. We may, perhaps, see the beginnings of a European attempt to
reconstruct a science of the End-game in the simpler problems, in which the
powers of a single piece, or the combined powers of a few pieces, are explored
(e. g. the games with Kings and Rooks only).
Any comparison of the European problems, as contained in BS and CB,
"with the Muslim mansub&t is bound to be to the disadvantage of the former.
'The Muslim composer was an artist with a clear ideal and a skilful hand. The
early European composer neither adopted the ideals of the Muslim masters nor
substituted others of his own. His problems lack verisimilitude, and there is
no pretence that they represent positions which might have been obtained in
“the course of actual play. The European player saw no incongruity in Pawns
on the first line of the board, or in Aufins upon squares that no Aufin could
reach in the course of a game. Again and again we meet with two white or
two black Aufins moving on squares of the same colour. In a later MS. (Picc.)
we shall meet with all four Aufins on the same diagonal. 23
The European composer set to work to diminish rigorously the resources of
the defence by the reduction of force, by the abandonment of the Muslim
tradition that the winner’s King should be under threat of an obvious and
immediate mate, by the omission of the winner’s King. This robbed the
mate- drive — the commonest type of mansuba ending in mate — of all point,
and we find hardly any European problems of this class. On the other hand,
the abandonment of this type of problem opened the way to the composition
of problems in which the first move was no longer a check, and of 246 sound
problems and variations in CB, no less than 132 (53 per cent.) commence with
non-checking moves. In some of the later collections the proportion is
still higher.
Obvious results of all this are the smaller number of pieces employed in
a problem, and the great disproportion between the forces of the attack and
defence, which I have already mentioned as one of the simplest means of dis-
criminating between European and Muslim work. In CB the average number
of pieces to a diagram is only 6*4 (or excluding the unsimplified Muslim
positions, 6-1), and the attack has 2^ men to every 1 for the defence (or
excluding the same problems, 3 to every 1 for the defence).
The unavoidable conclusion is that the average European composer had far
less ability than the average Muslim, and the European preference for problems
the solution of which only took a very few moves supports this view also. The
average length of the solutions of over 300 mate-mansubat in the Muslim
MSS. is 8 moves, and half of them are in V-VIII moves ; the average length
of the mates in CB is 5 moves, and more than half are in II-IV moves. The
favourite length of a Muslim mate was 5 ; of a European mate, 2 or 3 moves.
But even in this limited field, and with all the wider opportunities for
n In CB five problems show Pawn9 on the player’s first line, 76 problems have Aufins on
impossible squares, 24 of these have two Aufins of the same colour moving on squares of the
same colour. The favourite arrangement in the last case is Bd5, e6 in order to command
f7 and g8.
Digitized by
Google
650
CHESS IN EUROPE
pah :
expressing his ideas upon the chessboard which the abandonment of all m
ventions afforded him, the mediaeval European composer was singularly elnr
in his work. His powers of construction were very limited, and when alv
native solutions or awkward defences came to light, he was without the skill *
the patience to remedy the defects in his work by the reconstruction of _
diagram. Instead, he had recourse to the invention of special conditio
which should govern the play in that particular problem, and so exclude t:
undesired line of play, and make good the flaws in his work. These hisn
conditions are attached to about one quarter of the problems in CB. A:
undesired first move is excluded by such a condition as roccus primo te-
non movetur (CB 16), or miles non f octet primum iractum (CB 20), or even <
a more stringent prohibition still, roccu s punctatus est immobile* (CB 2) *
alfinus non movetur nisi possit capere (CB 46) — conditions which obviously m*
cut out awkward moves at a later stage also. Inconvenient defences by
capture of the attacking pieces, or a diversity of attacks depending* upon t:-
capture of defensive force, are prevented by the fidation of pieces entirely <i
in part : omnes utriusque partis sunt affidati (CB 10), roccus est ajfidatus a reft '
regina ab omnibus (CB 9). The same device is used to strengthen the defect*
in variations in which there was intended to be no solution. Pieces *r
allowed abnormal moves — in isto partito roccus valet alfinum et roccum el utn*
qne tractum facit (CB 22) ; pedo vadit sicut pedo et regina , , et quando est pd
semper vadit snperius (CB 245) — or are forbidden legal moves — quando akqt
pedonum erit facta regina non saltabit sed faciet unum tractum (CB 241), or*
contingat aliquem pedonem fieri reginam non faciet nisi unum tractum et unum, 1
est quod non poterunt saltare ut consueverunt regine nove (CB 232). 24 Pawi&
necessary to block certain squares, are allowed to move in the reverse direction
so that they may not interfere with the intended solution. A Queen on the
player’s first line is declared to be a newly promoted Pawn, and allowed tht
privilege leap (CB 180). Stalemate is prevented by the addition of a piece
which can only move when the King cannot — alfinus niger numquam trakihr
donee rex suns uel pedo possit ludere (CB 212) ; miles niger non movetur nisi quasi
capit vet rex suns erit clausus (CB 232), or the stalemated player forfeits hi-
move, and his opponent plays again. These are illustrations of the ways ia
which the European composer invented conditions in order to make his solu-
tion work. The crudeness of the method is patent.
Notwithstanding his weakness as a composer, the mediaeval European
problemist made some important contributions to the development of hi>
branch of chess. The simple title ‘ White plays and wins ’ of the Muslim
MSS. w r as gradually replaced by the more exact ‘White mates in x moves’.
The Muslim laid no stress upon the length or method of the solution of
a mansuba. A line of play which led to a decisive result, be it mate, Bare
King, or stalemate, in ten moves did just as well as one which arrived at
a similar result in five moves. The European title lays stress upon the length
24 In some cases these positions are older than the Queen’s leap, and the condition is due
to this fact.
Digitized by Google
HAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
651
F the solution, and eventually upon the shortest method of winning against
le best defence. It might increase the difficulty of solution, though this
ossibility never really exercised any influence upon the mediaeval methods of
om position, and it is only in our own day that the full logical effect of fixing
he number of moves in the solution has been allowed free development. The
nediaeval turned aside to lay stress upon mate in an exact number of moves,
leither more nor less, and the typical statement of the mediaeval problem
s ‘ White mates in x moves exactly ( tantum)\ or ‘neither more nor less (nec
ilus nec mimts) ’. This condition had a great influence upon the form of
composition. A mate on the move became one in II exactly, and the solver
tiad to discover a waiting move which would allow him to postpone the mate,
or another line of play. While the liberty of the attack was seriously restricted,
the resources of the defence received a notable increase. A line of play which
compelled a mate a move too soon, or a move which cramped the freedom of
the defender’s King, became valuable methods of defence.
A second European innovation was the self-mate, which may possibly (see
the solution of Arch. 27 on p. 579) have developed out of the ordinary game.
There is, however, very little variety in the mediaeval examples of this form
of problem, and with few exceptions (CB 124 is the most notable exception)
they illustrate only a single method of forcing the desired termination. In
nearly every case the mated King is blocked on a comer square, and the
solution occupies a considerable time. On the whole, the self-mate is more
prominent in the Anglo-Norman MSS. than in BS or CB.
A third innovation was the symmetrical problem. The early composer
show r ed a decided partiality for positions of this kind. CB 28, 41, 47, 52, 53,
59, 104, 105, 110, 128, 164, 237, 263, and 287 are examples. Muslim
mansubat of this character are very rare ; CB 255 is almost the only example.
Apparently, the European composer arranged the position at times without
any underlying motive, and then tried to discover a solution. This was not
always possible. It is difficult to account for CB 263 in any other way. The
Florence MS. Picc. contains some more elaborate examples of symmetrical
problems.
The European player was also very fond of the conditional problem, both
the mate upon a specified square, and also w T ith a specified piece. This type of
problem is of Muslim origin, but the idea was developed considerably in
Europe. 26 In the 16th c. the problem in which the player had to give check
with a Pawn (Bishop) and mate with a second Pawm (Bishop), on successive
moves, reached its greatest popularity and became the typical problem of the
period. The beginning of this popularity is seen in CB 170 and 172.
But the most typical feature of the mediaeval problem of the period to
which BS and CB belong is the unsound problem, to which there is no solution
in the number of moves and under the conditions prescribed in the title.
About one- third (108 out of 318 problems and variations ending in mate) of
I have already alluded to the prominence attached to mates of this kind in the
ordinary game.
Digitized by Google
652
CHESS IN EUROPE
PlC £
the problems in CB are of this nature. It has generally been assumed tin
these unsound problems arose out of the use of the problem for gambtir
purposes, and v. d. Linde described them as JTeltspiele, wager-games, Ai
occasional solution 26 suggests that a player would set up a position on it
board and state the conditions of play, and would then invite his compact i
to undertake the attack or the defence, and to back his choice by a stake. 1
would be obviously an advantage for the challenger in such a case that x
second player should be in doubt whether the problem were really solaL
or not.
In the earlier collections, the proportion of unsound problems is low : thrr
is only one in Alf., and one in the AN collections ; but the proportion stea£
rises in the later MSS., until at the end of the mediaeval period the probic
without a solution was, in some circles at least, regarded as the more artki
composition. 27
But the composer was not content with inventing unsound problems ; i
also manufactured unsound positions out of sound ones by making a shftf
change in the position of certain pieces, so slight as a rule that the alteratkc
would easily escape notice. Of 123 problems in four moves and under in C3
no less than 31 contain advice how to alter the position so as to prodo*
a contrary result, while in the late MS. C nearly every problem is treated 2
this way. Occasionally we can trace the process of manufacture, and arrant
the variations in a series in which the positions are alternately sound £H
unsound (e.g. CB 1, 34, 266, 270, or 9, 10, 12, using similar positions in ofcbr
collections) ; but in some cases, such as the mate in IV with a Pawn, of wted
CB 113, 114, 118, 119, 120 are variants, or the numerous 4 Dilaram’ position
(close on 200 in all the European MSS.), the manufacture of variations ht
been carried to such an extent as to defy classification.
In some cases this doctoring of well-known problems may have been tfc
work of the professional gamester, of whose methods we have an illuminating
picture in the Latin introduction to the CB MS. F :
My master used to say that in the first partitum we ought to play indifferent?
and to lose, and that similarly we ought to lose sometimes in the course of pk?
because in this way men are induced to play. But I have never used this trick
( cautda ).
But in order that you may play cautiously and avoid losing, you should tab
care that you know the secrets of the gamester, concerning which many tricks an
given.
The first is : it is certain that a good problem ought not to be what it appears,
but the opposite. Therefore you should place that side of the chessmen which la-
the worse, but looks to have the advantage, at your edge of the board. For then, i i
your opponent does not know the problem, he will turn the board round and tab
the side which looks so much the better. However, many players do not do so, so i:
is not to be reckoned as a certainty.
86 See the solution to PL 178 (p. 640). Also two problems of merels in CB (L 21, R57 :
* In isto partito tu dices illi qui tecum ludet haec uerba. Elige quos uis et prime trahe, i*l
ego eligam et primo t rah am ’ ; and L 25, R 41 : * Cum feceris istud partitum dices illi qm
tecum ludet. Elige quam partem uis et primo trahe, uel da michi electionem et ego primo
traham ').
87 Thus there is a note in the solution of C 10, ‘ ma questo partito. 6 piii beUo falso \
Digitized by Google
iAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
653
Another trick is this. At the start you pretend that you do not remember the
roblem, and have consequently arranged the men differently from what you should
ave done, and this you repeat often at the start, and yet you place the men as they
light to be. In this case, if he sees a move which looks to win easily, he will think
lat you do not remember the problem and play accordingly. But you, recognizing
bat he has chosen the good side, will say, * Before I play, I wish to see what I have
one and you will then be able to add something by which the whole problem is
hanged, and will urge that you ought not to play it out because you have made
- great mistake because you did not set up the position correctly. And he will not
>e able to complain of you, because from the start he has believed that you did not
enow the problem. If, moreover, he again wishes to take the good side, you will
igain observe what I have said above, and will say that you will not play because
fou do not remember it, and you accordingly destroy the position and make another,
>r you observe some other trick.
Again, you ought to appear cautious in wagering, and to note carefully whether
he takes the problem with a tremulous voice, or after a moderate amount of con-
sideration, or whether he is ready to wager large sums, or whether he wished to take
other problems which have been set up, or whether he refuses to take other positions
which are to be set up, for all these things show whether he knows the problem
or not.
There is also another trick which is called the golden one, which is worked in
such a way that it compels the gamester to take the worst side. It is done thus.
You know that a good problem ought not to be what it appears, but its opposite.
You say that the side which appears to have the better is to lay a double stake. For
unless he play carefully, in this way alone he is compelled, before you lay your
wager, to say which side he wishes. For you will ask him whether he wishes you
to stake double or single, and in this way you will learn which side he is choosing.
Thus do some use this trick.
This certainly represents the mediaeval chess-player at his worst, and if it
had been true at all generally, it is difficult to see how chess could have sur-
vived such base and fraudulent uses. But happily all the evidence goes to
show that this picture can have been true of only a small minority of players,
and only towards the end of the mediaeval period. It is very easy to over-
estimate the wager element in the problems, and indeed the whole popularity
of the problem in mediaeval chess. It is not without significance that we
hear nothing of this knavery, and nothing of the general use of the problem,
in mediaeval literature. The burgess of Falsetown who cheats Beryn out of
his property at the chessboard plays whole games of chess, and leaves the
problem severely alone. Not one single passage among all the mediaeval
references to chess refers to the use of problems for gambling purposes, and all
the many disputes which arose in connexion with chess arose in connexion with
the game, and not the problem.
The problems in the CB work now follow with shortened solutions. It
would have occupied too great space to reproduce the entire text of the MS. ;
but I have given several solutions verbatim, not because there is any difficulty
in understanding their meaning, but as specimens of the verbose style of the
CB and BS texts, or because they involve expressions or statements of more
general interest. I give with each diagram references to both the CB and
BS collections. Where the BS reference is succeeded by a dagger, the BS
position differs from that diagrammed.
Digitized by i^oosle
654
CHESS IN EUROPE
part u
CR 1 : At. 300.
AD A . DO Oi
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly. R&5 is
immovable, Ktb6 fidated,
and the Pawns may be
Queens.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II.
Pd2 is fidated.
Black mates with Kt or
Pawn in II exactly.
Unsound.
(Bl.
Black mates with Pawn in
H exactly. Bal may be
fidated or not. Unsound.
Mate in II exactly.
(Bl.)
White plays and Black
mates in II exactly.
Unsound.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Qc6 is fidated. Rd7 is
fidated from King.
Mate with Q in II exactly.
All the pieces are fidated,
Mate in II exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Qc6 is fidated. Rf7 is
fidated from King.
Goode
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
White plays and Black mates
in II exactly. Unsound.
Mate in II exactly
iBl.)
White plays and Black
mates in II exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in II exactly.
L a 7 may not play on
first move.
Mack mates in II exactly
>r Black wins Qb8 for
lothing. Bd6 is fidated.
Unsound.
Black mates in II exactly.
All the men are fidated,
and Kth6 may not play
on first move. Unsound.
Mata in II exaotly.
ie7 has also the power
of a B.
Mate in il exactly .
All tin- in* n are fidatod.
Mate in II exactly.
All the men are fidated
1 if \ /
i
2 □
1
%
LJ
■ .
hjL •
m h
.... ,
■
B
’
? 1
X
A ...
★
j m m
r i
mm a&
uZd
m m m
£5
SIS
mu
656
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART 11
CB 25 : BS 26.
(Bl.)
Mate in II, III, or IV
exactly.
CB 28 : BS 23.
Mate in II exactly.
CB 31.
Mate in II exactly.
The Rooks are fidated.
CB 34 : BS 2.
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
Both Pawns go upwards.
CB 26 : BS 25.
Mate in II exactly.
CB 29 : BS 7.
Mate in II exactly.
All the men are fidated.
CB 32 : BS 1.
Black mates in II exactly.
Unsound.
CB 35 : BS 9+.
i ir
X X
wm
m
1&I3
m r a
m m m
8!
I :
i m.
111
a
Mate in II exactly.
The Pawns f6, g6 may be
Queens.
CB 27 : BS 24.
Mate in II exactly.
CB 80: BS 8.
Mate in II exactly.
Ktf5 and Bb6 are fidated.
CB 83.
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
All the Pawns go up-
wards.
CB 36 : BS 34 var.
(Bl.)
Black mates in II exactly.
All the men are fidated.
Unsound.
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
65 7
CB 87.
White plays and Black
mates in II exactly. All
the men are fidated and
the Queens are immov-
able. Unsound.
CB 38.
Black mates in II exactly.
All the Pawns go upwards.
Unsound.
CB 89.
Mate in II exactly.
CB 40.
;"■■■ mm
amm ah
l Jk... C
(Bl.)
Black either mates in II
exactly or wins Pawn g8
for nothing. The B is
fidated. Unsound.
CB 41 : BS 10.
Mate in II exactly.
The Kt is fidated.
CB 42.
CB 43 : BS 45f.
CB 44 : BS 73.
CB 45 : BS 5 var.
&
m x
±m*\
. 4 . <3
m m
m i
■ r v
Black mates in III exactly.
Pg2 is immovable.
Unsound.
Black mates in III exactly.
Unsound.
CB 46.
Mate in III exaotly.
The B can only move if
it makes a capture.
1370
CB 47 : BS 72.
Mate in III exactly.
T t
CB 48.
Digitized by Google
.‘HESS IN EUROPE
pact r.
CB 50 : BS 33.
CB 51 : BSS4.
Mate in III exactly.
Mute in III exactij
All the men are fidx
CB 53 : BS 62+.
CB 54.
i
h ml
M ■
l' ^ 1
X
EViV
" r rU
Mate in 111 exactly.
Each White piece moves
Mate in III exactly
once.
CB 50 : BS 61.
CB 57 { CorrA
Mate in 111 exactly.
Rb7 is fidated.
Mate in III exactly. r
P is immovable ; tne i>
can only move when h
captures ; each Vw 1 *
piece moves once.
CB 59 : BS 71.
CB 60 r BS 37.
jfc :
Mate in III exactly.
Mate [with Pawn] ^
exactly. The fl*
fidated.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
659
CB 61 : BS 86.
CB 62 : BS 69.
CB 63 : BS 70.
Rb7 and QfO are fidated.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 64.
CB 66 : BS 38+.
CB 66 : BS 40.
Black mates in III exactly.
Unsound.
CB 67: BS 41.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
CB 70.
&
mk'M
. m
; i
(Bl.)
Black mates in III exactly.
Pf6, g6 may also be Queens,
Kth6 may not play first
move. Unsound.
CB 68.
\ //• : ?>
** v: ’
pT-
r ? ; "'r*. i'
mm
r i
m u
Mate in III exactly.
CB 71 :
BS 43.
E IX
m +
mm
m m
A
B BB
a.
n
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
T t 2
CB 69.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 72: BS 89 var.
Mate in III exactly.
Digitized by Google
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Digitized by
Google
CHESS IN EUROPE
CB 74 : BS 47.
660
CB 73 : BS 42 : Ar. 53.
PART II
CB 75 : BS 44 : Ar. 400.
Mate in III.
Mate with Bishop in
III exactly.
Mate in IlL
CB 76 : BS 46.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 77 : BS 49.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 82 : BS 52.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 84 : BS 54.
Mate in III exactly.
CB 79 : BS 50.
(B1-)
Black mates in III exactly.
Pa7 is immovable.
Unsound.
CB 81 r BS 53.
Black mates in III exactly.
Pa7 is immovable.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly. Mate in III exactly. Mate in III exactly.
CB 94 : BS 68. CB 95 : BS 79. CB 96 : BS 88 : Ar. 120.
Mate with Pawn in III Mate in IV exactly. Mate in IV.
exactly.
Digitized by boogie
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART 11
CB 97 : BS 84.
CB 98 : BS 85.
CB 99 : BS 86.
IB1.)
Mate with Pd5 in IV
exactly.
m Unit M
* -
\//’p. W/A W//, Wfa
m r\ : " * rm im
*•* ^ a
■H M| MB Mj
wtt Wt tf W&4
€A '& i/A iH
m m m m
Mate with B in IV
exactly.
Mate in IV exact J\
CB 100 : BS 75+.
y? | ^
ife B Wi IS
CB 101 : BS 87 : Ar. 50.
CB 102 : BS 88.
m i
§&P&IH
m m
m §§
Uay/,
SB fe
.
sg m
£%/ w,y W' i
Mate in IV exactly.
Mate in IV exactly.
Mate in IV exactly
CB 106 : BS 92.
i/: : \: w .
Mate in IV exactly.
CB 107 : BS 98f.
¥
mm m m
m
,A "'A ' " ■
~"m "m.
H Hi IS. H
1 § fH H 1 H
i 1 1 1
Mate in IV exactly.
CB 108 : BS 95.
S'vV • ; - f
w, wsLm
Mate with P in IV
exactly.
Digitized by
Gooole
HAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
663
CB 109 : BS 96.
CB 110.
CB 111.
Mate in IV exactly.
Mate in IV exaotly. The
Qs are fidated, and the
Bl. K must move when
he can.
Mate with B on a7
in IV.
Mate in IV or less.
Mate with P in IV
exactly. Unsound.
CB 113 : BS 76.
I *
m
i*ti
' if sfe '
Mate with P in IV
exactly.
CB 116:
BS 77+.
* ; .
I
Br :
.1
::C'z ;*
.. ;
b*
*
Mate in IV exactly.
CB 119:
BS 94+.
B &
If
A K*
A
m
m m
m
^ H
A
(Bl.)
Black mates with P in
IV exactly. Unsound.
CB 114.
exactly. The Pg6 is
immovable.
CB 117 : Ar. 83.
Mate in IV exactly.
CB 120 : BS 78.
Black mates with P in
IV exactly. Uneound.
Digitized by Google
664 CHESS IN EUROPE
CB121 : BS80: Ar. 199.
Mate in IV exactly.
Mate in IV or less.
Xi
n
A *A
:s
■ i :t
H
Jl
1 ft
x r
: : *
CB 122 : BS 81.
PART II
CB 123 : BS 82.
Mate in IV exactly.
CB 124 : BS 99.
Mate in V exactly, or
self-mate in IV exactly.
CB 125 : BS 100.
^ m
' •- : -S/S- '
m
^3
r -
v m,
i/>
n: r : m '
// ' ' "
- - ■?
H
r, - *£* f jxf
Mate on a8 in V exactly.
CB 126 : BS 101.
Mate in V exactly.
CB 127 : BS 102.
exactly.
CB 128 : BS 103.
exactly.
CB 129: BS 104.
exactly.
CB 130.
CB 131.
nr
X
H
A ^
ill
A
, EL* »,
n m m
X
js* a m
m
Mate in V or less.
Ktg4 is fidated.
CB 132 : BS 98 1.
m
*
jj/j ;
i;5* f*
:: i
m
„ KJp.
i
Pfpa
Mate in V or less, whether
Pd6 goes to d8 or dl.
the mediaeval problem
Mate with Qb6 in V
exactly.
Mato with B on b8
in V exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in V or less. Play is
by alternate moves. Wh.
loses if he gives stalemate.
The Kt may also be on bl.
(Bl.)
Mate in V or less.
Mate in VI or less.
Black must move his
King when he can.
Mate with B in V
exactly.
Mate with P in VI.
666
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAET
CB 145 : BS 115.
CB 148: Ar. 88.
CB 151 : BS 120.
The Rb8 is immovable.
CB 154: BS 123.
CB 146 : BS 116.
CB 149 : BS 118.
CB 152 : BS 121 : Ar. 86.
CB 155: BS 1 24 : Ar. 27.
Black plays, and White
mates in VI or less.
Unsound.
CB 147 : BS 117.
CB 150 : BS im.
Black mates in VI or
Unsound.
CB 153 : BS 122.
1
t I
*
■«'* I
A
Mate with B in VL
CB 156: BS 125.
■>
<Xi
m
.
■ :
Mate in VI exactly.
Digitized by boogie
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
.Mate [on d5] in VI
exactly.
Mate in VI exactly.
Mate in VII exactly.
All the Queens are ‘ new
Black plays, and White
either mates or wins the
R in VII or less. Qh8
is 1 new \
Mate with B in VII
or less.
Mate with Pe6 in VII
exactly.
Mate with Pawn in
VII exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate with Pc7 in VII
exactly.
Mate with Pg2 in VII
exactly. Ra7 is fidated,
Mate with Queen in V r II.
668
CB 169: BS 138.
Male with Pawn in VII
exactly.
CHESS IN EUROPE
CB 170: BS 189f.
Mate with two Bs in
VII exactly.
PART II
CB 171 : BS 140.
1*.
H P ® S
mi
n n
n
a a s
m m
M fri
s' ge
sz.
Mate in VII exactly.
CB 172: BS 141.
Mate with the Pawns
in VII exactly.
CB 176 : BS 144.
Mate with P in VII
exactly.
Pd8 is immovable.
CB 178 : BS 147.
siro
Mate with B in VII
exactly.
CB 173 : BS 142.
Mate with Pawn in VII
exactly.
CB 176 : BS 145.
Mate with B in VII
exactly.
Rh8 is fidated.
CB 179: BS 149+.
Mate in VIII exactly.
CB 174: BS 143.
Mate with B in VII
exactly.
CB 177 : BS 146.
Mate with B in VII
exactly.
CB 180: BS 160.
'm. - I
x m m
m*m i
m wm
m
C/%, IHl
; -
m m m
m m m
f S&.
x
&
r?>
Black gives self-mate in
VIII. Qg8 is ‘ new
Digitized by CiOOQLe
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
669
CB 181 : BS 151.
Mate with P in VIII
or less.
CB 184 : BS 154.
Mate with B in VIII.
CB 187 : BS 156.
Mate with P in VIII.
CB 190 : BS 157.
(Bl.)
Mate in IX or less.
CB 182 : BS 152.
CB 185 : BS 155 : Ar. 19
Wi4I
1
1 1 1 1 1
11
m
sQs;
m ‘
Mate in VIII.
CB 188 : Ar. 861.
Mate on e5 in VIII
exactly.
CB 191 : BS 158.
Mate with B in IX
or less.
CB 188 : BS 158.
exactly.
CB 186 : BS 148+.
Mate with B on a7 in
VIII exactly.
CB 189 : BS 157 var.
Pawns go upwards.
CB 192 : BS 159.
Mate with P in IX.
Digitized by
Google
670
CB 193 : BS 160.
*
i
<±>
wm
mtm i
‘w/y.
a m i
Hi
mn mm
Mate with promoted P
in IX exactly.
The Black P is fidated.
CB 196: BS 161.
The Bl. B is fidated.
CB 199 : BS 165.
or less.
CB 202 : BS 168.
Mate in XI exactly.
Both Bl. Bishops are
fidated.
CHESS IN EUROPE
CB 194 : BS 194 : Ar. 271.
Black plays, and White
mates or queens all the
Pawns in IX or less.
CB 197 : BS 162.
Mate with Pd8 in X
exactly. The Black P
is fidated.
CB 200 : BS 166.
(exactly). The Black Q
is fidated , and only moves
when it makes a capture.
CB 203 : BS 169.
Mate (with Pci) in XI
(exactly).
PART II
CB 195: Ar. 206.
*
I
*
* -S
X
a s .
jggv jgy mm
(Bl.)
Mate with B in X or less.
CB 198.
Mate, or queens all the
Pawns, in X or less.
CB 201 : BS 167.
Mate with B in XI.
CB 204 : BS 170.
Mate with Qh6 in XI.
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
Mate with B in XII.
White must give check
every move.
Mate in XII or less.
The R may only move
once, viz. when it mates.
ate on 14 in XII or less.
The Bl. P is fidated.
Mate in XII or less.
The R may only move
once, viz. when it mates.
late with promoted Q
li XII. The Black P is
fidated.
Mate with the two Pawns
in XIII exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in XV or less.
The Bl. B can only move
when the K or P cannot.
(Bl.)
Mate with B on f8 in XV
or less. A ‘ new ’ Q can
check on its leap.
Mate in XIV or less.
The R is fidated.
Mate in XIV or less.
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Mate on a8 in XVI or less.
The Bl. B is fidated, and
the Wh. B immovable.
Self-mate in XV exactly
(really XIII).
queen Pad or 1
in XVI or less.
Mate in XVII or less.
The Bl. B can only move
when the Bl. K and P
cannot.
Mato in XVIII or less.
The Bl. Kt can only move
when the Bl. K cannot,
or to make a capture.
(Bl.)
Mate with P in XVII or
less. The Bl. Ps are
fidated.
(Bl.)
Mate in n moves. The
Bl. P can move to g8 or
g4 first move. Unsound.
Either plays. Black mates.
Unsound.
■rnm-
. M i !
(Bl.)
Either plays, and Black
mates. Unsound.
Black mates, White playing
two moves first. Unsound.
(Bl.)
White plays and Black
mates. Unsound.
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
673
Black plays and White
wins.
(Bl.)
Mate in V. Black only
plays when checked.
CB 229 : Ar. 468.
CB 280.
CB 281.
12 2 ' [2 I
a&a&a&a
MkMkMkMk
V'-y
& a u :,r
a j m u m
£ gg "'j$X ' "gg
i p i m
§p c r < v
fmfwwi
a mmm
F: r • O 0
mm'xmmjLMu
Mate (in IV). White has
four moves before Black
plays.
CB 282.
Black mates. The pro-
moted Queens may not
leap. Unsound.
CB 285.
CB 288.
Black plays. White is
to lose no man except in
exchange for one of equi-
valent value.
1S70
CB 238.
Black captures the im-
movable Q. Unsound.
CB 236 : Ar. 562.
To interchange theBed and
Wh. Kts in XVI moves.
TheKts are confined to the
square of 9 squares in the
corner a8.
CB 239.
Black plays. White wins
both Qs.
U U
CB 284.
To stalemate Black. Both
Kings are confined to
the diagonals al-h8 and
bl-h7.
CB 237.
Unsound.
CB 240.
(Bl.)
Black mates. Unsound*
Digitized by
674
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
CB 241
Ar. 46.
1 U
*JM r „
■v /; ",
’ 7 ; TM
m m
m m
W 'Z
IP
" 7 >
‘ r;; * "
' • yA
m "
(Bl.)
Black captures the B.
No new Q may leap.
Unsound.
CB 242.
Black plays. White wins
the P.
CB 248 : Ar. 565.
No R may cross a line
commanded by an adver-
sary’s R. Black wins the
White Rs. Unsound.
CB 244.
CB 245.
CB 246 : Ar. 41.
fi dated from K. The P plays
as a Q to line 1 , and as Q or
P to line 8. Unsound.
CB 247 :
BS 185.
% H
% It
Hi M
n §g "
* #• .
» a
White wins.
CB 248.
X * s' * v «■ *
nt e i * e it s' s s
siy
White avoids mate.
The B is fidated.
CB 249.
White mates the solitary
K (who can play to any
square) by placing 16
fidated Qs on the board.
CB 250 : BS 186f.
(Bl.)
Mate. The P is fidated,
and if Bl. queens it,
White loses.
CB 251 : BS 189. CB 252.
moted P in XL or less. moted P. Pa6 is fidated.
Pa7 is fidated.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. YII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
675
CB 258 : BS 184+.
Mate in n moves.
Unsound.
CB 256: BS 198+.
3F " >r/ -
H
m
wTwTd*
Tf
m.jzm
’j3
Wh Si &i i
:///\
V'&.i
"‘ T 4
m '
Black plays and
White
mates. The Bl. P can only
move when Kor B cannot.
White loses if Bl. ean play
his K from a8 and b8.
The Wh. Kmust not cross
the 4th row.
CB 259.
CB 262 : BS 175.
Mate in XII exactly.
Neither R may leave the
file on which it stands.
CB 254.
Black plays and White
mates.
CB 257: BS 192: Ar. 880.
succession and thereafter
saves the Kt.
CB 260.
Mate in II exactly.
The Bl. B is fidated.
Unsound.
CB 263.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
u u 2
CB 265: BS190: Ar.217.
Either plays. White mates
with Pal. The Black Ps
are fidated.
CB 258.
Parti turn regis Fran-
corum. White wins.
CB 261.
Mate in II exactly.
CB 264.
Either plays. White
mates in II exactly.
Digitized by boogie
676
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
CB 265. CB 266. CB 267.
Mate in XIV or less. (Bl.) Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly. The Ps f6 and g6 may be
Queens.
CB 268. CB 269. CB 270.
Mate in VII exactly. Mate in III exactly. (Bl.)
AU the Queens are* new’/ The Kt is fidated. Mate in III exactly.
CB 271 (corr.): Ar. 214.
Mate in XV.
CB 274.
Mate in II exactly.
All the Pawns go down-
wards.
CB 272.
Mate in V exactly.
(Unsound.)
CB 275.
ifc m
ES
/ < y '//*/,
r:
Mate in II exactly.
CB 278.
White plays and Black
captures the immovable P.
Unsound.
CB 276.
Mate in III exactly. All
the men are fidated, and
Wh. may not check on
his first move.
CB 280.
CB 281 : Ar. 568.
CB 282.
Digitized by
Google
Mate in XI exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Said to be unsound.
Mate on d5 in XI
(Bl.)
(BL)
The Wh. Kt takes all
Black mates in Illexactly.
Unsound.
White wins.
the other pieces, finishing
with Bhl in XXV exactly.
Unsound.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
CB 286.
(Bl.)
Mate in III exactly.
CB 287.
CB 288.
(Bl.)
Mate in IV exactly.
i it i
H 51 H
B H M !
Four white Rs are placed
on the board, checking
each move, and mating
on the 4th.
The four Bishops take
all the other immovable
pieces in 40 moves.
(Bl.)
Black mates. Rhl is
immovable. Unsound
CB 285 : BS 26 var.
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
CHAP. VII
CB 277 : Ar. 407.
CB 278.
.* 4,1
678
CHESS IN EUROPE
part n
SOLUTIONS TO CB.
1. ‘Albi habent primum tractum et uolunfc mat tare nigros ad duos tractus
tantum ; et possuut trahendo roccum in A (f7), et est seac. Opportebit eum capere
de milite et tu de tuo milite inferiori dices ei mat in puncto rubeo (g6) : hoc dice
si non sit rex albus. Sed si rex albus esset in B (g5), non posset fieri ; quia capiendo
roccum daretur ei scac, et ita non mattaretur in secundo tractu. Item si staret rex
albus in C (h6), mattaretur, non dicendo scac de rocco in A, sed capiendo militem
primo tractu, et secundo esset mat in A. Si autem esset pedo niger in puncto (c5)
uadens ut signatum est (to c8), non fieret, quia posset eum trahere et tunc nec
daretur mat de milite, nec de rocco.*
A shortened version of a Muslim problem (Ar. 300), of which the European
players have made several wager positions. Cf. CB 34, 266, 270, 274 (in HI),
Ash. 5, Port. 5, D 26, Picc. 131, PL 60, 61, Sens 8, Rice. 1 (all the pieces one to the
left), and Gott. 4, Luc. 6, Dam. 7, Wl) 11, 47 (and different settings of the idea,
WD 49 and 145). Alf. 65 (Bl. Kh6, Rh7, Kte6, f5 ; Wh. Ke8, Ktc8, d7, Rg3, g4 ;
Bl. m. in II) shows that the idea of shortening the original m. in IV had occurred
to Muslim players.
2. I give both the BS and CB texts, to show the difference between them.
BS 3 (Ra5 on a6). CB 2.
4 Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt nigros
in 2° tractu, et roccus punctatus (a 5) est
immobili8, et miles aflidatus, et pedones
uadunt ut signatum est (to 8th line) et
sunt pedones et regine sicut placet.
Uidetur quod multis mod is possint
mattare nigros in 2° tractu, sed non fit
nisi uni co modo si bene defendatur, et
hoc trahendo roccum in A (g3), quia
quicquid nigri faciant, recipient mat de
eodem rocco uel de milite. Si autem
albi caperent roccum de alfino (quod
multi f&ciunt), nigri traherent alium
roccum in B (a7) et defenderent. Uel si
traherent alfinum ante pedonem uel
reginam ibidem, nigri traherent suum
roccum in C (h3); uel si albi trahant
pedonem qui stat iuxta alfinum nigri
trahunt regem. Ad omnem tractum est
defensio, preterquam ad tractum rocci
in A, quern tu facias.*
3. 1 Bb6 + ; 2 Rd7 m. (2 Ktf7 m. is not given, nor is the alternative solution
1 Rc8 + ; 2 Ktf5 m.). Variation: Kcl on bl. The text solution fails, but the
solution 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Ktf5 m. fit mbtilius.
4. No solution ; 1 Pc7, Ra6 ; 2 Pb7 is now prevented. BS does not notice
that the fidation of the Bl. R is unnecessary. Variation (not in BS) : Kh6 on another
row. Sound. 1 Pc7, Ra6 ; 2 Pb7 m.
5. (BS 5 substitutes Wh. Pd2 for Rc2, and changes colours) 1 Ktg5 + d, Bh3 + ;
2RxB + ,RxR. (BS adds variation : Kfl on gl, Rd3 fidated ; m. in III exactly.
Unsound. 1 Ktg5 + d, Bh7, and 2 . . , Rg3 + ; or 1 Ktf4 + d, Bh3. See CB 45.)
This is the first of a very large number of positions in which the Black King
is fenced in on a corner square by Pawns and Bishops, with threat of discovered
check from a Rook by the removal of a Knight. The original idea of such a position
is obtained from Ar. 83, the ‘Dilaram problem*, but all these mates in II and III
exactly, are of course European work.
( Albi primo trahunt et miles habet
fiduciam, et roccus stans iuxta militem
non mouetur, et pedones uadunt ut signa-
tum est (to 8th line) uel sint regine quod
idem ualet Et uolunt albi mattare
nigros ad 2 um tractum, et fieri potest
trahendo roccum in A (g3). Si aliud
facerent albi, non mattarent nigros ad 2 ““
tractum, quia si capiant roccum de alfino,
ipse trahet alium roccum in punctum
(a7). Item si trahat alfinum ante pedo-
nem, nigri trahent suum roccum in B
(h3). Semper est defensio, nisi fiat
primus tractus de rocco in A.*
IHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
679
6. 1 Ke2, forcing Bl. to weaken his defence. A ‘block’ problem. CB says
It Tintco modo , overlooking the fact that 1 KxB does equally well. BS 1 3 prevents
his by fi dating Bd4 from the King, and renders the fidation of the P unnecessary by
placing Kd3 on c3, Pd2 on c2 — an improvement, since the position does not so
jpenly suggest the K's move.
7. "Wh. must retain the power of double interposition, hence 1 . . , R x P or Rf6
s insufficient. 1 . . , Rf7 allows 2 Ktb4 + ; 3 R x R m. ; and 1 . . , Rcl or fl is met
jy 2 Hh5. The MS. gives 1 fRd4 ; 2 R-, R x B, or 2 Ktc5 + d, Ra4 + ; 3 R x R, R x R.
8. 1 Bc7, RxB; 2 KtxRm.; or 1 . . , Rf4 or h4 ; 2 Ktb4 m. ; or 1 . . , R else-
where ; 2 Ktc5 m. Variation (1): Ra4 on al, a2 or a3. Unsound. 1 Bc7,
R opposite R saves mate. (Variation (2) added in L in later hand : Ra4 on al and
add Bl. Pc2. Unsound. 1 Bc7, Pci = Q; 2 Kt + d, Qa3 covers.)
9. 1 Q x B, Kt- ; 2 Ra7 m. The fidation of the Q is unnecessary, and probably
only added to preserve analogy with other versions of the position. Variations in
CB only : (1) Bd5 on c5 ; (2) Bd5 White ; (3) Bd5 removed. All sound by 1 Qb7 + ;
2 Qa8 m., requiring the fidation of the Q.
Cf. CB 10, 12, Arch. 14, D 22, 23, PL 4, 6, 22, 26 (trick variation), 62, 65;
and in III, PL 5, Picc. 89, L 291. The position is probably based upon a Muslim
problem (] Ar. 24).
10. 1 Rd6 ; 2 Qb7 m. If 1 Rbl, Bd6. Cf. CB 9.
1 1. 1 Ra7 + ; 2 Pb7 m. Cf. K 22, Port. 8, Ash. 10, C 42. (BS 16 adds varia-
tion : Kh3 on b5. Unsound. 1 Ra7 + , Kt x R + .)
12. 1 Rd7, Kt- ; 2 Ra7 m. ; or 1 . . , Kta7 + ; 2 RxKt m. Variations (1) add
Wh. Pco. Unsound. 1 Rd7, P x P. (If 1 K x P, Pd7.) (2) Rf7 on d7, add Wli.
Pc5. Sound. 1 K x P, Kt- ; 2 Ra7 m. Cf. CB 9.
13. If 1 Bd6orh6 + d, KtxR! If 1 P x B, R x P. If 1 Kf5 or K x B, Ktd6.
If 1 Rd8 + , Kt x R + . If 1 Rg8, Ktd8 + ; 2 R x Kt + , B x R. Variations : (1) in
CB only, replace Bf8 by Kt. Sound. 1 Kth7 + d, B x R ; 2 Bg6 m.; or 1 KtxR;
2 Kt x B in. (2) in CB and BS, add Wh. Ktb6, quam additionem pauci sciunt (CB).
Sound. 1 K x B, Ktd6 ; 2 B x Kt m. ; or 1 . . , Rc6 + ; 2 B x R m. ; or 1 . . , Pg4 ;
2 Bg6 m.
Cf. CB 278, Picc. 27, 39, CB 64 in HI, and CB 113 &c. in IV.
14. 1 . . , Ra5 threatening ; 2 . . , Ra6 + , or if 2 Pc6, R x dP + . Cf. CB 18.
15. 1 Qf7, Kf5 ; 2 Rf3 m. Cf. Arch. 19, Rice. 41, Picc. 1, 38, F 292, S 37,
WA 13, and WD 51.
16. 1 Bf3; 2 Kte6 or Rd7 m. BS 21, omitting Pc6 and the condition, allows
other solutions by 1 Rf7, g7, e7, h7, or b7 ; it adds variation : Wh. K elsewhere,
when 1 Kte6 + , Kt x Kt; 2 Rd7 m. is also possible. Cf. CB 274, Picc. 14, 42, 51.
17. (BS 22 raises lines 2 and 3 one each.) 1 R x Q, Rh7 ; 2 Rc8 m. ; or 1 . . ,
any other ; 2 Ktf7 m. The favourite keys in positions like this fail thus : 1 Bf7, Rc3
(in BS position, Ra2) ; and 1 Bb7, Ra5 + .
1 8. (BS 19 adds Kte5.) 1 . . , Ra5 threatening; 2 . . , Ra6 + ; or if 2 Pc6, RxP + .
Cf. CB 14.
19. ‘Nigri primo trahunt et alfinus eat affidatus, et dicunt nigri quod in 2°
tractu aut capient reginam de dono, aut dabunt mat regi albo; et tu cogas eum
dicere ante tractum quid istorum uelit facere. Si dicat quod: capiet reginam de
dono, non poterit quia tu caperes eum de alfino. Si dicat quod uelit albos mat tare,
non poterit quia cum dicet scac in A (d8), tu cooperies te de alfino affidato, et
dabis ei scac, et ita in utroque casu perdet/ Cf. the similar double game, CB 40. We
must understand that the undertaking to take the Queen means to take it without
the loss of the capturing piece. The position is PL 53.
20. (BS 31 has Rb7 on c7.) 1 Rb3, Rf7 blocking f7 and pinning the Q. Varia-
tions (not in BS): (1) Add Bl. Pf2. Sound. 1 Rb3, Rf7; 2 Qg7 m. ; or 1 Kg2 ;
2 Qg7 or Ktf7, according as Bl. plays, m. (2) Add. Bl. Pc2. Sound. 1 Kg2, &c.,
still holds.
21. 1 Rdl ; 2 Rd8 m. or Ktf6m., according as Bl. plays. Variations: (1) The
Bl. Ps go to 8th line. Unsound. 1 Rdl, BxP; 2 Rd8 + , P x R = Q. Or 2 Kt + d,
Digitized by Google
680
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Bh6. (2), Dot in BS ; Rh3 on h4, Bl. Ps go to 8th line. Sound. 1 QxB, Ra5 :
2 Ktg5 m.
22. 1 Re6, Q- ; 2 Bg8 m. Variation : Qh7 on g6 or g8. Unsound. 1 Re6,
Qh7 or f7 ; 2 Rg8 4* , Q xR V. d. Linde ( Qst ., 164) supposed that the modern Queen's
move was developed from the union of the powers of R and B that is exemplified
here. I attach no importance to this position : the problem chess of the Middle
Ages must have exerted its influence (if it had any at all) against the reform, which
made the bulk of the problems obsolete.
23. 1 Pb7, Kc7 ; 2 Pb8 = Q m. Cf. CB 29.
24. 1 Pf7, Rd4 ; 2 Ktg4 m. Variation : Bl. play and Wh. m. in II with same
conditions. Unsound. 1 . . , Rh7, 2 Pf7, Rg7 ; or 2 any other, Rf7.
25. See CB 283, 284, 285, where the three varieties are separately diagrammed.
26. 1 Re6 + ; 2 Bb4 m. Variations: (1) Ktf4 on c3. Unsound. 1 Re6 + ,
K x R ; or 1 Rb6 4* , B x R 4- ; or 1 Kc4, Ba6 + ; or 1 Kd3, Kc5 ; 2 Kte4 4- , K x Kt
(2) Ktf4 on c3, Ktd5 fidated. Sound. 1 Kd3, Kc5 ; 2 Kte4 m. (3) not in BS.
Ktf4 on c3, add Wh. Bb3. Sound. 1 Kd3, Kc5 ; 2 Kte4 m. %
27. 1 B x R, B x Kt ; 2 R x B m. If 1 . . , any other ; 2 Ktc7 m.
28. 1 Rf4 + , K x B(c3) ; 2 Kta4 m. Or 1 . . , K x B(e3) ; 2 Ktd5 m.
29. 1 Pg7, Kh7 ; 2 Pg8 = Q m. Cf. CB 23.
30. 1 Kg6 ; 2 Ktd6 m.
31. lRh5; 2Rg8m. Variation. Omit Pd 5. Unsound. 1 Rh5, Bd5 + . Cf. S 9.
32. 1 Pg7 + , Kh7 ; or 1 B x R, Ra5 ; or 1 Rc2, Rc3 ; (or 1 Pf7, R x P+ ; or
1 Pd5, R + ; or 1 Bg7, Ra5 or c5).
33. 1 Kt x R + d, Bf8 + ; 2 R x B 4- , Be8. Or 1 Kt x B 4* d, Be8 4* d ; or 1 Kh7,
Pg8 = Q 4* ; (or 1 KxP, Rf7 4- ). Variation. Bl. may not check with a Pawn.
Sound. 1 Kh7 ; 2 Kt(e8)c7 m.
34. I quote both texts.
BS 2. CB 34.
‘Albi primo trahunt, et pedones albi
et nigri uadunt uno ordine ut signatum
est (to 8th line), et dicunt quod matta-
bunt nigros ad 2 am tractum. Tu defende
nigros quia fieri non potest. Si ipse
caperet militem nigrum de rocco tu trahe
alflnum in A (d5), et si trahat regem
suum inter milites nigros idem facias.
Perspicias quidquid ipse faciat semper
est tibi defensio. Sed aliqui faciunt
istud parti turn tantum de sex scaccis, sc.
rege nigro et duobus militibus, et rocco
albo et duobus militibus albis taliter
stantibus ut hie ponuntur, et tunc mat-
tant albi nigros ad 2 um tractum. Primo
dicitur scac de rocco inter album militem
et regem nigrum. Capiunt eum cum
milite. Tunc dicunt albi scac mat de
milite inferiori. ,
See CB 1 above.
35. BS 9 transposes text position and variation. 1 R x P ; 2 Ktf7 m. or Rb8 m.,
according as Bl. plays. Variation : Pb2 on b3. Unsound. 1 Bf7, Ra2 ; or 1 Bb7,
Ra5 4-; or R on h file, Rh7. (PL 18 adds a further variation: Pb2 on b3. Kt
does not move first move. Mate in III. Unsound. This is diagrammed separately
in PP 100.)
36. 1 B, Q, or Pf7, Rb2 ; or 1 hR on h file or Rcl or c3, Rf7 ; or 1 Kt + d, Rh7.
37. 1 . . , Rg8, and 2 . . , Rg7. Variation: Ral on bl. Sound. 1 . . , Rg8;
2 Rb8, any ; 3 Ktg8 or f7 m.
‘ Pedones uadunt uno ordine ut signa-
tum est (to 8th line) et albi primo trahunt,
et dicunt se uelle mattare nigros in 2°
tractu, quod facere possent si rex albus
staret in cruce (a5), quia tunc daretur
scac de rocco in A (d7). Miles caperet
eum, et de milite mat in B (c6). Sed si
rex albus staret in loco ubi est scriptus,
esset ei scac de milite nigro capiendo
roccum. Vnde omnes tractus examina,
semper invenies defensionem pro nigris
si rex albus stet ibidem. Vnde si uis eum
mattare, ponas in cruce regem tuum ut
predixi.*
'Hap. vii
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
681
38. 1 Rfl, Rf3 ; or 1 B x R, Rh5 ; or 1 Pb7 4- , Ka7 ; or 1 Pc7, P x B; or 1 Bb7,
Eth5 or f 5 ; or 1 Pc5, Ba7. Variations: (1) Omit Pe4. Sound. 1 Pc7 ; 2 Kfcm.
iccordingly. (2) Pc4 on d4. Sound. 1 Pb7 + ; 2 Ktm. accordingly.
39. 1 Ktc4 + , Kd3 ; 2 Rc3 m. ; or 1 . . , R x Kt ; 2 gBdl m. Variations : Wh. B
for Qd7. 1 Ktc4 + , Kd3 ; 2 Rc3 or B m. If 1 . . , R x Kt ; 2 gRdl m.
40. ‘ Nigri primo trabunt, et dicunt quod capient pedonem de dono uel mattabunt
albos in 2° tractu, et alfinus est affidatus. Sed tu cum albis defendas quia non fit.
Et facias eum dicere ante tractum utrum predictorum uelit facere. Si dicat quod
capiet pedonem de dono, non potent quia tu capies roccum suum. Si dicat quod
uelit matt are te, non potent quia cooperies te cum alfino aifidato, et est ei scac.’
Of. CB 19.
41. 1 hRg7 ; 2 Ra8 or g8 accordingly. (BS 10 adds variation in III exactly.
1 Ba8 or h8 + , Kt in ; 2 Rb8 or g8 ; 3 R x Kt m.)
42. 1 Ktg5 + , Rh7 ; 2 Rh2, R x R ; 3 Pg7 m. If 2 . . , R x P ; 3 R x R m. If
2 . . , fRf7 ; 3 Kt x Rm. If 2 . . , Rg8 ; 3 R x R or Ktf7 m. Variation : Re7 and
f8 on f7 and e8. Sound. 1 Ktf4 + d; 2 P x R. Rg8 (if any other; 3 Ktg6m.);
3 P x R = Qm.
43. 1 Ktf5 + d, Rh3 ; 2 Ktd6 ; 3 R x R or Ktf7 m. accordingly. If 1 . . , Rh2 ;
2 RxR+ ; 3RxRm. Variation : Rd2 and e3 on e2 and d3. Unsound.
1 Ktf5 + d, Rh3; 2 Ktd6, RxB; or 2 Ral, bl, cl, Ra3, b3 or c3. (BS 45 has
Bl. Rs on d5, e4, sound, and e5, d4, unsound, with same solutions. The position is
reflected in the MS.).
44. 1 RxR, Rfl; 2 Q x Kt, Rf7 ; 3 KtxR + , Kg7 ; or 3 Ktf5 + , Rh7.
(The BS MSS., probably in error, make Pg2 Black, which allows 1 . . , R x P + , an
equally good defence. S 195 is the CB position.)
45 is the variation of BS 5 (see CB 5 above). 1 Ktg5 4- d, Bh7 ; 2 any, Rf3 + .
If 1 Ktf4 + d, Rh3 ; 2KtxR,Bd3 + . Cf. CB 54.
46. 1 Ra8, or h8, Kt in; 2 Rb8 or f8 ; 3 R x Ktm. This is really the BS
variation to CB 41 above.
47. 1 Rh5, Kd6 ; 2 Kta8, Kc6 ; 3 Rb6 m. All the BS MSS. except BS and It.
give the position as Wh. Rd4, f6, Kte4, e6 ; Bl. Ke5.
48. 1 Ktf8 + d, Rg3 ; 2 Rh7, Rf2 ; 3 RxRm. Variation : Rd3 and e2 on
d2, e3. Unsound. (1 Ktf8 + d, Rg3 ; 2 Rh7, RxB!)
49. 1 Bd3, Bg8 (or R x B; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3Rh8m.); 2 Bf5, Be6 (or R~; 3Ktf7m.);
3 Pg7 m. Cf. PL 68, 73.
50. 1 Rg7, Kf6 ; 2 aRa7 ; 3 Rg6 or a6 m. If 1 . . , Kd6 ; 2 Rc4 ; 3 Rc6 ra.
51. 1 Pf7, Rb4 ; 2 Ktg4 + ; 3 Pf8 = Q m. If 1 . . , Kg7 ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 Rh8 m.
If 1 . . , Rb2 ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 Rh3 m. (Variation to BS 34 = CB 36.)
52. 1 Rc4 ; 2 Kc6 ; 3 Re8 m. Of course 1 Rcl, c2, c3 will do just as well, or
White can begin with the other R. Variation (not in BS) : Black play first. Unsound.
53. (BS 62, all one file to the right) 1 Re6 ; 2 Kb7 ; 3 R(b6)d6 m. Variation:
Rb6 on b5. Said to be unsound (BS 62 ‘ Sed quia istud partitum est ualde com-
mune, pone unum roccum in punctum (c5 in BS figure), alio stante in C (e6), et
non poterit mattari ad 3 um tractum, quolibet faciente suum licet scientibus uideatur
prima facie quod fieri possit ’). BS is right, CB wrong. See Arch. 13; D 1 ; Picc.
84 ; C 88, &c.
54. 1 Ktg5 + , Rh3 ; 2 Kel or gl ; 3 Pg7 or Ktf7 m. accordingly. If 1 . . ,
Bh3 + ; 2 R x B + ; 3 Pg7 or Ktf7 m. If 1 . . , Bh7 ; 2 B x R, &c. Variation :
Rh2 on hi. Unsound. 1 Ktg5 + , Rh3 ; 2 K~, R x R + ; and if 2 any other, Bd3 + .
55. 1 Bg7, Rel, the only move for 1 . . , R x B; 2 Ktf5 + and m. next move,
and 1 . . , any other ; 2 B~, and m. next move. 1 Rh3, 4, or 5, Rb6 ! abandoning
powers of intervention. BS 64 ends * Ludas istum ludum subtiliter quia subtilis est'.
56. 1 Kf5, Rb3 ; 2 Rc3, R x R ; 3 Ktf7 m. If 1 . . , Rh7 ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Ktf7m.
If 1 . . , Rf7 ; 2 Ktg4 + ; 3 Pg7 m. If 1 . . , R on b file ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Ktg4 m.
57. ‘ Albi primo trahunt, et pedo est inmobilis, sed quilibet de aliis tribus facit
suum tractum, et mattabunt regem nigrum in 3° tractu, et alfinus niger numquain
mouetur nisi capiendo. Vnde tu cum albis trahe roccum in A (e2). Ipse capiet
Digitized by Google
682
CHESS IN EUROPE
i^r
euro. Tralie regem ubi eiat roccus. Alfinus non potest ei dare scae j
mouetur nisi possit capere. Vnde ipse trabet regem, et tu dabis el mat d- ^
rocco.* All the MSS. except G omit the P. G 68 places a red P on gL \sz
not notice that then 2 BxP+ is possible, and there is no solution in ILL
58. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 RxRm. Or White may begin 1 Ra8 -4-
59. 1 Kc6 ; 2 Ra5 ; 3 Re8 or a8 m., according as Bl. plays.
60. (CB omits the condition mate with the Pawn.) 1 Ke6, any ; 2 l'
3 Pd6 m. Variation: Be8 is White. Unsound. 1 Ke6, Kc7 ; 2 Ktc6 T R x B-
if the condition m. with P is omitted, there is a m. in III by 2 Pd6 + ; 3 Ktrii
61. 1 Ktf5 + ; 2 Rh6, RxR; 3 Qg7 m. (BS 36 adds variation : Eb? .
fidated. There is now a second solution : 1 Qg7 + ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 Pg7 ru. )
62. 1 Bf5, Kc8 (or e8) ; 2 Rb5 (or f6), Kd8 ; 3 Rb8 (or f8) m. according^
63. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rcl, Kd8 (or R + R ; 3 Rc8 m) ; 3 R x R m.
64. 1 Bh6 + , Kt x R ; 2 K x B, Rc8. If 1 P x B, Rc8 ‘ quod est fere seti
defensio in isto partito'. Cf. CB 13 in II.
65. 1 Ktc5 + , Ra7 ; 2 Pb7 + , Q x P ; 3 P x Q m. RS 38 has Ra2 on aS.
66. 1 Rhl, Re7 ; 2 P x R, any ; 3 Ktf7 m. If 1 . . , Rh7 ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Er:'.
If 1 . . , R on 3rd line or dl or d2, or R on 7th line except e7 and h7 ; 2 Rid '
&c. If 1 . . , Rh3 ; 2 R x R, &c. If 1 . . , R(d3)d4 ; 2 Ktg4 + , &c. If 3
R(d3) d5 or d6 or R(d7) on d file ; 2 Ktg4 or f5 + , Ac.
67. Black must either be able to interpose both Rooks, or neither g£ li
1 Rh4 or h5, Rd2 or e2. If 1 B(d5)~, Rb6.
68. 1 R x B, Rh7 ; 2 Rf8 + , Kg7 ; 3 Rg8 m. If 1 . . , Ra8 or b8 ; 2 Kx
Rh7 ; 3 R x R m.
69. 1 Rc2, Rh7 ! ; 2 Ktg7, Ra8 (or R x R ; 3 Rc8 m., oraRx Kt ; 3 PxEl
3 RxRm. Variation: Re2 on g2. Other solutions aie now possible:
1 Pg7 + , Kh7 ; 2 Pg8 = Q, Kh6; 3 Ktg7 m. If 1 . . , R x P ; 2PxR + ,r
(or Kh7 ; 3 Ktf6 m.) ; 3 Kt x R m. 1 Est subtilis ludus.*
70. 1 Ral, Rg7 ;2RxR, RxP+; or2PxR,KxP. If 1 R on h fik, 1
(The conditions shut out 1 Ktf5 + ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 P x R m., as in PL 119.) ‘L-
est subtilis.*
71. I give the texts from both collections.
BS 43.
‘ AIbi primo trahunt et uolunt mattare
nigros ad 3 um ti actum, et posset fieri si
pedo niger staret in puncto (b4). Sed
sic stando defendet. Melior tractus quern
habent albi est ti*ahere roccum in A (cl)
et tunc defendunt se nigri trahendo suum
roccum in punctum (b4) ad dicendum 2°
scac regi albo, vude si staret pedo in
puncto non defenderetur. Sed ponamus
quod sic stante pedone roccus traheretur
in C (fl) uel in B (dl). uel rex albus
caperet altiuum, ad istos 3 tractus unam
habeas defensionem. sc. trahendo roccum
tuura nigrum in crucem (h7), et postea
leuiter uidebis defensionem finalem. Si
uadat cum rocco albo in angulum primo
tractu, tu trabas roccum tuum contra
suum. Item si primitus trahat alium
roccum iuxta militein, tu trahe tuum
roccum iu crucem. Lude subtiliter cum
albis si }xx3o stet in piuicto, trahendo
lx^ccum iu A, et uidebis qucxl nou erit
defensio quae fiat in 3° tractu/
CB 71.
4 Albi primo trahunt et dicunt se ^
mattare nigros in 3° tractu tantum.
nigros defende quia non fit. Ipse trc*
in A (cl), et tu trahas roccum tmc
punctum (b4). Si tunc tr&has in B ^
ipse trahet alfinum suum in C (hi\
poterit mattare in 3°. Sed si staret re-
niger in puncto (b4), mattaretur tiuBfi.
in A. Si tunc ipse in D (g7), tn
ei scac de rocco qui stat in A et si
de milite. Plures sunt inuasioijr- (
defensiones. Si bene notes prakt J
similiter omnibus tu paruo studio potc^
certificari/
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
683
72. (BS 39 transposes text position and variation.) 1 Ktc4 + ; 2 P x R ;
3 Ktb6 m. Variation : Rh6 on d8 (BS text has also Rg7 on d7). 1 Ktc4 + ;
2 P x R, Rb8 (if any other: 3 Ktb6 m.) ; 3 P x R =Q m.
73. 1 Ktg5 + ; 2 Rf6 + ; 3 Rd6 m.
74. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rh6 + ; 3 Bd3 m.
75. 1 Re7 + , Kd8 ; 2 Rd7 + ; 3 Pf7 m. If 1 . . , Kt or Q x R ; 2 Pf7 + ;
3 Kte6 m.
76. If 1 Pe7 + , Ke8, and 2 . . , Ra6. (2 Ktg6, R x Q + .) If 1 Pf7, Rh4.
77. 1 Bg5, Ra6; 2 Pc7 + , K~. Variations: Ra2, f2 on a3, fl. Still unsound.
Obviously the same defence is possible. (A later hand has added Wh. Bg3 and Bl.
Pa5 to the diagram in R, which makes the problem sound by preventing 1 . . , Ra6.)
This is Alf. 78.
78. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Re6 m.
79. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Rh2 ; 3 R m.
80. 1 Pg7 + ; 2 Ktf4 + ; 3 R x R m. (Moves 1 and 2 can be transposed.)
81. 1 Rd3 + ; 2 Bc8 + ; 3 Rd6 m.
82. 1 Pc8 «= Q, Q x Q ; 2 Pg7; 3 Bm. If 1 . . , B x R ; 2 Pg7 ; 3 B m. or Qd7 m.
accordingly. If 1 . . , Qg7, Rel or Rh4 ; 2 Kt x Q + ; 3 Re 8 m.
83. 1 Ktb3 + , B x R or Bc7 or Rc6 ; 2 Kt x Kt ; 3 Kt x R or Pb7 m. accordingly.
If 1 . . , Ktc6 + or Ktc4 ; 2 R x Kt + ; 3 Pb7 m.
84. 1 Ktc5 + ; 2 Qd6 ; 3 Ra8 m.
85. 1 Bd3, Ke6 ; 2 Kc5, Ke5 ; 3 Re7 m. If 1 . . , Kc6 ; 2 Ke5, Kc5 ; 3 Rc7 m.
86. 1 Qc5 ; 2 Ra7 ; 3 Re7 m.
87. 1 Ktg5, Re2 ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 R x B m. If 1 . . , any other ; 2 Bf5 ; 3 R or
Kt m. accordingly.
88. 1 B x R ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh8 m.
89. 1 Kc6 ; 2 Rd2 (or dl); Re8 m.
90. 1 Ra4, Ke3 (c3); 2 Rf8 (b7), Kd3 ; 3 Rf3 (b3) m.
91. 1 Kte7 ; 2 Rh3 ; 3 Re3 m.
92. 1 Ktg4 x ; 2 Kth6 ; 3 R x R or Ktf7 m. accordingly.
93. 1 Rhl, Re7 ; 2 P x R ; 3 Ktf7 m. (If 1 . . , Rc2 ; 2 Bc7, &c. If 1 . . ,
R elsewhere on c file ; 2 Ktg4 + ; 3 R x R m. If 1 . . , Rb2 ; 2 B x R, &c. If 1 . . ,
Rb3 ; 2 B x R or Bg3, &c. If 1 . . , Rb4 ; 2 Ktg4 + . If 1 . . , R elsewhere on b
file ; 2 Ktf5 or g4 + ; 3 R x R m. If 1 . . , Rh3 ; 2 R x R ; 3 Ktf7 m. If 1 . . ,
R on 3rdrow ; 2 Ktf5 + ; 3 R x R m.) BS 67 has Rh2 on hi.
94. 1 Re3 + ; 2 Be7 ; 3 Pg4 m.
95. 1 Kth6 + ; 2 Pg8 = Q + ; 3 Qg5 + ; 4 Ktf4 m.
96. 1 Kth7 + ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 R m. accordingly.
97. 1 Ktb2 + ; 2 Ktdl + ; 3 R x R ; 4 P x P m.
98. 1 Ra7 + ; 2 Re6 + ; 3 Rd7 + ; 4 Be2 m.
99. 1 Pc3 ; 2 Rc4 ; 3 Kc2 ; 4 Ra4 m.
100. (BS 75 moves everything one file to the left ; the CB position is probably
the older.) 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Qf6 + ; 3 Rel + ; 4 Bf4 m.
101. 1 Rh6 + ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 Qf6 + ; 4 R m.
102. 1 Rg4 ; 2 Rc3 + ; 3 Rd3 (a3 or b3) ; 4 Rf3 m.
103. 1 Kte7 + ; 2 Rcl + , Ktc7 (or Rc7; 3 RxR + ; 4 Pd7 m.); 3 Pd7 + ;
4 P x R m.
104. 1 Kd4 ; 2 Kd5 ; 3 Kc6 (e6), Kc8 (e8) ; 4 R m. accordingly.
105. 1 Re6 + ; 2 Ktd5 + , Kc8 ; 3 Rb6 ; 4 Rb8m. If 2 . . , Kd8 ; 3 Re7;
4 Re 8 m. If 2 . . , Kb8 ; 3 Ra6 ; 4 Ra8 m.
106. 1 Ktf6; 2 Ktc6 + ; 3 Ktd5; 4 Rc7 m.
107. 1 Pg7 + ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 Rf8 m.
108. ‘Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt regem nigrum ad 4 um tractum de pedone
eunte. Fac taliter. Primo da scac de alfino, et iterum scac de rocco in A (g4), et
in B (h4), et 4° dabis mat de pedone.’
109. 1 Re7 + ; 2 Pd7 + ; 3 Kt(c4)d6+, Kt x Kt (or RxKt; 4 Ktc7m.);
4 P x R m.
Digitized by t^oosle
684
CHESS IN EUROPE
FiXE _
110. 1 Rd2, Kc8 (e8) ; 2 Kc6 (e6), Kb8 (f8) ; 3 Ra2 (g2), Kc8 (e8) : 4 L
(g8) m.
111.1 Qb7 ; 2 Qc8 ; 3 Qa 7 ; 4 Qb7 m. Cf. Alf. 77.
1 12. 1 Rb2, Pal - Q ; 2 Ra2 + , Qa3 ; 3 B x Q, Ka7 ; 4 Bc5 m.
113. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 P x R, Pf5 ; 4 Pd7 m.
* 114. 1 Ktc6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Re8 or h7 (if Rf8 or g8 ; 3 Rc8 + , L i -
And if Rh6 ; 3 Rf6. If R elsewhere on h file ; 3 R opposite R ) ; 3 Re7. lt
4 Pc7m. Variations: (1) Rh8 on 18, Re6
2 P x Kt, R x R ; 3 PxR, stalemate. (2
1 Ktc6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Re6 + ; 3 1
115. (BS 97 places Ka6 on a5, Pa5 on
BS 97.
4 Albi primo trahuut et mattabunt nigroe
ad 4 um tractum uel pauciores. Trabe
alfinum in A (f5) et est scac discooper-
tum. Si moueat regem, scac de rocco in
augulo et postea scac de pedone et mat
de milite. Si cooperiat se de rocco in-
feriori cape earn et postea trabe pedonem
in B (f7), et mat de alio pedone. Si
cooperiat se de rocco superiore, quod est
melius, adbuc trabe pedonem in B, et mat
de alio. Melius, diii, quia si non esset
pedo iuxta regem, uel roccus inferior
staret in puncto (c2), nullo modo mat-
taretur ad 4®“ tractum uel minus. Istud
subtile parti turn est/
on f7. Unsound, for 1 Ktc6 + , Kt + 1
l) Rb8 on e8, Re6 on f7. Unsound, u
i~ 9 R x P. C£ BS 94 above.
a4.) I give both texts.
CB 115.
4 Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt zis .
in 4° tract u uel paucioribus. Fac ta~-±
Trabe alfinum in A (IB). Si coopers
se in B (b2), cape eum et da scac, sk :
si cooperiat se, trabe pedonem in C ‘ i
4° dabis ei mat. Uel si nolit cooper-
se de suo rocco, cape eum de alfii£ f
erit mat. Si autem in principio in.
cooperiat se de aliquo, sed trabat re^c
tunc da ei scac in augulo. Ipse caf^
eum. Tunc scac de pedone et mat
milite. Si autem stare t roccus puncu^
in cruce (Rb2 on c2) non mattaretur -
4° tractu, quia cooperiret se de noi
superiore, et post paululum duceret reg*
album dicendo scac, et scac prolans*
retur Indus.’
116. (BS 77 bas Kta3 on a7.) 1 Ktbo + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Pb7 + ; 4 Pc7 m. 1
117. 1 Bf5 + ; 2 Rb8 + ; 3 Pg7 + ; 4 Ktb6 m. 1
118. 1 Ktf6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Ra6 ; 3 any, R + . Variation : Pc6 on K 1
Sound. 1 Ktf6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 Px Kt, Ra6 ; 3 Rc6, any ; 4 Pf7 m. 1
119. (BS 94 moves tiles b-f one to right.) 1 Rc8 + , R x R ; 2 Ktc6 + , R x K-
3 PxK, Kte6 saves it. If 1 Kte6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Ra2 ; 3 Pd3, Re2 ; or :
3^, 1\ x P+ saves it. 94 adds Variations : (1) Omit Ps £1, e2, d3 in its settL,
l'n sound. 1 Ktf6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Ra6 ; 3 any, R + . (2) Omit the s tzs
three Ps and place Pc 6 ou b6. Now sound. 1 KtfB + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Eac
3 Red. any : 4 PfT m. These variations are really CB 118.)
120. 1 Kt v d4 V6 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 P x Kt, Rf7. Kow 3 Kt x R is mate ; 3Px:»
is stalemate CB, BS) : and 3 any other, allows R x Q or Rf6 + , sani:
the mate in IV.
121. 1 RxB + ; 2 Re7 + , QxK yor KdS, 3 Kd7 + ; 4 Pf7 m.); 3 PfTx
4 Ktco m.
122. 1 KxP-. PxR; 2 Ktd4 + , Ka2 (or Ka3; 3Ktc5m.); 3Bc4 + .Kw
V'r KxQ; 4 Ktb3 m/t ; 4 Ktcom. Or 1 . . , KtxR; 2 Ktd4 + ; 3 Pc4 +
4 KtbS m. It 1 . . , Ka2 ; 2 Ktc3 + ; 3 R x Bin. If 1.., Kc2; 2 Ktd4«r
5 Ktco m.
123. 1 R/.d. 1V4. e5. or g4 : 2 K::7 + ; 3 Rbo : 4 RbS or JS m accordingly
If 1 . . . K;> : 2 RdS. Rc> ^or K;L2 or Rb3 ; 3 K x E or Kt ; 4 Ktf7 el)
3 R x R ; 4 K::7 cr li x R m.
124. Mate m IV by 1 K::d^: 2 Fc4 + ; 3 + ; 4 Rdd + ; 5 Q(b7)c6 b.
Sr'.:xvr;e in IV by 1 K;:'d - ; 2 Kao • : 3 Pc4 - ; 4 Rfo - . B x K * et dant mat reg
a/.o t v'mt \
125. 1 R. S- ; 2 Rc7 - : 3 Ra7 • : 4 K:cd-: 5 Rb-5 m.
Digitized by Google
AP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
685
126. 1 Ktg4 + ; 2 Kf7 ; 3 Kte5 ; 4 Ktg6 + ; 5 Bf5 m. Variation : Rh3 on hi.
nsortnd, for 1 Ktg4 + , Bh2 !
127. 1 Ktb4 ; 2 Ktc6 ; 3 Rh7 ; 4 Re7 + ; 5 Bd6 or h6 m.
* 1 28. 1 Re4 + ; 2 Rc4 + ; 3 Rc2 + ; 4 Ktb3 + ; 5 Bd3 m.
1 29. 1 Pa4 ; 2 Qf4 ; 3 Rg6 ; 4 Q(b6)c5 + ; 5 Ba3 or e3 m. Variations :
) Pa3 a Q. (2) R immovable. Both unsound.
130. ‘Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt nigros ad S™ 01 tractum uel pauciores. Da
ac discoopertum de alfino in A (c4). Si cooperiat se in B (a3), cape eum et da
ac. Si non, trahe alfinum in C (e6) quam cito poteris. Si trahat roccum suum in
(c8), cape eum de alfino, et erit mat de rocco. Si trahat alibi, mattabitur semper
i 5° tractu tan turn. Si pedo niger non esset, defenditur.*
131. 1 Ktf6 + ; 2 Kte3 + ; 3R(fl)gl + ; 4Pe6 + ; 2PxKtm.
1 32. (BS 98 has Rb3 and c2 on b2 and c3.) 1 Bf5 + , Rh2 (Kg8 is m. in IV and
h3 is m. in V) ; 2 R x R + , Rh3 (Kg8 is m. in V) ; 3 R x R + , Kg8 ; if now the
’ goes to d8 (Bl. has to choose before playing), 4 Bd7, Kf8 ; 5 Rh8m. If to dl,
Rb3 or c3 ; 5 R m.
133. 1 Qf5 ; 2 Qf2 ; 3 Rhl ; 4 Rh2 ; 5 Rf2 m.
134. 1 Pc7 ; 2 Pf7 ; 3 Be6 (or a6) + ; 4 Pc8 = Q + ; 5 Q(b6)c7 m.
1 35. 1 Re7 ; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Kb6 ; 5 Bd6 m. Variations : (1) Rg7 on h 1.
Rbl ; 2 Ral +; 3 Ra8 + , &c. (2) Rg7 on cl, c2, c3, c4, or c5. 1 Kc7, Ka7 ;
\ Kc6, Kb8 (if Ka6 ; 3 Rc5 or b5, &c. ; and if Ka8 ; 3 R on b file, &c.) ; 3 Kb6,
Ca8 ; 4 R on a file + , Kb8 ; 5 Bd6 m.
136. *Est tractus pro tractu, et si rex niger claudatur quod non possit trahere,
ilbi perdunt ' (which is omitted in the BS 108 text). 1 Ktf6 (c3) ; 2 Ktd5, Ka7 ! ;
i Kte7 ; 4 Ktc8 ; 5 Ktb6 m.
137. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Bf4 ; 3 BxR; 4 Bf 4 ; 5 Bd6 m. Variation: Pb3 on b4.
[Jnsound, for 3 . . , Pb5 and Bl. is stalemate (‘ et essent nigri clausi ’).
138. 1 Rh8 + ; 2Rf8 + ; 3Rg5 + ; 4Qh6; 5 Rh8 m.
139. 1 Ra8 + ; 2 Rc8 + ; 3 Ktc4 +; 4 Rd8 + ; 5 Pe7 m. Variation : Rf3 white.
The same solution holds.
140. * Albi primo trahunt, et mattabunt nigros in 6° tractu uel paucioribus, et
rex niger semper mouebitur quamdiu poterit, et quum clausus erit pedo niger
trahetur. Et fit taliter. Primo datur ei scac de pedone in A (e7). Si ipse uadat
in B (e8), uadat rex albus ubi erat pedo, et erit mattus in 5° tractu. Sed ipse ibit
in C (g8), et tu fac reginam. Si reuertatur, mattus erit in 2 obas tractibus. Sed
ipse ibit in angulum, et tu de rege in D (f7), et in E (fi8), et reginam in C, et mat de
pedone.*
141. 1 Rhl + ; 2 Kte5 ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 Kf5 ; 5 Rh7 ; 6 Rd7 m.
142. ‘ De pedone eunte.* lKtd4+; 2Rd7 + ; 3Rd5 + ; 4Kte6 + ; 5Ph3+;
6 Pg3 m.
143. 1 Ktg4 ; 2 Kt(g4)f2 ; 3 Ktf4 + , Kh6 ; 4 Ktg4 + ; 5 Ktf6 + ; 6 Rg6 m.
144. 1 Bd6 + ; 2 Kt(c5)d7 + ; 3 Rf7 + ; 4 Ktd7 + ; 5 PxR + ; 6 Pg6 m.
145. 1 Rhl + ; 2 Ktf6 ; 3 Ktg6 + ; 4Rh7 + ; 5Qf5 + ; 6 Rh5 m.
146. 1 Re7 + ; 2 Ktd7 + ; 3 Be6-f ; 4 Re8 + ; 5 Ktf8 + ; 6 Qg7 m.
147. 1 Pb7 + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Rc8 + ; 5 Qc5 + ; 6 Pc4 m.
148. 1 Bf5 + , Rh2 ; 2 RxR+, Rh3 ; 3 RxR + , Kg8 ; 4 Rh8 + ; 5 Pg7+;
6 Kth6 m.
149. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Ktd5 ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Kd6 ; 5 Rb8 ; 6 Rb4 m.
150. (BS 119 omits Rfl, which allows several solutions in VI.) 1 R x R, Kd4 ;
2 Rf5, Ke4 ; 3 R(cl)c5, Kd3 ; 4 Rb5, K on 4th row (if on 3rd row, Bl. mates in
VI) ; 5 K opposite K ; 6 R~, and 7 R m. Variation : ‘ Et est magisterium mattare te
in 7° uel paucioribus, si excipiatur quod non debeas mattari ad aliquid latus scacarii,
quia hoc leuiter fieret stantibus omnibus ut in principio/ The condition is to
exclude 1 Re2 ; 2 Kd2 ; 3 Kd3 ; 4 Kd4 ; 5 Kd5 ; 6 Ke6 ; 7 Rc8 m.
151. 1 Rd7 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Re8 ; 4 Re5 ; 5 Rh5 + ; 6 Be6 m.
152. 1 Rhl + ; 2 Rh7 + ; 3 Rf7 + ; 4 Rf5 + ; 5 Rd5 + ; 6 Rd3 m. A simplified
version of Ar. 86.
Digitized by
Google
686
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
153. 1 Qb5 ; 2 Bfl ; 3 Qb 6 + ; 4 Ra7 + ; 5 Qc5 + ; 6 Bd3 m.
154. 1 Rc7 ; 2 Pb 6 ; 3 Ktb4 ; 4 Bd 6 + ; 5 Rc 8 + ; 6 Rb 8 m.
155. 1 • . , Hal ; 2 Kc 2 or e 2 , Kte 4 + ; 3 K~, R + , and can give four more checks
postponing the inevitable mate to the 7th move.
156. 1 Rh7 + ; 2 Rf7+; 3 Ktg 6 + ; 4 Re7 + ; 5 Pd5+; 6 PxKtm.
157. 1 Rhl + ; 2 Kte5 ; 3Rh8 + ; 4 Kf5 ; 5 Rb7 ; 6 Rd 7 m. We must add
the condition, omitted in both CB and BS, mate on d5.
158. 1 Rb4 + ; 2 Rb 5 + ; 3 Rc5+; 4 Rb 6 + ; 5 Ra 6 + ; 6 Rcl or c3 m.
accordingly.
159. 1 Rf7 ; 2 Pg4 ; 3 Pg5 ; 4 Be 6 + ; 5 Rf 8 + ; 6 Rg 8 m.
160. 1 Qa5, Kc5 (or Kd4 ; 2 Re3, &c.) ; 2 Rf 6 ; 3 Re3 ; 4 Rd3 or d 6 ; 5 the
other R to d 6 or d3 ; 6 B + ; 7 other B m.
161. (BS 131 has Qa 8 on f 8 , and, omitting the condition the Q is a new Q.
makes the problem unsound. It adds the variation : Qf 8 new, which is the CB
problem.) ‘ Nigri primo trahunt, et dicunt albi quod mattabunt nigros uel cap rent
roccum ad 7 um tractum uel pauciores, et est regina noua, qui potest in principio
facere unum tractum uel duos saltando. Ynde tu cum albis uinces, quia considerabis
si ipse trahat in B (bl), et tunc facias unum tractum de regina. Si primo in A (b2).
tunc saltabis more aliini, quia ipse, si erit ausus exire A et B, ne forte mattaretur
uel perderet roccum, et tu uenies cum regina secundum puncta (g7, f 6 , e5, d4, c3).
Et cum regina tua erit in uicino puncto, si ipse traheret in A, perdet. Si ubi modo
stat, tu trahas regem in C (a 6 ), et tunc necessario perdet roccum uel audiet scac mat
in 7° tractu.’
162. 1 Q(g 8 )g 6 ; 2 Q(d8)e7 ; 3 Q(e 8 )e 6 ; 4 Q(f 8 )h 6 ; 5 Q(e7)f6 ; 6 Q(e6)f7 + :
7 Q(h6)g7 m.
163. 1 Bc 6 + ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 RxR+; 4Ktd6 + ; 5 R x R+ ; 6 Qg7 + ; 7 Ph 7 m.
164. 1 Re4 ; 2 R(c8)c4 ; 3 Kc 8 ; 4 Kb 8 ; 5 Kb7, Kd5 !; 6 Kb 6 ; 7 R(c4)d4 m.
165. 1 Ra 8 + ; 2 Rh 8 + ; 3Pe7 + ; 4Pd7 + ; 5Pe8-Q+; 6Rh7 + ; 7 Qf7 m.
166. 1 Re5 ; 2 Ktd3 ; 3 Ktf 2 ; 4 Ktg4 ; 5 Kth 6 ; 6 Ktf7 + ; 7 Qc 6 m.
167. 1 Rhl + ; 2 Rh 6 ; 3Pg7 + ; 4Bf5 + ; 5Rg3+; 6Rg5+; 7 Pg 3 m.
168. 1 Kb 6 ; 2 R(h 2 )c 2 ; 3 Pc5 ; 4 Pc 6 ; 5 Ra 2 + ; 6 Pc4 + ; 7 Pc5 in.
169. 1 Ra 8 + ; 2 Kte5 ; 3 Rh 8 + ; 4 Ke 6 ; 5 Rg 8 ; 6 Pf3 + ; 7 Pg3 m.
170. (BS 139 and all BS MSS. omit Kg 3 .) 1 Rc 6 + ; 2Bb5 + ; 3 Pa7 ;
4 Kth 6 + ; 5 Bd3 ; 6 Bb 5 + ; 7 Bc 5 m.
171. 1 Rbl ; 2 Bd 6 ; 3 Ktc4 ; 4 Kta5 ; 5 Ktb7 ; 6 Ktc5 ; 7 Ral m.
172. 1 Rh 8 + , Ka7 (b7); 2 Ra 6 + ; 3 R(a 6 )a 8 ; 4 Bc5 ; 5 R(h 8 )b 8 ; 6 Pb 6
(Pe 6 ) + ; 7 Pe 6 (Pb 6 ) m.
173. 1 Rb5 ; 2 Rc 8 ; 3 Pa5 ; 4 Kc5 ; 5 Ii(b5)b8 ; 6 Ra 8 + ; 7 Pa 6 m.
174. (BS 1 43 adds the useless condition, Wh. must check every move.) 1 Ktf3 + ;
2 Pe5 + ; 3 Rd3 + ; 4 Pc5 + ; 5 Kte 6 + ; 6 Rf4 + ; 7 Bf 2 m.
175. 1 Rd 6 ; 2 Px P; 3 Rf 6 ; 4 Re 6 + , 5 Bb5; 6 Bg5 ; 7 Pd7 m.
176. 1 Rc5 + ; 2 Pc3 + ; 3 Qc 2 + ; 4 Rd5 + ; 5 Rdl + ; 6 Rbl + ; 7 Bc4 m.
177. 1 Rc 6 ; 2 Rh7 ; 3 Qc 8 ; 4 Qb7 ; 5 Qa 6 ; 6 Rh 8 + ; 7 Bc5 m.
178. 1 Bh 6 + ; 2 Qx Kt + d; 3 Rd 2 + ; 4 Re 2 + ; 5 Rd 2 + ; 6 Re 2 + ; 7 Bf4m.
The four R-moves to convert a mate in III to one in VII moves are curious. There
seems no reason why one should not go on longer.
179. (BS 149 places Ka 8 on b 8 and gives the move to Bl. ; Wh. then mates in
VIII as in CB.) 1 Ktb5 ; 2 Ktd4 ; 3 Ktc 2 ; 4 Ktb4 ; 5 Kc7 ; 6 Qc 6 ; 7 Qb7 + ;
8 Ktc 6 m.
180. 1 Qe 6 ; 2 Qf5 ; 3 Qe4 ; 4 Qd3 ; 5 Qc4 ; 6 Qb5 ; 7 Qc 6 ; 8 Qb7,
P x Q m.
181. 1 Ra 8 + , Rc 8 ; 2 RxR+,RxR; 3 Rx E + j 4 Re 8 + ; 5 Re 6 + 56 Rg 6 + 5
7 Pg4 + ; 8 P x Kt m.
182. 1 P x P+ ; 2 Pf7 + ; 3 Rh 8 + ; 4 Rg 8 + ; 5 Rg 6 + ; 6 Ktf 6 + ; 7 Ktf3 + ;
8 Bf5 m.
183. lRg 8 + ; 2 Rc 8 + ; 3 Rc 6 + ; 4Re6 + ; 5Rg4 + ; 6Ktd5+; 7Qc3 + ;
8 Ktd3 m.
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
687
184. 1 Ra7 ; 2 Ktb8, Kc8 ; 3 Ktd7 ; 4 Ktb6 ; 5 Rd7 ; 6 Ktd5 ; 7 Ktf6 + ;
8 B m. If 2 . . , Ke8 ; 3 Rd7 ; 4 Ktc6 ; 5 Kte5 ; 6 Ktg4 ; 7 Ktf6 + ; 8 B m.
185. I give both texts. Btoth diagrams have A g7, B f7, C e8, D d8, E c7, F b7,
Gb3, Hcl. CB has a dot on b5, and a cross on £3 ; BS, a second F on b5, and
a dot on f3.
BS 155.
‘Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt
nigros ad 8 am tractum. Fac taliter.
Da ista 6 scac de militibus secundum
ordinem alphabeti. Tunc de regina scac
in G, et de alfino mat in H. Sed dato
quod alfinus stet in puncto uel tollatur
de medio, adhuc mattatur rex niger ad
8 uxn tractum, et debetur istud parlitum
scribi litteris aureis . Da scac de milite
in A, et de alio in B, de primo in C, de
secundo in D, et de primo in E. Tunc
trahe subtilissimum tractum reginam, sc.
in F. Si non capiat earn mattus est. Si
capiat earn, trahe regem tuum in G, et
dabis mat de milite in F.'
186. (BS 148 has Rbl on b2.) 1 Bb7 ; 2 Kc6 ; 3 Kc7 ; 4 Bc5 ; 5 Rb2 ;
6 Ra2 + , Qa3 ; 7 B x Q ; 8 Bc5 m.
187. 1 Rb3 ; 2 Rb8 + ; 3 Rf5 ; 4 R(b8)f8 ; 5 Qe5 ; 6 Pd4 ; 7 Qd6 + ; 8 Pd5 m.
188. 1 Kte2 ; 2 Ktf4; 3 Ktd5 ; 4 Hal ; 5 Ra8 + ; 6 Kc5 ; 7 Ra7 ; 8 Re7 m.
189. (BS 157 makes one problem of this and the following, CB 190 being the
text position, and CB 189, * sed iste ludus reputatur curialior a quibusdam si ponatur
pedo albus tendens versus A (f7) et B (18) in loco ubi stat rex albus, et rex albus in
puncto rubeo (g6), et pedo niger in puncto nigro (g5) uadens ut signatum est
(to g8)\ the variation.) 1 Pf7+ ; 2 Pf8 = Q ; 3 Qh8; 4 Kf7 ; 5 Kf8 ; 6 Kf7 ;
7 Kf8 ; 8 Qf6 ; 9 Qg7 m.
190. 1 Qli8, Pg5 + (if K x Q ; 2 Kf7 ; 3 Kf8 ; 4 Qf6 ; 5 Q x P m.) ; 2 Kg6 ;
3 Kf7 ; 4 Kf8 ; 5 Kf7 ; 6 Kf8 ; 7 Qf6 ; 8 Qg7 m.
191. 1 Be6; 2 Qc6 ; 3Bd6 + ; 4 Kb5 ; 5 Bf4, Ka8 (or Kl>8 ; 6 Kb6 ; 7 Qb7 + ;
8 Bd6 m.) ; 6 Ka6 ; 7 Kb6 ; 8 Qb7 + ; 9 Bd6 m.
192. 1 Rdl ; 2 Kf6 ; 3 Rd8 + ; 4 Bf5 + ; 5 Bd7 ; 6 Rh7 + ; 7 R(h7)l»3 ; 8 Pg3 + ;
9 Pf3 m.
193. 1 Pb6 ; 2 Bf5 + ; 3 Bc6 ; 4 Pb7 ; 5Pb8 = Q; 6Qd6; 7 Qe7 ; 8Qf6;
9 Qg7 m.
194. 1 Bc8 + , Kf5 ; 2Kf7,Pg8 = Q + ; 3 K x Q, Kg6 ; 4 Kh8, Pf7 ; 5B~,Pd7;
6 any, Pd8 = Q, &c. Or 4 Kf8, Pf7 ; 5 B~, Kf6 ; 6 any, Pd7 ; 7 any, Pd8 = Q, &c.
Or 3 Kf8, Pf7 ; 4 Kg7, Pd7 ; 5 any, Pd8 = Q, &c.
195. 1 Rg3 + ; 2 Rh3 + ; 3 Pg4 + ; 4 Pg3 + ; 5 Rhl + ; 6 Pf 3 + ; 7 Pg2 + ;
8 Ktg4 + ; 9 Ktf2 + ; 10 Bf4 m.
196. 1 Ba8 + ; 2 Ra2 + ; 3 Bel + ; 4 Rdl + ; 5 Rd3 + ; 6 Ra4 + ; 7 Rd5 + ;
8Ra6 + ; 9 Rd7 + ; 10 Bd6 m.
197. 1 Kte6 + ; 2 Qe5 ; 3 Qf6 ; 4 Re3 ; 5 Qe7 + ; 6 Ke6 ; 7 Pd4 ; 8 Pd5 ;
9 Pd6 ; 10 Pd7 m.
198. * Albi primo trahunt, et mattabunt regem nigrum uel omnes 3 pedones fient
regine ad 10 ^ tractum uel pauciores. Da scac in A (c7). Si uadat in augulum,
da scac de alio pedone, et fac eum reginam, et trahe earn in B (d6 — a leap over an
occupied square). Et fac aliam reginam, et trahe earn in C (c6). Tunc trahe regem
in D (b6) quam cito poteris, et trahe pedonem, et dabis ei mat, uel facies reginam
iu 10° tractu uel paucioribus. Item si primo suo tractu uadat in E (c8), trahe
regem tuum in F (c5). Tunc fac extremum pedonem reginam in angulo, et trahe
CB 185.
‘Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt
nigros ad tractum. Tu cum albis
trahe milites alternatim usque in F, et
scac de regina in G, et mat de alfino in
H. Sed si alfinus stet iu cruce, uel
prorsus non sit adhuc, fit in 8° tractu,
et time est jmlcherrimum partitum, et
incipitur sicut primus donee miles sit in
E. Tunc trahitur regina in punctum.
Si non capiat earn de pedone, mattus est
de milite. Si capiat earn, trahe regem
in G, et similiter est mattus de milite.*
Digitized by Google
688
CHESS IN EUROPE
Fir :l
earn in G (b7), et leuiter uidebis quomodo omnes fient regine in 10° tresn t
paucioribus.’
199. 1 Ktd6 ; 2 Kte4; 3 Ktc5; 4 Kc6, Kb8 (or Ka7 ; 5 Kc7 ; 6 K.b6,B>
5 Kd7, Ka8 (or Ka7 ; 6 Kc7; 7 Kb6, Kb8); 6 Kc8; 7 Kc7 ; 8 Kb6. E
All variations have now reached the same position. 9 Kte6 ; 10 Etc' -
11 Bd6 m.
200. 1 Pg3; 2 Pf3; 3 Pg4 ; 4 Pf4; 5 Pg5; 6 Rb3; 7 Rh5 ; 8 Tg6+;
10 Bf5 ; 11 Pg7 m. The solution could be shortened by two moves by pk r
1 Pg4 ; 2 Pf4. Does it date from a period anterior to the general use of -
Pawn’s initial double step, or did the composer think that the prolongation ' *
to the difficulty of solution! See v. d. Lasa, 140.
201. 1 Bd6 + ; 2 Qc8 ; 3 Qb4 ; 4 Kb5 ; 5 Kc5 ; 6 Kc6 ; 7 Qb7 + ; 8K
9 Qa5; 10 Qb6 + ; 11 Bd6 m.
202. 1 Re3; 2 Re5 ; 3 Rf5; 4 Rf7 ; 5 Pg8 = Q; 6 Qg6 ; 7-10 Q tot
11 Qd7 m.
203. (CB omits the conditions, which I add from BS 169.) 1 Rb5; 2Pco; 3 i
4 Pc3 ; 5 Pc2 ; 6 R(b5)b8 ; 7 Ra8 + ; 8 Pc6 + ; 9 Pc5 + ; 10 Pc4 + ; 11 Pc3 m
204. 1 Pe7; 2 Pf7 + ; 3 Pf 8 = Q ; 4 Qf6; 5 Pe8 = Q ; 6 Qe7 ; 7
8 Qe6 ; 9 Qf6 ; 10 Qf7 + ; 11 Qg7 in.
205. 1 R»8 + ; 2 Pc6 + ; 3Pc5 + ; 4Pc4 + ; 5 Pc3 + ; 6 R(c8)b8 + ; 7 Kte3-
8 Ral + ; 9 Rgl ; 10 Rb2 + ; 11 R(b2)g2 ; 12 Rfl m. Cf. CB 203.
206. 1 R(b6)b7 + ; 2Pb5 + ; 3Rb6 + ; 4Ra6 + ; 5PxP+; 6 Pb6 + ; 7Raf-
8 Pc6 + ; 9 Pb7 + ; 10 Ktb5 + ; 11 Ktc7 + ; 12 Bc5 m.
207. The diagrams have red dots on a7, l>8, c8, d8, e8, f7, g6 ; A h6, Bg$, Ci
Df8; and cancelled pieces, Wh. Rd7, Kd6 ; Bl. Ke8. The solution runs: ‘Ai
primo trahunt, et mattabunt regem nigrum ad 12 um tractum, uel pauciores, et ror^
non mouetur nisi semel, et hoc quando dabit mat. Trahe i*egem secundum
Si rex suus uadit in A, erit mat ad x (really ix) tractum. Sed ipse ibit in B, et r.
in C. Si uadat in angulum, cito uidebis finem, et si uadat in D, tu in E, et quicqtn
faciet erit mattus ad xii uel pauciores. Et si starent ubi cancellantur rex nk*
defenditur, ut per te uideas. Vnde sunt duo partita/ [Leon 63 (old 105) l* 4
a different text (Wh. Kd6, Rc7 ; Bl. Kd8. Letters: Ac6, Bb7, Cb8, D c8, EJ*
F e8, Qf7, Hf6, J f5, K e6, cross h7). ‘Rubei primo trahunt, et dicant se u*L
mactare nigros . . . («c) tractu uel paucioribus, et fit taliter. Trahe regem in A, in I
in C, in D, in E, in F, in G, in H, et in J, et tunc si sequatur regem tuum, des sft
mact in t de rocco. Et scias quod roccus non debet se mouere nisi dando insrt
Sed si rubei dicerent quod priraum scacch esset mact, non esset uerum et perder&:
rubei. Ynde tu fallaciam intelligas, quod non est mact ad primum tractum de roccc
Quia quando dabit scac sibi discoopertum, si ipse reuertatur uersus roccum quaci
tu eris in J, uade in K. Postea leuiter uidebis modum mact&ndi. Sed si roccfc
rubeus staret in L (not in diagram), non mactatur, quia rex uiger reuerteretur
uersus roccum, et non posset mactari, prout uidebis. Si rex rubeus esset in A
fit in XI tractu, et si rex niger esset in F, fit in XII/ J
208. (BS 173 omits ‘in XU \) 1 Rc3 ; 2 Rb3 ; 3 Ktg3 + ; 4 Ktfl + ; 5 Bb*.
6 Pa7 ; 7 Pa8 = Q; 8 Qc6 ; 9 Qd5 ; 10 Qe4 ; 11 Qf3 ; 12 Qg2 m. BS add*
Variation : Ps a6, a7, on ao, a6 respectively. White mates (in XIX) with promoted
Q, and same conditions. 1 Ktd4 ; 2 Ktb5 ; 3 Rg2 ; 4 Rg3 ; 5 Rb3 ; 6-8 P queens:
9-13 Q to g2 + ; 14 Qfl ; 15Kg3; 16 Bbl ; 17 Rdl ; 18 Rbl ; 19 Qg2m.
209. MS. solution is 1 Ka2 ; 2 Kb2 ; 3 Kc3 ; 4 Kb3 ; 5 Kc4 ; 6 Kb4 ; 7 Kc5:
8 Kb5 ; 9 Kc6 ; 10 Kb6 ; 11 Kc7 ; 12 Ra8 m. It can surely be shortened:
e. g. 11 Rc8 m.
210. 1 Ktb3 ; 2 Ktc5 ; 3 Ktb7 ; 4 Ktd6 ; 5 Kb5 ; 6 Ka5 ; 7 Ka6 ; 8 Kb6:
9 Ktc8 ; 10 Kta7 ; llKtcG; 12 Rm.
211. 1 Kte3 ; 2 Ktc4 ; 3 Kte5 ; 4 Ktc6 ; 5 Kte7 ; 6 Ktf5 ; 7 Re5 ; 8 Kth6:
9 Ktf7 + ; 10 Bf5m.
212. 1 Bh4 ; 2 Kf6 ; 3 Kf7 ; 4 Bf2 ; 5 Bd4 ; 6 Bf6 ; 7 Qf8 ; 8 Qe7 : 9 Bd4;
10 Kg6 ; 11 Bf6 ; 12 Bh8 ; 13 Kf7 ; 14 Qf8 ; 15 Qg7 m.
Digitized by t^oosle
JHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
689
213. 1 Ktc5 ; 2 Kc7 ; 3 Pb5 ; 4 Kte4 ; 5 Kb6 ; 6 Ktd6 ; 7 Ka6; 8 Pb6 ;
> Qg2 ; 10 Pc5 ; 11 Pc6 ; 12 Pc7 + ; 13 Pb7 m.
214. 1 Rb2 ; 2 Rc2 ; 3 Rd2 ; 4 Re2 ; 5 Ba7 ; 6 Ra2 ; 7 Rb2 ; 8 Rc2 ; 9 Rd2 ;
O Re 2 ; 11 Rf2 ; 12 Bc5 ; 13 Be3 + ; 14 Rh2 m.
215. 1 Pc5 + ; 2 Kd7 ; 3 Pc6 + ; 4 Pc7 ; 5 Pc8 - Q, Ka6 ; 6 Kc7 ; 7 if the Bl.
£ is on a7, Qd7 (if on a8 or a6, 7 Qc6, &c.) ; 8 Qc6 ; 9 QxP; 10 Qc6 ; 11 Pb5 ;
L2 Qb7+; 13 Pb6m.
216. CB, but not BS, adds the condition ‘ et regin e noue possunt dare scac etiam
ialtando’, as if this were exceptional. 1 Ktf3 + ; 2 Kte3 + ; 3 Pb2 + ; 4 Ktd2 + ;
3 Pb8 - Q + ; 6 Ktc2 + ; 7 Qb3 + ; 8 Ktc4 + ; 9 Ktb4 + ; 10 Rf7 + ; 11 Kta6 + ;
12 Ktb6 + ; 13 Rd7 + ; 14Ktc7 + ; 15 Bm.
217. * Albi trahunt et dicunt quod facient se mattari a nigris ad XV tractum,
malis gratibus nigrorum.’ 1 Ktc6 ; 2 Kta5; 3 Ktc4 ; 4 Kta3 ; 5 Ktc2; 6 Ktal ;
7 R(c8)b8 + ; 8 Ra2 ; 9 Rc8 ; 10 Rd8 ; 11 Rd3 ; 12Ktb3; 13Ktd4; 14Ktf3 + ;
15 Rg2, P x Rm. W. Lewis, Chess Problems (1827), No. 63, shows that there is
a mate in XIII by 9 Ktb3 ; 10 Rd2 ; 11 Rc8 ; 12 Re8 + ; 13 Rg2, P x R m.
218. I give the solution from both collections.
BS 191.
‘ Albi primo trahunt, non est uis, et
dicunt albi quod mattabunt nigros et
fieri potest. Trahe regem tuum album
in punctum (d5). Ipse fugiet cum alfino,
ponendo eum in punctum nigrum (g4).
Tu ibis Buperius uersus A (e7). Ipse
tr&het regem suum sub regina, et tu uade
in A. Ipse trahet alfinum suum in aliud
punctum nigrum (e2). Tu uadas in B (e8).
Oportebit eum ascendere cum alfino, uel
tu procedes cum pedone. Tunc tu de-
scende cum rege tuo, non in A, sed
indirecte uersus illam partem ubi stat
alfinus, et ita capies uel fugabis alfinum,
et facies reginam talem colorem, et postea
leuiter mattabis eum.'
CB 218.
* Albi primo trahunt et dicunt se uelle
facere reginam de pedone qui stat iuxta
regem, uel de pedone qui stat iuxta
alfinum ad XVT tractum uel pauciores,
et fit ita. Trahe regem album uersus
alfinum. Ipse descendet inferius ab alio
latere pedonis, et tu uade superius. Et
ipse trahet regera, et tu uadas in A (e7),
et ipse trahet alfinum suum in punctum
(e2) ut si trahas medium pedonem, redeat
et capiat eum. Sed tu ibis in A. Ipse
trahet regem, et tu ibis in B (e8), et
tunc trahet ipse alfinum, et tu uadas cum
rege tuo descendendo uersus alfinum.
Et ibis ad eum, et fugabis uel capies
eum, et facies reginam, et proinde erit
ac si esset mattus.’
219. (BS 181 has Kd6 on g6, which prolongs the solution by two moves. The
MS. gives no number of moves.) 1 Ra7 + ; 2 R(h7)b7 + ; 3 Rb5 ; 4 Rc7 ; 5 R(b5)c5 ;
6 Rd7 ; 7 Rd5 (position is now that after the 9th move in the BS solution) ;
8 Re5 + ; 9 Rh7 ; 10Rh8 + ; llRe7; 12 Rd7; 13Rc7; 14 Kc6 ; 15 Kb6 ;
1 6 Rc8 m.
220. 1 Kh7 ; 2 Kh6 ; 3 Kh5 ; 4 Kh4 ; 5 Bc5 ; 6 Be7 ; 7 Bc6 ; 8 Be4, Khl ! ;
9 Kh3 ; 10 Pf 3 ; 11 Rg4 ; 12 Rg3 ; 13 Pf2 ; 14 Bc5 ; 15 Be3 ; 16 Pfl «Q;
17 Qg2 m.
221. 1 Ba3 ; 2 Qf5 ; 3 Qe4 ; 4 Qd5 ; 5 Qc4 ; 6 Qb3, P x Q ; 7 P x P ; 8-12 P
queens ; 13 Qd6 ; 14 Qe7 ; 15 Qf8, Be5 ; 16 Kg6 ; 17 Qg7 m. Variation : Bc7 on c8.
Unsound, ‘ quia procuteret in E (c4), et non posset uenire regina in capturam nigri
pedonis. Qui pedo si non fieret regina alterius colons quam alia regina, non posset
mattari rex niger.’
222. 1 Ke8, Ktg8 ; 2 Kf8, Kte7 ; 3 Ke8, Ktg6 ; 4 Kd8, Re7 ; 5 Kc8, Kth4 ;
6 Kd8, Ktf5 ; 7 Kc8, Kte3 ; 8 Kd8, Ktd5 ; 9 Kc8, Rh7 ; 10 Kd8, Ktc7 ; 11 Kc8,
Kte6; 12 Kb8, Rc7 ; 13 Ka8, Ktd4 ; 14 Kb8, Ktb5 ; 15 Ka8, Kta7 ; 16 Kb8, Re7;
17 Ka8, Ktc6; 18 Kt~, Ra7 m. Black's moves are his best.
223. (BS 183 adds the condition ‘erit tractus pro tractu\) 1 Ktf2, Kbl ;
2 Ktd3, Ka2 ; 3 Kb4, Kal ; 4 Ka3, Kbl ; 5 Kb3, Kal ; 6 Kc2, Ka2 ; 7 Ktb2, Ka3;
8 Kc3, Ka2; 9 Ktc4, Kal ; 10 Kd2, Kbl ; 11 Kdl, Kal ; 12 Kcl, Ka2 ; 13 Kc2,
Kal; 14 Kta3, Ka2 ; 15 Ktbl, Kal; 16 Be6, Ka2 ; 17 Bc4 + , Kal; 18 Ktd2,
1170 X X
Digitized by Google
690
CHESS IN EUROPE
!AC :
Pg8 =» Q ; 19 Ktb3 m. Black’s moves are his best. The solution in F is lengths-
considerably.
224. It will take White an even number of moves to secure the position e -zs
White men in CB 223, and Black, by means of his choice of Pg3 or g4 can pert:
or prevent it at pleasure. If 1 Kt or B~, Pg3 prevents it, and there is no sobs**
225. Black’s only chance of winning is to queen his Pawn. White prevent*
by keeping his K on h8 or g7, by playing Qa3, b2, c3 according as the BL K pu~
to the c, by or a line, and by following the P up and exchanging as opportunity afc
226. * Istud partition ut plurimum simile est precedenti : difficilius tames *
defendendum.’ Black must queen on b8 to win. Wh. plays Qa3 if the Bl K
on e file, and Qc3 if on b file. ‘Istud parti turn quia difficile est, melius uidebis p?
studium quam per doctrinam.’
227. 1 Qc5 ; 2 Q(c5)d6 ! (2 Q(c5)d4 t, Qd5 + or Qf5 + ; 3 K-, Re4 and BL bn it
R to h7 and separates the Wh. K from his Qs and wins), and play K to g7, Qs t* ?'
f6, g5. Now keep K and Qf6 unmoved and move Qe7 and g5 backwards ^
forwards. Black can do nothing.
228. 1 Be6. Then play B to c8 and K to b7, and play Ba6, c8, until h :
captured. All the Bl. Qs will be of the same colour. Variation : Bl. play first
mate. Sound, for 1 Pf5 prevents the B getting to c8.
229. 1 Kd6, Rh5 (‘ tractus alborum est subtilis ’) ; 2 R x R, Ra6 + ; 3 K-, Bal -
4 K~, R x R winning. This position occurs in Stamma.
230. 1 Ktc6 ; 2 Kte5 ; 3 Rh6 ; 4 Re6 ; 5 Ktf3 m. Variation : add BL ?:i
The same solution holds. Some try 1 Be6 ; 2 Bc4 ; 3 Kth6 ; 4 Ktf5 ; 5 fits*.
6 Kt x P m., which takes one move too many.
231. 1 Ra3 ; 2 Rc3 ; 3RxP; 4 RxBm.
232. ‘Nigri primo trahunt, et dicunt se uelle mattare albos, et si contingat aliqsa |
pedonum fieri reginam, non faciet nisi unum tractum et unum : hoc est, non potem
saltare ut consueuerunt regin e none. Tu defende albos, quia non m&ttantur per
uim. Ipse dabit tibi scac in A (e5). Tu capies eum de re gin a, et ipse ali si
roccum in B (c4). Tu approximabis cum rege. Ipse ibit in C (c3), et poetea dik
tibi scac, et tu trahes regem tuum secundum puncta (e6, f7) et lades etiam cc
regina si expediat, et inferiorem pedonem capiet tibi per uim. De alia tu fids
reginam, et erunt ambe unius colons, ita quod si saltare posset, defenderes te leuite
Bed modo habebit brigam, et tamen defenditur. Partitum est subtilissimum, b*
quidam credant quod nichil sit quam trahunt roccum suum in punctum (a7).
tunc albi dant scac de pedone et mat de regina ante regem.’ 1 Re5 + , Q * E
3 Rc5, Kd6 ; 3 Rc3, Qd4, compelling 4 R x P, K x R looks more speedy than th
text solution.
233. Since there is an odd number of squares between the Ks, White &
maintain the opposition. Variation : Kg7 on h7. Now sound, for White can i*
longer maintain the opposition.
234. 1 Kg7, Kb2 ; 2 Kg6, Kc3 (if Kc2 ; 3 Kf5 ; and if Kbl ; 3 Ke5. If 2 .
Kal ; 3 Kf5, Kbl ; 4 Ke4. If 3 . . , Kb2 ; 4 Keo) ; 3 Kf6, Kd4 (or Kd3 ; 4 Keo
or Kc2 ; 4 Kf5 ; or Kbl ; 4 Ke5); 4 Kf5. If 1 . . , Kbl ; 2 Kf6, &c.
235. 1 Qe3 ; 2 Qd4 ; 3 Qc5 ; 4 Qb6 ; 5 Rgl + ; 6 Qa7. Now drive BL K u
f8 and obtain position Wh. Rh7, Kth6, Kh8. The game continues 1 Ka8 ; 2El’
3 Ktg4 ; 4 Kte5 ; 5 Ktg6 ; 6 Rh7 ; 7 Re7 ; 8 Kte5 ; 9 Ktc6 + ; 10 Rb7, P x Bl
236. a8-b6, c8-a7, c6— b8, a6— c7 ; a7— c6, b6-c8, c7-a8, b8-a6 ; c6— b8, c8-i’
a8-b6, a6— c7 ; a7— c6, b8— a6, c7-a8, b6— c8.
237. Wh. plays simply 1 . . , Rfl ; 2 . . , Rhl ; or 1 . . , Rh3 ; 2 . . , Rhl. Variation
{1) Bl. has 7 Qs ; said to be sound. It can only be so if the 7th Queen moves o®
squares of the other colour. (2) the 6 Qs are in the middle of the board. Unseat
Wh. simply makes for a corner of the board of the opposite colour to the squares cs
which the Qs move.
238. White simply copies Bl.’s moves.
239. If 1 Qd3, Qd7. If 1 Qd2, Qd6.
240. ‘ Nigro primo trahunt et dicunt se uelle mattare regem album. Tu illaa
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
691
defende, quia non fit. Ipse trahet reginam in A (d7), et pedonem in B (e7), et
regem suum in C (g5) et tu tuum in D (g7), et ipse reginam suam, et hie est tota
uis si debeaB ire in E (g8) uel in aDgulum. Et hoc semper scies per istum uersum
“ ipsa uel alterne rectum dant an relique dant hoc est dicere, si regina eseet in ipsa
linea ubi stat rex tuus et pedo eius, uel in alternis lineis, hoc est, in tercia connu-
merando ipsam, uel quinta, uel septima, semper trahes regem tuum in rectum
tractum, hoc est in E. Si autem regina sit in aliqua aliarum quatuor linearum, fac
obliquum tractum, hoc est, in angulum. Et ipse trahet regem suum in F (h6), et
ueniet regina, et claudere poterit te sed nunquam mattare, et ipsi perdent.'
241. ‘Nigri trahunt primo, et dicunt se uelle capere alfinum, et quando aliquis
pedonum erit facta regina, non saltabit sed faciet unum tractum et unum. Tu
alfinum defende, quia non fit. Rex niger trahetur in A (f8), et rex albus in B (b8).
Si rex niger in C (f7), et albus in D (b7). Si niger in E (e7) et albus in F (c7),
semper faciendo cum albo rege pares tractus. Si ipse trahat pedonem dextrum,
tunc facias dispares. Si trahat eum in penultima linea, tunc semper pares. Si
faciat eum reginam, tunc semper dispares. Et illam regulam tenebis ubicumque
regina uadat per totnm tabuleriura. Vnde uersus : “ ipsa uel alterne dispar, Bed par
reliqui dant.” Hoc est dicere : si regina sit in ipsa linea ubi fuit facta, uel in
alternis, hoc est, in tercia, quinta et septima, semper trahas in disparem colorem
a suo rege; si regina sit in aliis quatuor lineis, hoc est in linea ubi scribitur
D, F, E, C, et ubi stant scripti pedones, et in sexta et in octaua, tu uade cum tuo
rege albo directe contra eum, et in colore tali, et defendes alfinum. Ludus est
omnium subtilissimus.’
242. If 1 Pa3, Ph6 ; 2-6 the Ps queen ; if 7 Q leaps, Qg2 wins ; and if 7 Qb7,
Q leaps, wins.
243. ‘ Nnllus nigrorum transit lineam albo rum, nec e contrario, et habent tractum
nigri qui est malum pro eis, quia de ratione perdunt. Roccus niger punctatus (Rh8)
ibit in A (f8), et roccus albus punctatus (Rhl) in B (h7). Tunc ubicumque roccus
non punctatus (Ra8) ibit uersus A (e.g. Rb8), albus non punctatus (Ral) ibit contra
eum (i.e. Rbl), donee redeat uersus angulum. Tunc trahatur in penultimam lineam
ubi stat B, et ibunt rocci albi repagulando nigros, et capient eos. Sed decet quod
iste ludus habeatur exercitio.’ Cf. J. Kohtz* note in Wochenschach, 1908, p. 437.
245. 1 Bc3 + ; 2 B x R, Pg6 ; 3 Kg7, Ph5 ; 4 Kh6, Pg4 ; 5 Kg5, Ph3 ; 6 Kh6!,
Ph4 ; 7 Kh7, Pg5 ; 8 Bc3, Ph6 ; 9 Be5 ; 10 Kh8, &c.
246. 1 Kt x Q + , B x Kt ; 2 Bd3 ; 3 Bb5, &c. Finally Bl. exchanges R for B and
P, and Wh. plays K and Q to the corner and sacrifices Q for P.
247. 1 Q x Q(a7) !
248. 1 Be4 ; 2 Bc6 ; 3 B x R. Wh. then plays K to hi and B to g2 or e4, and
simply moves the B to and fro on g 2 and e4. Variation : Remove the Bl. R and
place Bc2 on bl. Still sound. Wh. plays K to hi and B to fl, and moves Bh3
and Bfl.
249. The diagram shows the final position of the 16 Queens.
250. (BS 186 has Bc4 on a6, Kh8 on h3, and reflects. White mates under the
CB conditions. Unsound.) The CB text is not very helpful and the owner of F
has added a long note. His solution (omitting alternative lines of play) runs
1 Kg7, Kg2 ; 2 Kh6, Kh3 ; 3 Kg5, Kg2 ; 4 Kh4, Khl ; 5 Kg3, Kgl ; 6 Ba6 or e6,
Kfl or hi ; 7 Rf8 + or h8 + , K~ ; 8 Bc8 and wins. In the BS position. White
has no chance of winning a move by moving the B.
251. 1 Kb5, Kb8; 2 Rh8 + , Kc7 ; 3 Rg8 ; 4 Rb8 ; 5 Rb7. Now obtain the
position Wh. Kg3 or h3, Be3, Rf6 ; Bl. Khl, and conclude by 1 Rb6, P x R ; 2 Pa7
Pb5 ; 3 Pa8 » Q, Pb4 ; 4-8 Q to g2 m.
252. (This is almost identical with the variation to BS 173, see CB 208, but the
solution is more tentative.) 1 Rg3 ; 2 Ktc3 ; 3 Ktb5, Kh2 ; 4 ~, Khl ; 5 Rg2, &c.
The necessity of allowing Bl. a move at the fourth move endangers the solution. Safer
seems 1 Rg4 ; 2 Rg3 ; 3 Ktc3 ; 4 Ktb5, Khl ; 5 Rg2, PxKt; 6 Rg3, Pb4 ! ; 7 Rb3,
Kh2, continuing as in the BS variation, mating straightforwardly in XXIII at most.
253. 1 Ra5 + ; 2 Ra6 scacroc , Kd5 ; when 3 R x R is stalemate. * Clausus erit,
xx2
Digitized by Google
692
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
et sic albi perdunt' (not because stalemate was decisive, but because White has failed
to cany out his undertaking), * nisi habeant unam aliam reginam talis coloris.’
254. 1 Re7 + , Qe5 + ; 2 Ke6, R~ ; 3 R opposite R, Rf8 (R x R, stalemate) ;
4 Rf7, R x R ; 5 K x R, and W T h. plays K to b7, and queens his aP, winning.
255. White queens his dP, and plays the Q to c5 ; he then compels Bl. to take
Ph4, and drives the K to hi, and compels the advance of the Ph5 to h2, the Wh. K
being in f2. Then 1 Qb4, PxQ; 2 E to sq. on e file, which is commanded by the
Bl. P, P advances. When the Bl. P reaches b2, Wh. plays Rcl + , compelling the
reply P x R = Q. Wh. now queens his aP, and plays it to g2, mating.
256. (BS 193 omits Ph6, and allows Wh. to stale the Bl. K and continue playing.)
1 R x R, Kta6 + ; 2 Ka8, R x R ; 3 Ph5, Rc7 ; . 4 Ph4, Ktb4 ; 5 Kb8, Ktd5 ;
6 Ka8, Ktc3 (6 . . , Kte7 leads to m. in IX, Chess Amateur , 1912, 719) ; 7 Kb8.
Ktb5 ; 8 Ka8, Ktn7 ; 9 Kb8, Rg7 ; 10 Ka8, Ktc6 ; 11 Ph3, Ra7 m. If 1 Rd4 + .
Kc2 ; 2 Rd6, Ktd3 ; 3 Rb6, Kte5 (3 Re6, Ktb4) ; 4 Rb7, Ktc6 + ; 5 Ka8, RxR;
6 Ph5, Ra7 m.
257. 1 Ktd6 ; 2 Ktc4 ; 3 Ktb2, scac roc, and the Kt escapes. Some players try
1 Ktc7 ; 2 Kte6 ; 3 Ktc5 + r, Kc4 1 ; 4 Kt x R, Bf6 + ; 5 K~, Bd4 ; 6 K~, Kb4 and
wins the Kt.
258. * Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt regem nignim, licet isti pedones si fierent
regine, omnes essent unius colons. Sed aliqui fient, et aliqui non fient, et potent
mattari in utroque angulo uel iuxta. Et caueas (F Sed aduertas) tibi ne rex suns
uadat (F iret) retro (F adds sc. post) pedones tuos, quia tunc perderes (F omits), et
non permit tas pedones collaterales (F adds seu capitales) nimis fatue procedere,
medii potius precedant (F adds uno puncto tantum semper), et bene mattabis eum.’
F then adds : ‘ Hoc parti turn est pulcherrimum, et multe discretionis, uulgariter
nuncupatum partitum regis francorvm * Cf. v. d. Lasa, 126, and Akademtschtr
SchaehJdub Miinchen, Festschrift , 1896, 41.
259. 1 Rb5, Kd4 ; 2 Kd2, Kc4 (e4) ; 3 Rg5 (a5), Kd4 ; 4 R m. If 1 . . , Kc4
(e4) ; 2 Kc2 (e2), K~ ; 3 R(b5)e5 or B(f5)c5 ; 4 Rf4 or b4 m. accordingly. Other
first moves lead to m. in III.
260. If 1 K x B, Rh7. If 1 B x R, Kg7. 1 Ktf7 is m.
261. 1 Ra8 + , Bc8 ; 2 Kte6 (or R x B) m. If 1 . . , Kc7 ; 2 Kte8 (or Kt x B) m.
Variation : Ra7 on b7. Unsound. 1 Rb8 + , Kc7 ; 2 Rc8 + , B x R.
262. 1 Kte4 ; 2 Ktc5 ; 3 Kte6 ; 4 Ktc7 ; 5 Kte8 ; 6 Ktg7 ; 7 Re6 ; 8 Rc5 ;
9 Rc6 ; 10 Kth5 ; 1 1 Ktf6 + ; 12 Re8 m.
263. 1 R x R is m. 1 Ra8 (g8) + , Bb8 (f8) + . Variation : Black mate in III.
Unsound. 1 Bc4, Bb4 + d ; 2 R x R + , Kc8 and there is no mate next move.
264. White plays: 1 Kd6, Kd8; 2 Rf8 m. Black plays: 1 . . , Kd8 ; 2 Rc5,
Ke8 ; 3 Rc8 m.
265. 1 Kte3, Ka8 (or Kc8 ; 2 Kc6 ; 3 Ktd5 ; 4 Ktc7, &c.) ; 2 Ktd5 ; 3 Ktc7 ;
4 Kc6; 5 Qc5; 6 Qb6 ; 7 Kte8 ; 8 Ktd6 ; 9 Qd8 ; 10 Kb5 ; 11 Ka6 ; 12 Ktc4 ;
1 3 Q(b6)c7 + ; 14Ktb6m.
266. 1 Bc3 ; 2 R or Kt m. Variation : Omit Bf5. Unsound. 1 Bc3, Ktd7 + ;
2 R x Kt + , K x R.
267. ‘ Fit unico modo.* 1 Bb7 ; 2 Ktf7 m. But 1 Bf7 ; 2 Kt~ discovering mate
is also possible (v. d. Lasa).
268. Cf. CB 162. The solution is almost exactly the same.
269. 1 Rb8 + , Rd8 ; 2 R(fl)bl is given, but 2 . . , B~ is a sufficient defence.
2 R on f line (or hi); 3 Rf8 (or h8) m. is necessary.
270. 1 Kb5, Kt x B ; 2 P x Kt ; 3 Kte6 m. If 1 . . , Pd3 ; .2 Kte6 + , Kt x Kt ;
3 Rd7 m. Variation : Pf6 goes to f8. Unsound. 1 Kb5, Kt x B !. Cf. CB 266.
271. 1 Ktf6 + ; 2 Kte6 + ; 3 Pb7 + ; 4 Ktd7 + ; 5 Pb8-=Q + ; 6 Ktc7 + ;
7 Qb6 + ; 8 Ktc5 + ; 9 Ktb5 + ; 10Rf2 + ; llKta3 + ; 12Ktb3 + ; 13Rd2 + ;
14 Ktc2 + ; 15 Bd3 m. This is really the same as CB 216, but all the MSS. omit
the Bl. Kts on e7, f7, and have thus overlooked the identity. Without them the
solution, of course, does not work.
272. The MS. solution 1 Rf 1 + , Kh2 ; 2 Rf2 + , Khl ; 3 Rh2 + , KxR;
Digitized by Google
C MAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
693
4 Ktf3 + , Khl ; 5 Rgl m. is foiled by 2 . . , Qg2 ; 3 Ktf3 + , Kh3 ! The position
is really an unsound variation of CB 125 above.
273. * Pedo est immobilis, et dicit rex albus quod defendet eum ne capiatur. Et
rex niger approximabit eum sicut uult, quia pedo non habet aliquam custodiam.
Et trahit primo rex albus, et bene defendit suum pedonem, quia ibit in disparibus
punctis eiusdem colons. Sed caueat sibi ne intret lineam punctatam (the/ file) nisi
prius intret rex niger. Et si sciat ludum defendere quum regina est angularis et
inmobilis (i.e. CB 233), defendes istiun, sed iste est difficilior/
274. 1 Bf3, Kt(e7)~ ; 2 Ktc6 m. ; or 1 . . , Kt(f8)~ ; 2 R or Kte6 m. accordingly.
Variation: all the Pawns go in the contrary direction. 1 Pf6, and mate as in the
main play.
275. 1 Kg2; 2 Bc6 or g6 m. accordingly. Variation: omit Pc5. There is now
a second solution by 1 Rf8 + , K x R(d7) ; 2 Ktc5 m.
276. 1 Ktf7, aR~ ; 2 Pg7 + , Kg8 ; 3 Kth6 m. Bl.'s first and second moves may #
be transposed. Or 1 . . , Rg7 or h6 ; 2 Be7 ; 3 Re8 m.
277. 1 Pc7 + ; 2 Pc8 = Q ; 3 Qc6; 4 Qb7 + ; 5 Be3 ; 6 Kc6 ; 7 Kd6 ; 8 Kc5 ;
9 Kc6 ; 10 Bc5 + ; 11 Pa7 m.
278. The MS. gives lPxB, RxP. If 1 Kth3 + d, Kfc x R. But 1 Rd8 + ,
Kt x It ; 2 Kt x B m. ; or 1 . . , B x R ; 2 Ktf6 m. is possible. The problem is sound.
Variation : Ktg8 on f8. Sound. 1 Kth7 + d, Kt x R ; 2 KtxBm.; or 1 . . , BxR;
2 Bg6 m. (1 Rd8 + , which is not mentioned, is equally good.)
279. 1 Kth5 ; 2 Ktf4; 3 Kfd3 ; 4 Kte5 ; 5 Be3 ; 6Rh7 + ; 7 Rh5 ; 8Rh8 + ;
9 Kf5 ; 10 Rh7 ; 11 Rd7 m. Variation : Kg8 on h8. Mate in X. The play is the
same, but White can now save his 7th move.
280. ‘ In isto partito, rex est solus, et 4° r rocci ex alio latere, et dicunt dare scac
in quolibet tractu, et mattare in 4° tractu uel paucioribus. Et ponamus quod rex
ponatur ubi scribitur (d5). Tunc est dandus scac de rocco ubi scribitur (d2) duabus
lineis mediis. Tunc ponamus quod rex uadat in A (e4), ponendus est alter roccus
ex alio latere regis una linea media (g4). De aliis duobus roccis ponendis leuiter
uidebis per te ' (2 . . , Kf5 , 3 Rf4 + , Ke6 ; 4 Re4 m.).
281 . ‘ Alfini nigri et albi capiunt omnes calculos quia omnes sunt immobiles preter
alfinos, et fit taliter. Albi uadunt secundum ordineni alphabeti et nigri similiter, et
reuertuntur ad loca sua (e.g. B(d4)-f2-h4-f6-d8-b6-d4). Postea quilibet capit
unum roccum. Postea quilibet facit duos tractus usque in angulos et capiunt reges
et reginas. Vnde fertur fabulose quod isti quatuor episcopi in medio campo
pepigerunt cum quatuor regibus, et tunc ponitur quod regine sint reges, quod ex-
pedirent eos de omnibus inimicis. Reges promiserunt episcopis ciuitates et castra
si caperent hostes, et ceperunt alfini (qui dicuntur episcopi) omnes secundum quod
predictum est, preter roccos. Tunc dicebant reges : “ Ecce isti quatuor comites
fortiter nos obsidcnt.” Et ceperunt singuli singulos, petentes promissa. Rege9
autem pacto contra dixerunt, eos premiare noleutes, qui reuersi sunt, et consilio
habito, quilibet fecit duos passus ita quod quilibet cepit unum regem. Et sic de
episcopis reges facti sunt secundum fabulas/ (Cfi K 7.) The fable is interesting as
showing that the idea that the Aufin was a Bishop was not unknown even in Italy.
282. ‘ Aliud partitum est supra, quod isti assimilatur, et est in xxii° folio retro-
grad iendo, isto folio connumerato (i.e. CB 240). Ibi inuenies istud partitum, nisi
quod non ponitur ita roccus albus non est, et ponitur hie, sed est immobilis. Vetat
quod rex niger non trahitur in A (h6), vnde tracto pedone in B (e7), uadet regina,
et capiet roccum, et postea respice glosam predicti partiti, et scies defendere regem
album, licet rex niger possit trahi in AJ
283. 1 Rh6 ; 2 Ktffi m. (There are other solutions, e. g. 1 Rh5 and 1 Kt(g8) x B + ,
Rd8 ; 2 hKt~ m. ; or 1 . . , Pg8 = Q ; 2 R x Q m.)
284. 1 Kte7 + , Pg8 - Q ; 2 Ktg5 + d, Kg7 ; 3 R x Q m.
285. 1 Ktg5 + , Bh4; 2 RxB + , Rh6 ; 3 Ktf7 + , Kh7 ; 4 RxRm. This and
the two preceding problems are CB 26 and its two variations, which are set out at
greater length for the sake of clearness.
286. 1 Ral, Rh2 ; 2 R x B, Rh3 ; or 2 any other, Kh7.
Digitized by Google
694
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAJM II
287. * Albi prime trahunt et mattant nigros, quod multis uidetur impoesibile ;
tamen fit, primo trahendo militem in A (b2), postea in B (c3), et sic ludendo per
mnltos tractus cum rege et milite, tenendo regem nigrum in illo angulo. Et fit
tractus pro tractu, ut inuenies in xxxiii 0 folio retrogradiendo, ubi quasi istud
parti turn inuenies, et cum scies illud, scies istud/ The reference is to CB 223.
288. The Kta8 can only reach hi in an even number of moves. The problem
can be solved in twenty-four moves.
It will be remembered that in my account of the Civ is Bononiac MSS. I have
mentioned that some of the MSS. give additional problems. The greatest
number of these occur in F, and this additional material is of special im-
portance, partly because it is in the same hand with the remainder of that
MS., the writer of which had made a very careful study of the Civis Bonomuu
work, and partly because of the light which it throws upon the history and
nomenclature of Italian chess in the 15th c. The additions to L are in a later
hand than the rest of the MS. This fresh material now follows.
F 295.
X
&
n m
i
i
W£i Wjfr
i
H H
(Bl.)
Black mates in XVII
or less.
F 296.
White plays and Black
mates with P in V exactly.
Mate in X exactly,
capturing all the Black
pieces.
F 298.
F 803.
m
. s m
■
u m
%/ r.
R ...r.'
; i M
Y%" '
i
''v/jA
0€m
R El
(Bl.)
Black mates in II exactly.
Unsound.
F 300.
Black mates.
F 304.
F 301.
Black mates with Pb6
[in XVII. The Wh. P
is fidated.
F 805.
Black mates with pro-
moted P in XIII.
Digitized by
Gooffle
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
695
F 306.
(Bl.)
Black mates in XIII or
less. The Wh. K may be
staled.
F 313.
Mate in XIII or less.
The Bl. K may be staled.
F 316.
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly. Qh8
is a promoted P. Black
may not give check.
F 319.
Mate in III exactly. Kg6
is immovable, but each
of the other Wh. pieces
is to move once.
F 807 : Ar. 23.
F 311.
-%} /jgjj iXm
V*; r I'ij
WH '%WH'W*x «■
■ ■
(Bl.) Mate in II exactly.
Black mates in IX. Unsound.
F 814.
Mate in III exactly. Ph7
is immovable. Unsound.
F 817 (corn).
B±M
m, : p
1 P 1
f Y':; >
y/v,' wy/ y"
'wTm
WV*' !'/?'*
’’a*:'
fp * y
: #"•
a
Mate in IV exactly.
F 815.
in LXXX or less.
F 818.
Black plays and White
mates in II exactly. The
Bl.R isfidated. Unsound.
F 820.
F 321.
mm m m
^ \£& Vuv
■ifer IvipBl
m m si m
m ill
1 ■ m
|*fj
H i &\TM
1111
,
w w m m
X
m m m m
j JflKj
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
Digitized by boogie
696
F 322 : At. 78.
F 330.
CHESS IN EUROPE
F 323.
I o. wa kB ■
1JL| Bi
Mate with P in 111
exactly.
F331.
Mate in V exactly.
p-urr n
F*25l
V ■ 1.
K
a apt a E
-a- = sr- « ■
1 *
S
Mate in 111 exactly.
The BL R is fidated-
Unsound.
F 333.
*
'■1
>v
TO
bUfi
>
CT4 ra W*
fit 1
Black plays and White
mates in III The BL B
is fidated.
SOLUTIONS
289. Wh. Kb8 ; BL Kao, P&6, b6, c6, playing to 8th row. ‘ Xigri primo trahunt
et dicunt se uelle mactare regem album ad centum ictus secundum rectum ludum.
Et nota quod non possunt fieri pedones domine nisi hoc unico mcdo,’ &c. This is
like CB 198. The title should be ‘ Black mates or queens all the Pawns in C moves
The text solution is 1 Pc7 + ; 2 Pb7 + ; 3 Pb8 ■» Q + ; 4 Qd6 ; 5 Pc8 = Q ; 6 Qd7 &c.
It adds the variation (■= CB 198) Kb8 on a8. 1 Ka4 ; 2 Kb4 ; 3 Kao, Kb8 and
the main position is secured.
290. Wh. Kc8, Ph2 ; BL Ka8, Pa7, b6, c5, playing to 8th row. Black plays and
White mates. Unsound. 1 Pb7 + , Kc7 ; 2 Pb8 = Q + , Kc8 ; 3 Qc7, Phi = Q ;
4 Pc6 ; 5 Qb8 ; 6 Pc7 stalemate.
291. Wh. Ke6, Rdl, Ktc4, Qe7, Pe5 ; Bl. Ke8, Ra8, Ktg3. Mate in IY exactly
with P. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Ktd6 + ; 3 P x R ; 4 Pd7 m. Cf. CB 114, &c.
292. Wh. Kal, Rgl, Kth5, Qd5, d4 : BL Kf5. Mate in II exactly is CB 15.
293. Wh. Kal, Rfl, hi, Qg5, Bc8 ; Bl. Kg8. Mate with B in fn is CB 177.
These two positions are taken from a MS. in which the board is arranged at right
angles to the usual position.
294. Wh. Ka8, Rg4, g8 ; Bl. Kh5, Hal, Ktb4, Ba7, Pc6, b6, playing to 8th row.
Mate in IY is really the same as CB 117. The variation, Rg4 on g2, delays the mate
a move, and so makes the mate in IY unsound.
295. 1 Pf8 4 faciendo dominam ', Kg8 : 2 Qg7, Kf7 ; 3 Kb7, Ke8 ; 4 Kc8, Kf7 ;
5 Kd7, Kg8. The MS. continues, 6 Qh6 ; 7 Qg5 ; 8 Ke7 ; 9 Pf7 ; 10 Pf8 = Q ;
11 Kf7 ; 12 Qe7 ; 13 Kg6 ; 14 Pf6 ; 15 Qh6 (but the order of the moves depends
on how BL plays). Now 15. . , Kg8 ; 16 Pf7 + ; 17 Qg7m. ; or 15. . , Kh8 ; 16 Qg7 + ;
17 Pf7 m. 4 Hoc partitum melius habebitur per exercitium quam per doctrinam.’
296. 1 . . , Kf8 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Rh3 ; 4 Rd7 ; 5 Rg7 + ; 6 Pe3 m.
297. 4 Albi primo trahunt, et obligant se uelle mactare nigros in x© ictu proprio,
Digitized by L.oosLe
HAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
697
iis pactis appositis quod albi teneantur capere omnes nigros excepto rege pviusquam
iattetu.r ac etiam si nigri possunt dare unum scac albo regi uel capere unum
laccum de albis, tunc ipso facto albi perdunt.’ 1 Rgl + ; 2 R(g8)g2 + ; 3 Rhl + ;
R«3-h; 5 R x B+ ; 6 Bf6 + ; 7RxB + ; 8Bf7 + ; 9RxR+; lORxRm.
298. ‘Albi iactant se uelle facere mactari a nigris eorum malis gradibus, uel
licatur quod ludatur ad reuersum, sc. qui uincit perdat.’ Drive the K to f2 by
jeans of the Rs, and leave him no move except to fl ; now 1 Ktg4 + , Kfl ;
Qg2 -h , P x Q m.
299. Wh. Ke7, Bf5, Pf6, h6 ; Bl. Kh8. Mate in XIV. 1 Kd7 ; 2 Kd8 ;
► Kd7 and position is that of CB 277, mate in XI.
300. ‘ Nigri primo trahunt et dicuut quod mattabunt album regem. Hoc partitum
;st pnlcherrimum et subtilissimum, et si tu cum albis uis defendere quin aliquis
pe donum non fiat feminam {gloss aliter dominam) procures stare in linea punctorum
'i. e. the g file) in tali modo cum regina alba, quod quando rex niger ueniet pro
capiendo reginam, fac semper caute reginam esse in linea punctorum quando rex
niger inuenerit se esse in aliquo punctorum in dicta linea et quando est circum circa
ipse lineae fac reginam esse semper a contraria parte. Tandem nigri uincunt si bene
luditur, utrique procedendo cum rege nigro in A (g7), in B (h6), in C (h5), et in D
(h4). Postea pedones fiunfc domiue, et uincunt. Tamen hie ludus melius habetur
per exercitium quam per doctrinam/ Cf. CB 225.
301. 1 Rd7 ; 2 Re7 ; 3 Rf7 ; 4Kf6; 5 Kg6 ; 6 Rf6 ; 7Bh3; 8 Kf7 ; 9 Bf5 + ,
Kh8 ; 10 Rc6, P x R ; 1 1-12 bP queens ; 13-16 Q via d8 to g7 m.
302. Wh. Ka6 ; Bl. Kc6, Ra2, bl. Ba3. Bl. mates in V with B is CB 135.
303. 1 Rh4, R x P ; 2 Ktf4 + , Rh5. This is a favourite theme of the later
European problemists: see 324, 326, 327, 328 below, also C 8, 19, 29, 44, 147,
Sens 6, WD 3, 146, Luc. 9.
304. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Qa8, KxQ; 3 Kc7, Pb6 + ; 4Kc8,Pb7 + ; 5Kc7,Pb8 = Q + ;
6 Kc8 ; 7 Ph4 &c. Variation Ph5 on h6, unsound. The Wh. P can queen, and get
across in time to interfere. Cf. Luc. 1 29.
305. ‘ Nigri primo trahunt et dicunt uelle mattare albos ad 12 m vel 13 m ictum,
et possunt de pedone vel domina.' 1 Kfl ; 2 Rb4, P x R ; 3-6 aP queens, P queens
and Q to dl. The position is now that of PL 289 after move 10, and the mate
follows in seven more moves as there.
306. ‘ Si albi contingerent claudi quin valeant proicere, propter hoc ludus non
tabulet, nec niger amittat.’ 1 Qg2 + ; 2 Bf7, Ph5 ; 3 Bd5, Ph4 ; 4 Bb7, Ph3 ;
5 Qfl, Khl ; 6 Kg3, Kgl ; 7 Qc2, Ph2 ; 8 Bd5, Khl ; 9 Bf3 + , Kgl ; 10 Bhl,
KxB; 11 Kf2, stale ; 12 Q~, stale ; 13 Qg2 m. Cf. CB 212.
307. 1 RxQ; 2 R x P + ; 3KtxP + ; 4 Pe4 + ; 5 Ktc4 + ; 6 Kte2 + ; 7Be3 + ;
Kh4 (h5) ; 8 Pg3 (Qg4)+ ; 9 Qg4 (Pg3)m. Bl. men are missing from c7 and d7.
Cf. K 27.
308. A different setting of CB 185 (Kc3 on c4, Qc4 on c3, Be3 on e4) which
gives a mate in VII (five moves of the Kts, then 6 Qb4 + ; 7 Bc2 m.).
309. A variant of CB 219 (Ba6 on c8, Kd6 on b6, omit Wh. B). ‘Albi primo
proiciunt et iactant se uelle mattare nigros dando ei scac mat in puncto vbi nunc
est infra seu in termino ictuum 50, et alfinus niger est aftidatus.’
310. CB 189 with colours changed, and different text.
311. 1 Kt(gl)f3, PxR = Q; 2 KtxQ + , RxE or Ktg4 + , Qh3. The text
ends ‘ ubique est aefensio meo credere \ Cf. CB 25.
312. CB 207 (text and variation) with diagram inverted.
313. ‘Albi primo trahunt, et mactabunt nigros ad 13 m ictum uel in paucioribus,
et intelligatur quod cum niger non poterit proicere quod fuerit clausus, propter hoc
non tabuletur secundum consuetudinem recti ludi, sed pacto niger clausus expectet
mat, et si ualet proicere quod proiciat.* 1 Bel, stale ; 2 Bc3. Pel ; 3 Be5 ; 4 Bc3 ;
5 Q&3, stale ; 6 Qb4 ; 7 Be5, Kal ; 8 Kc2 ; 9 Bc3 ; 10 Bal, KxB; 11 Kb3 ;
12 Qc3 ; 13 Qb2 m. Cf. CB 212, F 306.
314. 1 Pd7 + , Kd8 ; 2 Ba3, Rh6. Or 1 Pc7, Ra4 ; 2 Kt~, RxQ + ; 3 K-,
R + . Cf. CB. 76.
i
i
Digitized by t^oosle
698
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
315. Queen the Pawns, keeping the K in front of them. Post Qs in c7, fi\
g6, g7, and K in b7, Be3 and d3, Bl. Ke7 or d7. Then 1 Bb5 + ; 2 Bg5 m. or
conversely.
316. 1 Re 3, Kt x Q ; 2 Kd5 m. (Or 1 . . , B x R ; 2 Qd7 m.) This is C 82.
317. 1 Kth7 + ; 2 Rf8 + , BxR; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 Rm. This is really CB 96
Variation: Kdl on el, Rc2 on d2. Unsound, for in the above 1 . . , Ke8 ; and
3 . . , Kd8 ; 4 Rd7 + , R x R is possible.
318. 1 . . , Rh8 ; 2 Ktd8, Rh7 and can interpose.
319. 1 Ktf6 + , Rh2; 2 Rh7 + , RxR; 3 RxRm.
320. 1 Re4, Ke8 ; 2 Ktx B(e6) m. Or 1 . . , B x R ; 2 Kt x B(e6) m. Or
1 . . , Bg8 ; 2 Ktf7 m. Variation : Rc8 on b8. Unsound. 1 Re4, Kc8. Cf.
Arch. 16, Picc. 25, S 15, C 1, Gott. 2 (Luc. 3, Dam. 4, WD 17), Luc. 13.
321. 1 R x R(g7), Kt x B(e3) or 1 Ex R(b2), Kt x B(f4).
322. 1 Rbl + , Kc3 ; 2 R x Q, Bd6 + ; 3 K~, Bb4 shuts in R and wins it.
323. 1 Pc7 ; 2 Bc5 + ; 3 Pb7 m. Variations : I Ral on a2. Unsound. 1 Pc7 ?
Rhl ; 2 Bc5m. II (= C 125) Kh7 on h6. Unsound. 1 Pc7, Ra4 ; 2 Bc5, Ba6.
Cf. 8 18, Picc. 72, 111, C 133.
324. Variant of CB 303 (Rb8 on a8, g 7 on d7, h2 on hi : colours changed).
Mate in II exactly. 1 Ktf4 + ; 2 Rg7 m. Also 1 Rd8 ; 2 R x R or Kt m.
accordingly.
325. 1 Ktd7, Rf7 ; 2 Kte7, Rf3. Variation : Pb2 on b3. Now sound, for
3 B discovers mate.
326. Variant of CB 303 (Rb8 on a8, f8 on e8, g7 on d7 ; colours changed).
Mate in II exactly. Unsound. 1 Rd8, Kg8. Or 1 Rg7, Ra2.
327. Variant of CB 303 (Rb8 on a8, h2 on hi, Pf5 on f6 ; colours changed).
Mate in II exactly. 1 Pf7 ; 2 Rh7 or Ktf6 m. accordingly.
328. Variant of CB 303 (Rb8 on a8, f8 on c8, g7 on d7, h2 on h3 ; colours
changed). Mate in II exactly. 1 Rg7 ; 2 Kt m. Variations: Rh3 on hi or h2.
Unsound, as in No. 326 above.
329. Wh. Ka7, Rgl, g3, Kte2, e5, Bh6, Pf4, g5, h5, playing to 1st row; BL
Kh2, Rb2, b6, Pf3, h4. Mate in XII exactly with B. This is really CB 206.
330. 1 Bg7, R on line 2 or 3 ; 2 Be5 ; 3 Ktf7 m. If 1 . . , R on h file ; 2 R x R ;
3 Ktf7 m. Cf. CB 66, 93.
331. 1 Kte7 + ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Pg6 + ; 4 Kte5, Qc2 ; 5 Rhl m. Cf. Alf. 88, D. 34,
S 11, WA 7, WD 157.
(332, 334, 336-40 are all blank.)
333. A long text with many variations. I adds no conditions ; II Wh. may
not play Qh5 for his first move ; III Wh. Q is immovable, and Bl. may not play
Rg7 first move (why not?); IV Rgl on g2. We may group I-III together; it
will be seen that there is a solution satisfying each variation for every move of
Black. 1 . . , Rhl ; 2 Ral, R x R ; 3 Ra4 ; 4 Ktm.acc. Or 1 . . , Rh2 or h3 ;
2 Ral, Rb2 or b3 + ; 3 Ktb4 + ; 4 Rg8 m. Or 1 . . , Rh4 ; 2 Qa5, RxR (Rh7 ;
3 Rg8 + ; 4 Qb6 or Ktc7 m.) ; 3 Ktc7 + ; 4 Qb6 m. Also 2 Rel, RxR (Rh7 ;
3 Bf7 ; 4 Re8 or Ktc7 m.) ; 3 Re4 ; 4 Re8 or Ktc7 m. Or 1 . . , Rl»5 ; 2 Qa5, Rh7
(Rh8 ; 3 Ktc7 + ; 4 Qb6 m.) ; 3 Rg8 + ; 4 Qb6 m. Also 2 Pc7 ; 3 Rg8 + ; 4 Rb8 m.
Or 1 . . , Rh6 ; 2 Ral, R x B (Rh7 ; 3 Rg7 ; 4 Rg8 or Ktc7 m.) ; 3 Ktc7 + ;
4 Ra8 m. Or 1 . . , Rh8 ; 2 Rg8 + ; 3 Bf7 ; 4 Ktc7 m. Or 1 . . , Ra7 (g7, e7,
d7, f7, b7) ; 2 Ktc7 -f ; 3 Rg8(al) + ; 4Ral(g8)m. Or 1 . . , Rc7 ; 2 Rg8 + ; 3 Ral ;
4 Ktc7 m. IV is solved by 1 . . , Rhl ; 2 Rg7, Rbl (any other ; 3 Ra2 ; 4 Kt m.);
3 Ktb4 ; 4 Rg8 m. Cf. C 78.
335. Wh. Ka5, Qb5, b6, c 7 ; Bl. Kb7. Mate in C, Black need not move
unless he chooses or is checked. The best defence only prolongs the game to 65
moves. 1 Kb4 ; 2Kc5 ; 3 Qa4 ; 4 Kb5 ; 5-8 Q(a4)-c6 + , Kc8 ; 9 Ka6 ; 10 Qd6 ;
11 Q(b6)c7 ; 12 Kb6 ; 13 Qd5, Kd7 ; 14 Qe5 ; 15 Q(c7)d6 ; 16 Kc5 ; 17 Qe4,
Ke6 ; 18 Qf4 ; 19 Q(d6)e5 ; 20 Kc6 ; 21-7 Q(e4)-d7 + , Kf5 ; 28 Kd5 ; 29 Qe6 + ,
Kg4; 30 Ke4 ; 31 Qf5 + , Kh3 ; 32 Kf3, Kh4 ; 33 Qf6 ; 34 Qg3 + , Kh5 ;
35 Kf4 ; 36 Qg5 ; 37-41 Q(g3)-f6 ; 42 Qe6, Kg6 ; 43 Qe7 ; 44 Q(g5)f6 ; 45 Qd7,
Digitized by t^oosle
AP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
699
T7 ; 46 Kf5 ; 47-53 Q(d7)-g6 + , Kg8 ; 54-5 K-h6; 56 Qg7 ; 57Q(e7)f8; 58-9
-f6 ; 60 Qh4; 61 Kg6 ; 62-5 Q-f7 m. Cf. K 53, which i8 essentially the same
oblem. It is worthy of note that the solution in F regularly calls the Q on
> regina nigra , i. e. the Q moving on the black squares. This requires that hi
black.
Note . Early possessors of both B and L began to add additional problems on
e blank leaves that separate the chess portion of these MSS. from the tables
>rtion which follows. In B the only addition has been erased and I cannot identify
ie position. In L an illiterate hand of the end of the 15th c. has added the
llowing :
Li 289. Wh. Ke5, Rb7, h8, Ktd4, d7, Bb6, g6 ; Bl. Ke7, Re8, Qg7, Bf7. Mate
ill exactly. 1 Rc7 ; 2 Kt x Q or Ktf6 or Ktc6 or Ktf5 m. accordingly.
L 290. Wh. Kg7, Rc6, d4, Ktd6, e5, Qc8, Ba5, g6 ; Bl. Kd8, Rf4, Qb4, Be7, f5,
c5. Mate in II exactly. Bf5 is fidated. 1 Re4 ; 2 Ktb7 or Kt(e5)f7 m. accordingly.
L 291. Wh. Kb5, Rf7, Qc6, Pc5 ; Bl. Ka8, Ktc8, Bb8, d5, Pb2, b4, d6. Mate
a III exactly. Rf7 is fidated from the K, Qc6 is fidated from all, and all the
> s play to the 8th row. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Rfl ; 3 P x Kt or Ral m. accordingly.
L 292. Wh. Kd6, Ra4, h8, Kte5, f8 ; Bl. Kd8 (and el), Ra8, c8, Bc6, e6.
Ilate in II. The MS. solution, 1 R x R ; 2 Kt x B(e6) m. is foiled by 1 . . , Bg8.
.'he problem is unsound.
L 293. Wh. Ke7, Rb8, g3, Ktf8, Qf6, f7, Bf5 ; Bl. Kh8, Rb6, Kte5, Pb7 going
o a 7. Black plays and White mates in II exactly. Unsound. No solution but
L . . , R&6 is intended, and is sufficient.
L 294. Wh. Kf6, Rc6, d7, Ktd6, e6, Bb5, h6 ; Bl. Ke8, Ra6, c7, Ktc8, h8, Bf7,
18. No text. L 295 is blank.
L 296. A valiant of CB 185 var. 2 (omit Be3 ; W T h. Kts on h5, h6).
L 297. Wh. Kc7, Rf8, h8, Ktb8, e4, Bc5, Qf5, Pe6 ; Bl. Ka8, Rbl, cl, Bg4,
Pb4. Mate in II exactly. Unsound. 1 R~, PxB; 2 Ktc6 + , Rb8. Variation:
Pb4 on b2. Now sound. 1 R~, KxB + ; 2 Ktc6 m.
Ad. 64 is not contained in any other CB MSS. Wh. Kf6, Rdl, h6, Ph7 ; Bl.
Kh8, Rhl, Kte7, Qd8, Bf2. Mate in III exactly. 1 RxQ-f, Ktg 8 + ; 2
Px Kt = Q + , RxK+; 3 Qb6 m.
Rice. 47, without diagram, has text : * Li bianchi traghono piima e materano li
neri in sette tratti chola pedona pigniendo. Trai i rocho nelF A e l'altro nel B e d&
gli ischacho ; ed e* torna de l'altro, li d& ischacho nel D, ed eli andra nel E, e tu trai
il pedone chom* k usato il primo trato, e eli andr& nel* efe (i. e. F), e tu trai i’ rocho
nel Q e del chavaliere nela H, e del pedone gli dk 9 matto nel K. f
Rice. 48. Wh. Kf2, Qg2, Bh5 ; Bl. Kh2, Ph6. Mate in XIV or less (1 Bf3 ;
2 Bd5 ; 3 Bb3 ; 4 Qfl ; 5 Qe2 ; 6 Bdl ; 7 Kg3 ; 8 Bf3 ; 9 Bhl ; 10 Kf2 ; and the
Q mates in two more) is a setting of F 306.
Leon contains four positions that are not taken from the CB work.
Leon 63 (105). Wh. Kd6, Rc7 ;‘B1. Kd8, is a variant of CB 207 with the same
conditions, but no number of moves. Leon has, as variations : I The first check
to be mate ; unsound. II Kd6 on c6 ; mate in XI. Ill Rd8 on e8 ; mate
in XII.
Leon 64 (106) is a problem of modern chess, see p. 802, below.
Leon 102 (124). Wh. Kb6, Qc6, Bg2 ; Bl. Kb8, Ph8 going to a8. Mate in
XIII or less, Black being obliged to play his K whenever he can. This is another
setting of F 306. The solution is finished in Italian. The solution involves staling
Black for a move (1 Qb7 ; 2-5 Be4, g6, e4, g6 ; 6 Qa6 ; 7 Be8 ; 8 Qb5 ; 9 Kc7 ;
10 Bc6 ; 1 1 Ra4 ; 1 2 Kb6 ; 1 3 matto col chaZuo (B). A concluding note appears
to indicate the F solution, sacrificing B on a8, and mating daUa ferqa,
Leon 129 (125). A variant of F 304 (omit Be6 ; colours changed; F 304 var.
is text, F 304 variation).
Digitized by Google
700
CHESS IN EUROPE
PA.BT II
APPENDIX
I. The Latin Pbeface to the Bonus Socius Work.
(Text from MS. Florence, B. A. 6, p. 2, No. 1 (BS). collated with MS. Paris, Eat.
10286 (PL)).
Protoplausti 1 rubigine humana condicio sic cellule memoriales eclipsatur officio
ut perdat quod non sepe prospicit uel iugiter raeditatur. Quin ymo sicut de pertuso
sacculo 2 aliunde excidit quod emittitur aliunde sic profecto quod per unam aorem
ingeiitur per alteram egeritur absque mora ut accedat quod legitur De PenitentU.
dist. iiij. De Pertuso 8 et De Consequenti. dist. v. ne tales vers: unde et morbus.
Quoniam omnium habere memoriam & penitus in nullo 4 peccare est potius 5 diuini-
tatis quam humanitatis ut c. De uetere iure a Enu. 1. ij. § Si quis autem.
Idcirco ego bonus socius sociorum 7 meorum precibus acquiescens 8 partita que
uideram queque per studium de nouo 9 inueneram tam de ludis scacorum, 10 alearuin,
quam etiam marrelorum 11 in hoc libello redigere procuraui : ut per istoruzn
doctrinam et exercitium de aliis que possent fieri noticia facilius habeatur. Omne
enim ingenium per exercitium recipit incrementum ut ff. De Legatis, 1. legatis,
§ ornatricibus. Porro quoniam nil perfectum in humanis adinuentionibus 12 reperi-
tur. ut c. De ueteri iure 6 Enu. 1. ij. § Set quia diuine. Idcirco super opens
imperfectionem 18 veniam imploro deuote supplicans omnibus dominis meis socijs &
amicis ad quos peruenerit presens opus ut ipsum benigne suscipiant et lima cor-
rectionis emendent que correctione nouerint indigere. 14 Actum &c.
Sequitur capitula boni socii sociorum et primo de partitis scilicet scacorum qui
ad secundum tractum Jiunt.
1 Prothoplausti. 2 scaculo. 8 partuso. 4 in nullo penitus. 8 potius est. • uirtute.
7 ego N. de N. ( margin , Nicolaus de Nicolai). 8 adquiescens. ® de nouo per stadium.
10 add &. 11 merellorum. 12 inuentionibus. 18 inspectionem. 14 PL ends Mere.
II. The Introductions to the French Translations of the Bonus Socius
Work. 1. From MS. Wolfenbuttel. Extrav. 118 fl.
La Conditions humaine est tornee en tel defaut de memoire par le pechie et par
la inobedience de nostre primerain pere que de legier elle pert ce que elle ne uoit
souuent ou par iex ou par pensee. Quel merueille : Ce qui est mis en sac percie
entre par .i. lieu et ist par lautre. Et ainsi sanz doute ce qui entre en entendement
de home par une oreille sen ist par lautre. si comme il est escript ii decre. ii tistre
De penitentia. Et la quatre distinction, ii chapitre qui se commence. De percusso.
et ii tistre. De consecratione. en la quinte distinction, ii chapistre qui se com-
mence Ne tales, ii uerset. Unde et morhus. Car toutes choses auoir en memoire
sauz pechier ou errer en aucunes ne partient pas a home. Mes a dieu. Si comme
11 est ii code, en la rebriche de ueteri iure. Enucleando. en la seconde loy ou
parragreffe. Si quis autem.
Et pour ce Je. N. de N. desirranz encliner aus prieres de mes compaignons Lea
gieus partiz tant des eschez et des tables quant des merelles. les qieux ie auoie ueuz
et trouuez de nouuel par estude ay mis et ramenez en cest liure. A ce qui par la
doctrine et la coustumement diceus len puisse auoir plus legiere connoissance des
autres gieus qui porraient est re faiz. car par acoustumance recoit tout enging
acroissement. Si com il est escript es digestes en la rebriche De legatis primo.
LAJP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
701
la loy qui se commence. Legatis. ii parragreffe. Ornatritibus. Et tonte noies
ur c© que nulle chose trouuee de home nest parfaite: si comme il apert ii code en
xebriche de ueteri iure. enucleando. en la loy seconde ii paragreffe. Sed quia
uine. Pour ce se aucune imperfections est en ceste oeure: ie en requier pardon
>wotement. en priant et souppliant humblement a touz mes seignours compaignons
amis en cui mains ce present liure uendra que debonnairement le uueillent
tcewoir. Et se aucune chose y uoient a corrigier que il le corrigent et amendent
\r lime, non paa de enuie mes de debonnaire et amiable conception.
2. From MS. Paris, F. Fr. 1173, f. 2 (PP).
On dist es prouerbes anciens ke mal est science emploiie en cuer auariscieus du
lonstrer. car cbascuns ki mix set se doit traueillier a cbou ke il puist les autres en-
eignier. Et por chon ke ie ne vauroie iestre repris de si vilain pecbiet comme
lauarise. Jou nicholes de St nicholai clers a laude de chelui ki est fontaine de
lapience vous. vueu enseignier et demonstrer une partie du sentement de mon cuer
especiaument sor li gieu des eskies et premiers coument par cui ne en quel lieu
1 fu trouves premierement. En apres de la maniere du gieu et des assises et
somment il puet iestre abregies par partures. Sachiez kil fu trouves au siege de
troie la grant par .i. ch'r sage et hardi et par une dame la quele estoit sa chiere amee
car li ch'rs et la dame se seoient en .i. vergi et dehors les murs de la cite et
regardoient comment chil de dehors requeroient chiaus de dedans et comment cil de
dedans les recheuoient et se deffendoient uiguereusement et comment il prendoient
et descondsoient li vn les autres et li plus grant les plus petis, et li plus fort les
plus febles et comparerent leur gieu selonc lordenement ke il (f. 2 b) auoient veu es
assaus et es batailles. Et apres che ke la cites fu destruite li ch'rs et la dame
repairierent en lor paiis. con apiele lombardie. et fu li gieus espandus par tout
le paiis de coi vous faites et veoir le poes apertement ke lombart sont li plus sage
et li plus soutil de cel gieu ki soient. Si ke por le soutillece de cel gieu le doiuent
desirer a sauoir toute gentil gent et doiuent metre diligaument lor estude et
especiaument amant par amors car damour damant et dame vint il premierement.
Mais pour chou ke li hum&ine conditions est oscurchie en Toffisse de le cell©
memoratiue par l’empeechement de nostre premier pere si ke le pert legierement
chou ke le ne voit ou pense assidueument. Jou nicholes deuant dis demourans
en lombardie a le priere et a le requeste de mes compaignons ai compilet che liuret
de partures ke iai escrit par men estude dou gieu des eschies et des taules et des
inerelles. Et por chou ke nule chose ne puet iestre parfaite je depri a mes segneurs
mes amis et mes compaignons as quels chis presens liures sera parvenus sour im-
perfection de ceste oeure ke il le uueillent deboinairement rechevoir et corriger
saucune chose iest trouuee ki ait mestier de correction.
(The two following sections of the introduction to this MS. have been quoted
already, viz. in Ch. Ill, App. II and IV, pp. 489, 495.)
III. Introduction to MS. Florence, Bibl. Nat. XIX. 7. 37 (F).
(f. 4 b, new foliation).
Dicebat meus magister quod in primis partitis debemus de modico ludere et
perdere et sic etiam in conflictu ludi debemus aliquando perdere quia ex hoc homines
inducuntur ad ludendum sed h&c cautela nun qua m fui usus.
Digitized by Google
702
CHESS IN EUROPE
?jjr
Vt autem caute ludas nec possis perdere est considerandum at acias
secreta circa que dantur plures cautele. priraa est : Certum est quod part=.
bonum non debet esse id quod apparet sed eius oppositum. Vnde tn fata*
partem scaccorum que habet peius et uidetur habere melius a latere too. J'c
tunc si ipse nescit partitum tam melius partitum persecutandi reuoluet scatter
Licet hoc multi non faciunt, et ideo non est enumeranda certs
Alia cautela est quod in principio fingas te non recordaH de partito, t:
ponas scaccos aliter quam debent esse, sepe in principio recitando et tandem r*
illos ut debes. Hoc in casu si sibi uidebitur aliquis tractus occurrere de fariE V.
tabit te non recordari de partito, et ideo ludet. Et tu si cognoueris ipsom p=r,
bonam eligere, dices antequam ludam uolo uidere facta mea, et poteris adz
ali quern per quod mutabis totum partitum et sudes, ceterum non deberem ln-
quia quasi feci magnum errorem, non enim bene posueram partitum. (f. 5» 1
ipse non poterit de te conqueri quia ab inicio credidit te ignorare partitas. -
autem iterum uellet capere bonam partem, iterum obseruabis supra dicta,
te nolle ludere quia non recordaris ; et sic destrues partitum et facies aJind .
obseruabis aliquam cautelam de .7. ponendis.
Cautus eciam existas et consideres numquid uoce tremulenta partitum c»pr
Item numquid modica cogitatione. Item numquid sit paratus multas peas,
ponere. Item si uoluit capere alia partita facta. Item si nollet capere putz
facienda. Nam haec omnia demonstrant quod ipse scit partitum uel ignor&t.
Est et alia cautela que appellatur aurea que taliter operator quod cogit ca
cludentem eligere partem deteriorem et fit taliter. Tu scis quod partitum bos-
non debet esse id quod apparent sed eius oppositum. Dicas ergo quod pars
uidetur habere melius pouit duplum pecuniarum: nam ex hoc solo nisi caute ki
cogetur antequam ponatis pecuniam dicere quam partem uult ipse. Nam tu int^
rogabis numquid velit te ponere duplum uel simplum,' et ex hoc habebis qui \
partem eligat. Et ita quidam utuntur hac cautela : j
(f. 5 b is blank.)
IV. Some Notes on the Sections on Tables and Merels nr the Bost-
Socius and Civis Bononiae Works.
I have already in the text given particulars as to the numbers of problems tf
tables and merels which are included in the various MSS. of the Bonus Socius uc
Civis Bononiae works. As is the case in the chess section of these works, the Ciri
Bononiae work gives a more extensive selection of problems in these other games
Very few positions occurring in Bonus Socius are not to be found also in Gre
Bononiae, but while the text of the merels section has been entirely rewritten and
largely rearranged in CB, that of tables preserves both the sequence and the textcf
the MSS. of the French group of Bonus Socius MSS.' BS itself has substitute!
a , sh “ r ‘* r a “ d ! “ 14 a PP ears to me, a later selection of problems of tables for that a
tli© MSS. of the French group.
CHAP. VII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
703
Under the name of tables are included a number of games on the backgammon-
board, all played in practically the same way with the help of dice, and only differing
in the initial arrangement, the points of re-entry and of home, and in the number of
and method of using the dice. The majority of the problems are of a game called
teacta or testa, and in the French MSS. le teste or tieste, which required three dice.
Other games named are barail ( sbarail , baril, rarely in Fr. MSS. barat ), imperial ,
bdldrae , bethelas , la buf t la linpole (in M 10 only), and minaret . Some of these
names occur in the sections on tables in Alf. and K. Minoret may simply refer to
a method of using the dice, facere minoret (majorel) being the technical term for
doubling the throw of the lower (higher) of two dice when only two are used (see
CB 39, 74), in order to secure the effect of a third die.
At first sight, a dice-game does not appear very suitable for the composition of
problems. The difficulty was surmounted by permitting the player to select his
throws, or by imagining an invariable throw. Games of this kind were called
optativi (Fr. par souhaits , souhaidans , or a souhaidier). There are, however, also
a number of problems in which the free use of the dice is allowed ; these become
mathematical problems in probabilities. Thus the CB text commences :
Ista sunt partita tabularum quae dupliciter fiunt, scilicet, optando cum lingua et
proiciendo taxillos. Prirao dicitur de optatiuis, id est de illis que optantur siue
petuntur cum ore.
The merel8 problems are all of the nine men’s morris, or larger merels, the board
containing no diagonals. The difficulty of notation is avoided by using a variety of
forms — circles, squares, triangles (shields), stars, crosses — for the merels. Some
of the problems are very ingenious, and I think that they leave a more favourable
impression of the ingenuity of the mediaeval composer than is the case with the
problems of chess or tables.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM. Ill
Unclassified and later works. — The Munich MS. — MS. Wolfenbiittel 17, SO.
Aug. 4. — Kobel's Schacktzabel-Spid . — Janot's Sensuit Jeux Partis des Eschez.—
MS. Florence XIX. 11. 87. — The Sorbonne MS. — The Casanatense MS.—
Mediaeval problems in the early works of modern chess.
We have not yet exhausted the problem-material which has survived from
the mediaeval period, and it is necessary to devote a third chapter to the
description of a number of MSS. whose place in the development of the
problem literature is less evident, or which belong to the closing* years of
the older game. I begin with a number of smaller collections.
Mun. = MS. Munich Lat 19, 8 77 (Tegemseensis, 1877).
WA= MS. Wolfenbiittel 17, 30. Aug. 4.
Mun. is a MS. of the 15th c., written in one hand throughout, which
contains a number of different treatises by Mauricius, a Doctor of the Uni-
versity of Paris, who lived in the 15th c. and was probably later an inmate of
the Benedictine monastery of Tegernsee. Leaves 131-2, 135-8, and 140,
which are separated by other treatises, contain a small collection of 26 chess
problems (two to the page, except on 133 b and 135 a, the text over the
diagram) with Middle-Dutch text. The chess portion has been edited by
M. Rottmanner in the ZeiUchrifl 'fur deutsehes Alterthum (XXII, Berlin, 1878,
409-21). See also Qst ., 211-12.
WA is a quarto paper MS. with German text, which contains (a) a collec-
tion of 20 chess problems on 10 leaves, one a page ; (h) a translation of
Arthur Sauls Famous Game of Chesse play (London, 1614) on 26 leaves. The
problem MS. was written c. 1600, and as it makes no reference to the older
game being obsolete at the time, it must be one of the latest survivals of the
older game. We know from Selenus that the old chess was still played at
Strobeck in 1617. The diagrams in this MS. are chequered green and white
i
Jt JO
Rook and Pawn, from MS. WA.
(hi is white in VTA 1, 3, 7, 10, 14, 16, 17, 20 only), and the pieces are repre-
sented pictorially, the King, Queen, Bishop, and Knight being drawn as king,
Digitized by Google
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
705
queen, sage or judge, and gentleman, from waist upwards* only showing ; the
Rook as a mediaeval Rook, but with the two wings shaped as horses’ heads ; 1
the Pawns as pillars.
The problems in Mun. will be found as follows in the CB collection :
Man. 1 = CB 196; 2 - CB 200 ; 3 = CB 124 ; 4 = CB 136 ; 5 « CB 50 ;
6 = CB 52 ; 7 - CB 185; 8 = CB 98 ; 9 — CB 197 ; 10 - CB 73 ; 11 = CB 83 ;
12 -CB 25; 13 = CB 75; 14 = CB 116 ; 15 - CB 97; 16 = CB 147;
17 - CB 152 ; 18 = CB 158 ; 19 - CB 162; 20 - CB 163 ; 21 = CB 180 ;
22 - CB 179 ; 23 - CB 211 ; 24 = CB 279 ; 25 = CB 142 ; 26 * CB 216.
(In Mud. 1, 4, 6, 9, 14, 16, 18, 20, and 25, the colours are the reverse of those
in the corresponding positions in CB.)
The contents of WA are as follows :
WA 1 = CB 185; 2 - CB 136 ; 3 = CB 152 ; 4 - CB 98; 5 = CB 83;
6 - CB 98 ; 7 = F 331; 8 - CB 73 ; 9 - CB 25 ; 10 — CB 216 ; 11 - CB 75;
12 = CB 117 (Rb8 on d8, reflect: Die Schwartzen ziehent vor, vndfc matten die
weissen am vierten Zug. Die Alton sollen vorgehe, ein Ritter soli ein Ross erstossen,
durch einer Jungfrawen willen, ein Knab der soli springen, ein Ritter soli ein
Jungfraw gewinnen — a curious reminiscence of a problem legend) ; 13 = CB 15 ;
14 = CB 158; 15 = CB 147; 16 = CB 124 ; 17 = CB 180; 18 = CB 141 ;
19 Wh. Kb8, Rgl, g6, Bc8, Pe6 ; Bl. Kc6, Rb2, Ktc5, Pb5, b6. Die Schwartzen
zeuch vor, den Ritter in das A (d7), den schwartzen Venden inn das B (b7), den
andern in das C (b6), den schwartzen Ritter in das E (c5), mitt den Roch matte in
an dem ftinfften Zug. Cf. Ar. 22 ; 20 = CB 113.
(In WA 2, 14, 15, the colours are the reverse of those in the corresponding
positions in CB.)
These two small collections have no fewer than 13 positions in common,
and the inaccuracies of the diagrams — both MSS. are very corrupt in this
respect — point to a definite relationship. The collation of the diagrams and
1 The same form of Rook occurs in the arms of the German town of Rochlitz, and
(according to Randle Holme, Academy of Armory (Roxburghe Club, 1905), vol, ii, bk. iii, § 2,
J{ooto from J^andle 36olme
p. 87) in the arms of the Bavarian families of Loch and Hinderskircher. Selenus pictures
the ^ Knight in the same way on the title-page to his first book.
iito Y y
Digitized by Google
LX EUROPE
(Bl.)
ic? 'iittws that neither MS. can be attached fc
Man. has, perhaps, more resembUn^ fe
a. ~anes to a far greater extent than is the c*
n the preceding chapter. WA, on the odbc
:eh belong to neither BS nor CB. though ott]
^ ;e additional material which is added to tb i
_ . t tr?e MSS. as showing a still wider popularity i
-x 'eeQ shown, the most interesting feature in t'
^ ^ -he Dilaram position WA 12, which seem-
— >»rr attached to this problem.
- $c**chtzabel Spiel , Oppenheim, n. d., but e m 1521
:<i - v iich are also contained in EgenolfTs reprint a
runtime kiinstliche streitzug vnd spil dardurch sieh is
lt v i ::-rrlich spil des Schachs desto fiirderlicher zu lrnjn
Selenus (1617) as Etliche Exempt: l des alMi
. diagrammed, but are described with the help d
p. 490), and the players are described as the fisc
\.vpt in No. 3, where the first player is White, th
kvi: (here Black) wins in every case — another instenft
u <* £>r the Black pieces. The problems follow :
Kobel 2.
Kobel 4.
BUok mates in IV (really V)
with Pe2.
Black mates in XII
on f8 or h8.
KObel 6.
Kohel
jap. viii THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM 707
SOLUTIONS
1. 1 Ktb7 + ; 2 Kfcb6 + ; 3 Rc6 + , Rd6; 4 Ktd8 + , 5 Ktd7 + ; 6 Qf5 + ;
Ph3 m.
2. Egenolff says, * Der Kbuig auff ch (f6). sol Matt werden am fierden zug / mifc
em Fenden der stat auff gl (e2) ', and solves 1 Kte8 + ; 2 Rg5 + , Rf5 ; 3 Ktd3 + ,
LxKt + ; 4 PxE vnnd sprich Matt ; but another move (5Pd4 m.) is necessary, and
elenus accordingly describes the problem as mate in III with R (by 3 R x R m.), or
late in V with Pe2.
- 3. Wh. Ka8, Bc8 ; Bl. Kb6, Rg7, h7, Bh6 ; Black mate in XVII on a8 ; the
»1. B being immovable. This is a variant of CB 219. The solution begins
Ra7 + ; 2 Kc6 ; 3hRb7+; 4 Rb3, B~ ; 5 Rc7 + ; 6Rd3 + ; 7cRd7, B~;
Kd6, ; 9 Re3 + , and the position is now practically that of the CB solution
t move 7.
4. 1 Pe7 ; 2 Pd7 ; 3 Pd8 = Q ; 4 Qc7 ; 5 Qd6 ; 6 Qe5 ; 7 Qf4 ; 8 Qg5 ;
1 Qh6 ; 10 Pe8 = Q; 11 Qf7 ; 12 Qg7 m.
5. 1 Bf4; 2Rg7; 3Rf7; 4 Kf6 ; 5 Ke6 ; 6 Re7 ; 7 Rd7 ; 8 Kd6 ; 9 Kc6;
0Rc7; 11 Kb6 ; 12Bd6 + ; 13Rc4; 14 Ka6 ; 15 Pb5 ; 16Pb6; 17Pb7m.
rhe idea is that of CB 193, 208, 251, 252, &c.
6. 1 Q(c5)d4 ; 2 Q(c6Vl7 ; 3Rf8 ; 4 Rf7 ; 5 Rd7 m. This is really CB 133.
Che title (Der Konig auff ae sol am fUnfften zug Matt sein vnnd seind die vier
fenden vier frawen die bei ein stand) shows that Kobel used a MS. in which the
liagram had 4 Ps for the Qs.
7. 1 Ktd6 ; 2 Ral + ; 3 Kd7 ; 4 Kc7 ; 5Ra5 + ; 6 Rf5 ; 7Pf8-Q + ;
S Qf 7 m.
Here again we have no indication as to the source used by Kobel. With
the exception of Kobel 3, none of these seven positions occurs in exactly the same
form anywhere else, and four of them are unique. The most interesting point
about the collection is the title, which puts forward the educational value of
the problem as the reason for its inclusion in KobePs book. 2
Sens. = Sensuit leux Partis (les eschez : Composes nouuellement Pour recrer
lous nobles cueurs et pour euiter oysiuete a ceulx qui out voulente : disir et affection
de le scauoir et aprendre et est appelle ce Liure le ieu des princes et damoiselles .
Nouellemeni imprime a Paris .
A small quarto printed work of 12 unnumbered leaves (A i - C iv), of which
only a single copy, now in the Vienna Library, is known. 8 It was printed by
Denis Janot the younger, who was printing in Paris, 1530-40. A blank board
on the title-page is chequered black and red (hi red), and the reverse of this
page has a board arranged for play, the red men on lines 1 and 2 (Kdl), the
black on lines 7 and 8. Throughout, the White pieces are printed in black,
the Red in red, and are represented by their names {Roy, dame , fol, chl\ roc ,
pion). The 21 problems are as follows :
Sens. 1 - CBii ; 2 « CB 149 ; 3 - CB 162 ; 4 = CB 117 \ 5 - CB 152 ; 6 Wh.
Kb6, Rd7, a2, Kta5 ; Red, Ka8, Rc8 ; In II ex. by 1 Rd8, R x R (or Rb8 + ;
2 Ktb7 m.) ; 2 Ktc6 m. The MS. ignores the second solution by 1 Ktb3 or c4 ;
* To these examples Selenus adds (1) the problem Wh. Rc5, e5, Ktc3, e3 ; Bl. Kd4.
Hate in 1Y. 1 eKtdl ; 2 Ktbl ; 3 Kta3 ; 4 cRd5 m. ; (2) the so-called Fool’s Mate in the
modern game.
3 The Vienna copy was in England at the close of the 18th c. In a catalogue issued by
Robert Triphook of 23 Old Bond St., London, I find the entry, ‘ No. 850. Sensuit Jeux Fartis.
45 5*. 1528. I do not know of another copy.*
y y 2
Digitized by Google
708
CHESS IN EUROPE
p±irr n
2 Rb7. Cf. F 324 ; 7 - Picc. 20 ; 8 = CB 1 ; 9 = CB 47; 10 Wh. Kc6, Ra7,
h7 ; Bl. Ke8 ; In III ex. by 1 Re7 + ; 2 Re8 + ; &c. ; 11 - PL 72 ; 12 =* CB 53;
13 corr. Wh. Kdl, Ral, hi, Ktbl, gl, Bel, fl, Pa2, b3, c3, d2, e2, f3, g3, h2 ; R*d,
Kg5, Ra8, b8 f Ktb4, c4, Bc8, £8, Qf5, 8 Ps on 7tb row; In V. A shortened version
of CB 185 ; 14 = CB 268 ; 15 «= CB 147; 16 = CB 217; 17 = CB 185 ; 18 =
CB 244 ; 19 =* CB 211 ; 20 = CB 208 ; 21 = CB 209.
The colours are reversed from CB except in Sens. 5, 19-21.
This work is an extract from a collection which was in part based upon
the CB work.
I now turn to three MSS. which are in the main independent of the BS
and CB works, and are in consequence of greater interest. Two of these were
written in Italy, the third in France. The first is —
Picc . 4 = MS. Nat. Lib. Florence, XIX. 11, 87.
A parchment Latin MS. of the 15th c., formerly in the Magliabecchian
Library, which consists of 88 24mo leaves (1-27, 27*, 28-48, 48 s *, 49—86;
the foliation is modern), and contains 172 diagrams of chess problems on
ff. 1 a -84 b, and 3 blank diagrams on 85 and 86 a. A later hand has added
the title Regole del giuoco degli Scacchi. The MS. has no introduction, and
nothing to show its authorship or history. Only 41 problems in this MS.
are to be found in the CB and BS collections, and in no case is the text to
the solution identical. The compiler would seem to have first collected his
diagrams, and to have added original solutions later. His solutions are
briefer than those in any other MS., and are devoid of any literary style;
they look more like rough notes. In order to elucidate the solutions the
compiler has added symbols, such as 6 , 9 , ■©* , <t>, 1, L, o-, f, II, TT, 9 -, V, v> to
denote particular squares where the mediaeval MSS. usually employ letters . 5
Another peculiarity is the noting of the number of pieces employed above
each diagram, thus to Picc. 10 is the note Scak tresdecim* It was the com-
piler’s intention to arrange his material by the number of moves in the
solutions, but for some reason the arrangement has been abandoned in part
towards the end of the MS . ; 7 the majority of his positions are in II and
III moves, and there are only 13 problems of VII moves and over. The
Muslim element in the MS. is very small, and practically confined to the
positions which the MS. has in common with CB. To a large number of
problems the side-note mentitur is added, to show that the position is without
solution. The use of this term is peculiar to this MS., BS and CB using
either non Jit or jieri non potest. The compiler had a decided preference for
non-checking first moves, and the solutions of 43 out of 55 problems in
II moves begin without a check. He was also fond of symmetrical arrange-
ments of the pieces. He had no more feeling for possibility than any other
4 For Piccolo, the name by which v. d. Lasa called this work in his letters, from the fact
that the MS. has the smallest pages (10*4 cm. by 8*1) of any mediaeval problem MSS.
8 In Picc. 1, 6, 7 the writer has used letters in the place of his symbols.
8 In a few cases the note is wanting, and in a few more the number does not agree with
the number in the diagram. The number then becomes of importance in correcting the
mistake made by the writer in copying the diagram.
7 Picc. 1-54, 131 are in II; 55-129 in III ; 130, 133-43 in IY; 153-68, 172 in V ; 144-6, 169.
170 in VI ; 147-9 in VII, 150 in VIII, 152 in XI, 151 in XII, 132 in XXIII, 171 in n moves.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
709
composer of his time. On the whole, his collection strikes me as more in-
teresting than either BS or CB, but one does not come away from it with
a high idea of the compiler’s skill. In 20 problems his solution is wrong, and
in 33 I have noted second solutions which had escaped his attention. Four
solutions are unintelligible, possibly from errors in the diagrams.
The pieces are denoted by 72, f, aC , eq u 8 (in earlier problems also e ), r, P,
and in the solutions by rex, fercia, alphinus, equ us, rocus, jpedona. Once
(Picc. 59) the Kt appears on the diagram as ck'r , and once (Picc. 40) the Rook
is called rector in a solution. Probably Picc. 59 was obtained from a French
collection; the ordinary use of equus poiuts to Italy as the home of the
compiler.
The problems now follow :
Picc. 2. Picc. 3 (corrA Picc. 6.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
Picc. 7 (corr.). Picc. 8 (corr.). Picc. 9.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Rc5 is ti dated.
Said to be unsound.
Picc. 10. Picc. 11. Picc. 18 « 60.
Digitized by
Goog
710
CHESS IN EUROPE
PABT II
Picc. 15. Picc. 17. Picc. 19 * 46.
Mat<- in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. (Bl.)
Unsound. Re2 is fidated. Unsound. Mate in II exactly.
Rg7 is fidated. Unsound
Picc. 20 (cor r. ) - 28 ' corr. )
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Picc. 21 (corr.) ** 47,
Picc. 29 (corr.). Picc. 80. Picc. 83 (corr.).
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Picc. 84 (corr.). Picc. 36. Picc. 41.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly. Mate in II exactly.
Unsound. Kt is fidated.
Digitized by boogie
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly
Mate in III exactly
Picc. 60 (corr.y
Mate in III exactly
Mate in III exactly,
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
Matt* in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
. m m m m
* m m m m
it | S' * : m
m m mam
E
. j .
e : . * :
mm m □
mm m s
m m mam
1 i 1 1
1 MAJM Wk
m m e m
i | g i
B ■ B B
m ■ m m
m m m m sL
in! m
■ BBS
a m m m
9 111
B B B B
m m m m
m m m m
CHESS IN EUROPE
liwiu
A
Mate i n III exactly.
Re2 is fidated, and Klxd
may not move first move.
Mate in III exactly.
All the pieces are fidated
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
A S;
A i
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly
Picc. 98 (conO.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
All the men are fidated
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
713
•Picc. 102.
Picc. 103.
Picc. 104.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Picc. 106.
Picc. 107.
Picc. 109.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
Ra7 is fidated. Unsound.
Picc. 110.
Picc. 118.
Picc. 119.
(BL)
Mate in III exactly.
Rh7 is immovable.
Mate in III exactly.
The Rs are fidated.
Mate with P in III
exactly. The Kt is
fidated.
Picc. 120.
Picc. 121.
Picc. 122.
Mate in III exactly.
Wh. Bs are fidated.
Unsound.
Mate in III exactly.
Ktc4 is fidated.
Mate in III exactly.
Digitized by
Google
714
CHESS IN EUROPE
PA-BT Tl
Picc. 123.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly
Picc- 125 (eorrO..
Mate in III exactly.
Picc. 126.
^Bl.)
Mate in III exactly.
Picc. 184. Picc. 135. Picc. 143.
Mate in IV, each Wli. Mate with P in IV
piece moving once. exactly.
Picc. 146. Picc. 147. Picc. 148.
Mate in VI exactly. Mate in VII exactly- Mate in VII exactly.
Mate in III exactly.
RfTisfidated. Unsound
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in IV exactly, one
P checking on 3rd move,
the other mating.
Digitized by boogie
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
Mate in V exactly.
Mate in XI exactly,
Mate in V on d6. The
Wh. B is immovable.
Mate in V exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in V exactly.
Mate in V exactly.
Mate in V exactly.
NOTES AND SOLUTIONS
1 = CB 15. 2. 1 KtxP; 2Re7m. 3. 1 R x fP; 2 Rf8 m. Also by 1 Ktf6 + ;
2 Kt(e5)d7 m. 4. Var. of Picc. 3 (Bb5 on e4, Qd6 on c7, Bc6 on d6, omit Bg6, add
Wh. Qh6, Pc6) in II ex. 1 Kt x P ; 2 Bg6 m. et aliter ludi non potest (but 1 It x fP is
adequate). 5. Wh. Hal, h7, Ktd6, Bc6, Pb6 ; BL Kb8, Ra7, Ktb5, Bd5: in II ex.
The MS. solution (1 R x R, Kt x R ; 2 P x Kt m.) is unsound, for if 1 aR x R, Ktc7, if
1 hR x R (or Rc7 + ), Kt x Kt, if 1 P x R + , Kt x P. There is no mate in II. 6. The
MS. overlooks the mate by 1 Ktc2 + , Ktd4 (or Rd3 ; 2 Ktb6 m.) ; 2 Ktb4 m. 7.
1 Ktd6 + ; 2 Pe8 = Qm. 8. 1 Kt x B(c5) + ; 2 Rb8 m. Cf. Picc. 31. 9. 1 Rc7 + ;
2 Bc5 m. 10. 1 QxR; 2 B m. acc. (Also by 1 Rf8 + or 1 Kt x P + .) A poor
problem. 11. The MS. solution is 1 R x P, Ktd4 ; 2 Ktf6 m., but 1 . . , Ktd8!
H H 1
1
n n
4
"la r:;:
A
m m
W r liM
i m
JE M
' ^
★
716
CHESS IN EUROPE
?lT
The problem is unsound. 12 = CB 23 . 13. No text or conditions. It Is kisisJ
with Picc. 50. 1 Re3, Bd7 (or fixH; 2 Ktm.); 2 Ktb7 m. 14. Wh. Ke5- 1-
Ktd4, d6, Bd5, f5 ; Bl. Kd8, Kte7, f8, Bh6, Pf4 : in duobus . Primo r *
rocco tn (b7), enim ludi nec defendi potest. Cf. CB 16. 15. If 1 RT3, Rk*- '
1 Bc7, R x P + . If 1 Ktc5 + , Ra7. If 1 Pb7 + , Ka7. Var. Rf7 on g7. is
sound (C 17 is another setting) by 1 Rf3 ; 2 Rf8 or Ktc7 m. acc. 16- Wk
Rc3, Qcl ; Bl. Kal, Rd2 : in II ex., 1 Qx R; 2 Rcl m. 17. If 1 KtxE,^
If 1 Rg2, Rg7. 18 ■■ CB 2 . 19 = 46 (which the diagram is). If 1 B *£•
Kh7 ; 2 Rh2 + , Bh3 + . If 1 Rh2 + , Bh3 + . If 1 K x Q, Rf6. KlKxP.L
20 ■* 23. 1 Ra5, PxKt (or KtxQ; 2 Kb5 m. Or 1 . . , Bb8 ; 2 Ktb6 c.
2 Q x Bm. Cf. C 25, Sens. 7, Luc. 12. 21 «* 47 (which the diagram is). 1 L
BxP (or RxB + ; 2 KtfGm.); 2 Rd8 in. 22 = CB 3. 23 = 20. 24=49 —
is a var. of 20 (Wh. Kt for Qc8, Bl. P for Bb7, udd Wh. Pc4), the solution of
now fails, but 1 R x P is now adequate. 25 = F 320. 26 ■* 48. 1 Rd8. 27 cr.
Cf. CB 13 (Kts for Bs 16, f8, omit Pg5, now reflect). In II ex.. 1 KtaT-
2 Bb6 m. 28 - 53 = CB 38. 29. 1 Rb3, Rb7 (or Ra7 ; 2 Rb8 m.) ; 2 Ktx3:
30. 1 Kte4, QxKt (or RxP + ; 2 BxRm. Or 1 . . , RxR; 2 P x: B n
2 Ktf6 m. 31. An unsound var. of 8 (Bc4 on c8, Ra3 on a4, Rb3 on c3. K*
is fldated) in II ex. If 1 Kt x B(b4), K x R. If 1 Be6, Kt x Q. 32 = CB -
33. 1 Rf3, B(f7)~ (or B(g7)~; 2 QxBm.); 2 R x Q ra. 34. If 1 Rd€-
KxR. If 1 Kta5 + , KxP. 35. Cf. CB 13 (Kt for Bf6, Rd4 on d3, RcZ ^
c2, reflect). In II ex., 1 Rb8, Kte8 + ; 2 It x Kt m. Or 1 P x Kt ; 2 Bt-5 o
f6 or B(c8)^ m, acc. 36. 1 Ktd7, R x Kt (or QxKt; 2 KtxRm. Or 1
KxKt; 2 Ktc5 m.) ; 2 Ktc7 m. Nota quod ubi est fercta * (i. e. g7) melior
pedona. 37 - CB 261. 38 = CB 15. 39. Cf. CB 13 (add Bl. Bd8). In II n
1 Rg8, Rc6 + (or Kt x P ; 2 R x B or B(i8)^ m.) ; 2 B x R m. 40. Cf. CB 1 7 (os:
Qc2, Rhl ; Pb3, on c3; add Bl. Ps on d4, 12). In II ex. Unsound. If 1 Bf
Pfl = Q. If 1 Bb7, Ra5 + . 41. Notandum quod equus albus est fidatus et ( p e)d^
in (c8) deseendit : otnnes vero aliter ascendant . 1 Qc7 + ; 2 Ktc6 m. Var. Cte
Qd6. Now unsound. 42. Cf. CB 16 (add Wh. Pc2, d2, Bl. Kte7 ; omit Bf5, let
Pf4 on f2 going to f8). In II ex., 1 Bf3, Ktd7 + ; 2 11 x Kt m. Or 1 . . , Kte6-
2 Kt x Kt m. Or 1 . . , Kt(f8)~ ; 2 Rd7 or Kte6 m. Or 1 . . , Kt (e7)-; 2 Ktc6 m. 4:
Wh. Re7, g5, Bd4, e6, Pf6 ; Bl. Kh8, Kth6, Be4, f5, Pb3. In duobus . Scak dece*
Notandum quod pedona alba ascendit , nigra uero deseendit. No solution, and tbe^
is no mate in II. 44 corr. Wh. Kf3, Rb7, e3, Kte6, e7, Qg8, Bb5, f6, Pb6, g‘
Bl. Ke8, Rc7, Qc8, Bd6, f8. In II ex., 1 Ktg6; 2 Ktc7 m. Aliter uero ludi **
potest , but 1 Ktc6 is equally good. Cf. 36. 45. Wh. Ra7, h7, Ktd6 ; BL Kd
Notandum quod quocumque equo moueatur secundo luditur. A poor probkt- 4
Contrast CB 41. 46 = 19. 47 » 21. 48 = 26. 49 - 24. 50 = 13. 51. C
CB 16 (add Bl. Kte7, Bh6 ; omit Pc6 ; Pf4 goes to f8). In II ex., 1 Bf3 or RU !
Vars. I. Pf4 goes to fl. Unsound (but 1 Bf3 is adequate). II. Black plays fiM 1
Unsound, by 1 . . , Ktd7 + ; 2 Ktfl. 52. Wh. Kbo, Ra2, Kta5, Pb6, c6 ; BL I
Rcl, h7, Bd6. In duobus . Scac decern. No solution. ? Add Wh. Rg7 (position is |
now Picc. 112) and solve 1 Rg8 + ,Bb8; 2 Ktb7 m. 53 = 28. 54. Wh.
Ra6, c8, Ktc6, e8, Qd5, Bf6 ; BL Kb7, Ra4, Kte5, Qa5, d8, e7, f7, Bc5, e3, Pf4
In duobus . Scak ocviii. No solution. ? Add Wh. Bf5 and solve 1 Kt x Q(d8)-
K x R (or Q x Kt ; 2 Ktd6 m.) ; 2 Ra8 m. 55. Cf. CB 44 (Rc7 on d7 ; add Wh. Pc" ;
reflect, and change colours). In III ex. Add condition Pb2 is immovable. 1 Qc5,
Rg7 (or Ktb6 ; 2 Ra5 ; 3 Ktm. Or 1 . . , Kt x R ; 2 Qb6 ; 3 Kt m. Or 1 . . .
Ktb3 + ; 2 B x Kt ; 3 Kt m.) ; 2 Qb7 + ; 3 Kt m. 56. In tribus. Scak sex.
solution. Cf. Picc. 133 in IV. 57. In tribus. Scak sej>tem. Prime Ivdatur d(
rege albo in (f6). Secundo de rocco albo in (c8) et tractus alphinus (sic) nigri uemU
in (d6), qui alphinus non aedpiatur cum pedona , sed spingatur per umt#
punctum, et mactet. 58 = CB 47. 59. MS. solution 1 B x R ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Bd6 n
is foiled by 1 . . , RxR + . It can be solved by 1 R x R(a3), B x B(e4) ; 2 Ka2:
3 Ktc7 m. Or 1 . . , B x B(d6) ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ra8 m. Or 1 . . , Rb8 or RxR:
2 Ra4 (or a5 or Ka2); 3 Ktc7 m. The first of a series of variants which onlv
Jized by Google
LAP. VITI
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
717
ffer in the arrangement of the four Bs. 60. No solution. It appears to be an
isound Tar. of Picc. 62 and 96. If 1 R x R(al) + ; 2 R x R + , Ktc8. 61. Cf. 59
aterchange Bs g3 and e5). In HI ex. 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 RxR(n3) + ; 3 RxB or
< x !R m. 62. Cf. 60 (Bl. B for Ktd6). In III ex. No solution. (1 R x R(al) + ;
RxR-f; 3 RxB m.) 63. Cf. 59 (interchange Bs f4 and e5). In HI ex.
R x R(a3) ; 2 Ka2 ; 3 Ktc7 or R x R m. acc. Also bv 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 R x B(a3) + ;
R x B or R m. 64. 1 Rbl 4- ; 2 Qb5 ; 3 Ktc4 m. 65. 1 Rb2 (Rb3 or Rb7 or
lb8 will do as well); 2 Ktc4 + ; 3 Ktc5m. 66. Wh. Kcl, Rbl, dl, Kta5, a8,
►c4, cl7, Bc5, f5 ; Bl. Kd6, Re8, Ktc8, d8. In tribus . Scak xiii. No solution,
nd as the Bl. K is in ch., the position is wrong. 67. 1 Kth5, Kg8. If 1 . . , Kf8;
Qg6 ; 3 Re8 m. 68. 1 Be3, Rh7 (or f7) ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 Pb7 or R x R m. Or 1 . . ,
txB; 2 Ra3 (a4 or a5) ; 3 Ktc7 m. Or 1 . . , Rhl (or fl) ; 2 Ra2 (or a3, a4,
; 3 Ktc7 m.; or 2 Bc5; 3 Pb7 or Ktc7m. 69 = CB 88. 70. Cf. CB 67 (Rb2
m b4, reflect). In III ex. MS. says 1 Bg7 ; 2 Ktc7, tercio patet et aliter ludi non
x>test . But 1 . . , R x B is an adequate defence. But 1 Ra2, Ra3 (or Rg7 ;
2 Bc3, &c. Or 1 . . , Rf4 ; 2 B(e5)^, &c. Or 1 . . , R elsewhere; 2 Ktb4 or c5
\cc., &c.) ; 2 RxR; 3 Ktc7 m. holds. Var. Rf3, g4, on f2, g3 ; unsound ■» CB
67. 71 = PL 68. 72 = 111 corr. 1 Bc5 + , Kb8 (or Ra2; 2 Qc7; 3 RxR or
Pb7 m.) ; 2 Pc7 + ; 3 Ra8 m. 73. If 1 Ra3 (a4, a5), Re6. If 1 RxR, Re6.
2 Po7, Be3. 74. Cf. CB 56 (omit Bd5; add Bl. Pd2 ; reflect). In III ex.; the
Bl. R is fidated. MS. says unsound by 1 Re3, Rg5 + ; but this allows 2 Re5 ;
3 Ktc5 m. The pi-oblem is sound. 75 =* CB 64. 76. 1 Bd4 ; 2 Rb5 ; 3 Rb6 m.
77. Wh. Kf6, Rb2, Kta6» c4, Bb6, c7, Pe4, 17; Bl. Kc6, Ktd3,Qc8, Bb7, g3. In III ex.
>1 S. says 1 Kta5 + ; 2 Pf8 = Q ; reliquum patet. But if 1 . . , Kd6 this solution fails.
Contrast with 76. 78. There are three Wh. Kts. The position is clearly taken from
CB 158 (in VI), but there Ktf2 and f5 are both Black. Possibly Ktf2 should be Black
here also. The MS. solution (1 R x R(gl) ; 2 Ktd6) is foiled by 1 . . , R x Kt+ (or
if Ktf2 is black, by 1 . . , Kt x Kt + ). There is a solution in III by 1 Rc6 + ;
2 Rd6 + ; 3 Rb4m.; or by 1 Rb4 + ; 2 Rb5 + ; 3 Ktd6 m. Var. In II ex.
1 Rb4 + ; 2 Rd6 (or Kte7 or Rd4 or Pei) m. Also by 1 Rc6 + ; 2 Kte7 m. 79 corr.
Cf. CB 71 (Pb3 on b4, Pg2 on f5; add Bl. Pc2 ; reflect). In III ex. Unsound. If
1 B x R (or Ktb8 + or Ktb4 + ), Ba4. If 1 Rh3, Rh7 or g8 ; 2 Ktb4 (or b8) + , Ba4.
If 1 K x B, Ra7. 80. 1 Ktc8 ; 2 Pb7 ; 3 Pb8 = Q m. (Also 1 Ktb5 ; 2 Pc7 + ;
3 Pb7 m. Contrast with C 59 and C 111.) 81 = CB 66 (the MS. solution is wrong).
82. If 1 Rd8 + , Rb8 ; 2 R x R + , Kt x R + ; or 2 Ra7 + , Kt x R. If 1 Rc8 + , Rb8.
If 1 Ra7, Kt x R ; 2 QxR, Bc5. If 1 Q x R, Ktb8 + ; 2 B x Kt, Bc5. If 1 R x Kt,
Bc5. 83. If 1 Rd8 + , Rg8 ; 2 Rg2, Pci = Q + . 84 - CB 53. 85 « CB 52.
86 = CB 70 (the condition Wh. Kt may not play first move is omitted in error).
87. MS. gives 1 Bh3 ; 2 Qg3 ; reliquum patet ; but if 1 . . , K x B, Bl. is now stale-
mate. The problem is unsound. Vars. (1) Kh2 on hi, and (2) the same thing,
Black plays first, are sound. 1 . . , Khl ; 2 Bh3 ; 3 Qg3 ; 4 Ktf2 m. 88. 1 Rh5,
Bg8 (or Ktf5 ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh8 m.) ; 2 Qh7 ; 3 Ktf7 m. 89. Wh. Ka5, Rb5, d7,
Qc6; Bl. Ka8, Bb8, Ktc8. In III ex. Unsound. If 1 Ka6, Bd6. The position is
based on CB 9, &c. 90. If 1 R x R, R x R. If 1 Bg4, RxR (not Ktd6 as MS.
gives, for fhen 2 iid8 + , Kte8 ; 3 R x Kt m.). 91. Wh. Rf3, Kte5, e6, Qd8, Be4,
Pb5 ; Bl. Ke8, Re7, f2, Qh6, Pg7. In tribus . Scak xi. Primo de fercia in (e7) :
secundo de alphino in (c6) : reliquum patet. But if 1 . . , R x R there is no mate.
The diagram is probably corrupt. 92 = CB 49. 93. Wh. Ral, Kta6, Bg6, Pb6,
c6, c5; Bl. Ka8, Rf4, h4, Bd6. In III ex. MS. says unsound, but there is a solu-
tion by 1 Be4, Bb8 (or RxB; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ra8m.); 2 Pb7 + ; 3 Ktm. Var.
Bg6 on g5, said to be sound, is unsound. If 1 B^, Ra4. If 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 Ra7, Ra4.
94. 1 Kte7 + ; 2 Bc5 + ; 3 Pb7 or R x Kt m. acc. 95. U 1 Rd8, Kt x R ; 2 Ktb5 + ,
B x Kt + ; or 2 Bf4 + , R x B. 96. 1 R x R(a 1) + ; 2RxK + ; 3RxQm. 97. Cf.
59 (interchange Wh. and Bl. Bs). In III ex. 1 Ktc7-f, Kb8 (or Bx Kt; 2
RxaR + ; 3RxB+ or E m.) ; 2 Bx B(d6) + ; 3 R x R(f8) m. ( 1 R x R(a3) is
also adequate.) 98. 1 Pb7 + , 2 R x R + ; 3 Ra7 m. There are still three pieces lees
than the 13 stated in the MS. 99. Cf. 59 (interchange Bf4, d6). In III ex.
Digitized by Google
718
CHESS IN EUROPE
FAST :i
1 Ktc7 + ; 2 B x B(d6) + ; 3 R x R (f8) ni. (To complete the set we may »dd Tar.
interchange Bd6, g3. In III ex. 1 R x R(a3), Rb8 (or~; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 R a8 m. | :
2 R x R + ; 3 Ktc7 m.) 100. lRf8 + ; 2Rf7 + ; 3 Rh7 m. 101. 1 R x R(a3t
Ba5 (or R x R ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 RxB m.) ; 2 RxB; 3 Ktc7 m. Cf. 59- 102-
1 Qb7 + ; 2 Q x Kt + ; 3 Ra8 m. Yar. Omit Qg7. Unsound, for 2 . . , Rb7 L*
possible. 103. 1 aRb8 + , Kt x R ; 2 Bx Kt; 3 Pa6 m. 104. 1 KxE; 2 Ra7 ■*>
3 Rb8 or Be6 m. acc. 105. An unsound var. of Picc. 68 (Bg5 on g6, Rf3, b3, os
f5, h5). If 1 Be4, Rd5. If 1 Rgl or el, Rb5. 106. 1 Ktg6 ; 2 Rf6 ; 3 Ktc3 a.
107. 1 Qe6 + , Ke8 (or Kf8 ; 2 Bd6 + ; 3 Rg8 m.) ; 2 Rd4 ; 3 Rd8 m. 108 =- CB
49. 109. If 1 Kte7, Rc7 ; 2 Ktd7, Rc3 (c2, cl); or 2 Ral (bl), R x Kt. If I
1 Bf4 + ,Rh7; 2~, Rh6 + . Var. P for Qd6. Now sound. 1 Kte7, Rc7 (b7); !
2 Pd7; 3 Ktf7 or Bf4 m. acc. If 1 . . , Ra5 ; 2 Rcl (or bl — not Ktc4 as M>.
gives) ; 3 Ktf7 or R m. acc. If 1 . . , Ral ; 2 Rbl, &c. If 1 . . , Ra2 (a3. *4);
2 Bf8 + ; &c. If 1 . . , Ra8 ; 2 Bc8, &c. 110. If 1 Be6 + , P x B; 2 Ktf8, RxR
If 1 Kt x R, Kt x P ; 2 R x Kt, Re6 + . If 1 Ktf8, Kt x P. 111 = 72. 112. WL
Kb5, Ral, g7, Kta6, Pb6, c6 ; Bl. Ka8, Rc2, h7, Bd6. In III ex. 1 Ktc7-;
2 Rg8 + : 3 11 x R, Ra8 or R x B m. acc. 113 = CB 83. 114 = CB 82.
115 = CB 51. 116 = CB 270. 117 = CB 45. 118. 1 Ral + ; 2 Pc7 ; residuum
paUt. But 1 Ral + , Ra2; 2 Pc7, Ra6 foUs it. 119. 1 Kte6 + ; 2 Ktd8 (not
Ktc7 as in MS.) ; 3 Pd6 m. 120. If 1 Rd7, Rbl. If 1 Rd8 + ,BxR+; 2 Ka6.
Bb6. Why the fidation? 121. 1 Kte7 + ; 2Ktd6 + ; 3 Kte8 m. 122. 1 Rd7;
2 Qg7 ; 3 Rd5 m. 123. 1 Ktf6 + , Kf8 (or Kh8 ; 2 K x P; 3 R m. acc.) ; 2 R x R ;
3 Rh8 m. 124. 1 Rfl ; 2 Ral ; 3 Ra6 m. 125. 1 B x R, Ktg7 ; 2 R x Kt(g7) + ;
3RxKt(f8)m. Or 1 . . , Ktd6 ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 RxKtm. Or 1 . . , Px Kt;
2 Bg4 ; 3 Be6 or Kte7 m. 126. lKtc5 + ; 2RxR(d5) + ; 3Qm. 127. MS. intends
1 Bf3, Rf5 + ; 2 Bd5, RxB + ; 3 Ktc5 m. ; but 1 . . , Ra7 (2 Bd5, R x Kt) foils it.
Other tries&lso fail. It is unsound. 128. Wh. Ral, Kta6, Pc6, b6, el ; Bl. Ka8,
Bd6. In III ex. 1 Rdl ; 2 Rd7 ; 3 Ra7 m. 129. 1 R(a6)a8 ; 2 Be5 ; 3 Qc6 m.
130 = CB 117. 131 = CB 1. 132. Wh. Ka6, Rg7, h7, Pf8, fl ; Bl. Ka8, Pgl,
g8. In XXIII, six pieces, the Bl. being fidated. The text is partially in Italian, but
is corrupt. I Omit PfB, g8, make A-file 8th row, and mate with P. This seems
possible in XXIII or thereabouts. Cf. CB 208, 251, 252. 133. Position is Pioc,
56. In IV ex. 1 Kte3; 2 Kf3 ; 3 R~; 4 Re7 m. 134. 1 Rbl ; 2 Ktc4; 3 Kb6 ;
4 Rd8 m. 135. lKf6; 2 Ba6 ; 3Rc8 + ; 4 Pe6m. 136. Position is Picc. 100.
In IV ex. All pieces fidated. 1 Qf7 ; 2 Rg6; 3 Rg8+ (not Rg7 as MS. gives);
4 Qg6 m. (Also by 1 Bg4 ; 2 Rf7 ; 3 Rh7 (or Be6) ; 4 Be6 (or Rh7)m.) 137 =
135. 138. Wh. Kh5, Rh6, Ktc7, Qf4, f6, g4, g6 ; Bl. Kg8. In IV ex. Said to
be unsound. 1 Q(g4)f5. But 2 Qe6 ; 3 Q(e6)f7 + ; 4 Rh8 m. is possible. The
problem is sound. Cf. CB 133 in V# 139 = CB 111 (omit Kal, Ph6, and Wh.
can stale Bl. and continue playing). 140. Wh. Kb6, Rd7, e7, Bd4, e4 ; Bl. K&8,
Rd3, e3, Bd6, e6. In IV, checking each move. 1 Ra7 + ; 2 R(e7)b7 + ; 3 Ra8 -+• ;
4 R(&8) x B m. Cf. F 297. 141. Wh. Kc6, Rdl, Kte4, Qc7, Pc5 ; Bl. Kc8, Rh8.
In IV ex. with P. Xolandum quod tftabulatum (i. e. when staled) expectat mactum
inuiium » CB 113. 142 = CB 101. 143. 1 Kte6 + ; 2 Ktf6 ; 3 P + ; 4 Pm
144 con-. = CB 101. 145 = CB 144. 146. 1 Rg8; 2 Kg3; 3 Kf4; 4 Rg6;
5 Rg3; 6 Rh3m. The B seems unnecessary. 147. 1 Rg7 ; 2 Kh7 ; 3 Kg6 ;
4 Kf6 ; Kd8 (b8) ; 5 Re7 ; 6 Rdl (not Re8 as MS.) ; 7 Rd8 m. If 4 . . , Kf8 ; 5 Ke6 ;
6 Rf7 ; 7 Rg8m. Other solutions exist. 148. 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 Ktc6 + ; 3Be6 + ;
4 P x P (not PfB as in MS.) ; 5 Pe7 ; 6 Pe8 = Q ; 7 Qd7 m. Or 4 Kta6 (Kt x P) ;
5 Ktc5; 6 Ktb7 ; 7 Ktd6m. 149 = CB 162. 150. Cf. CB 189 (Q for Pf6, Kg8
on h8 ; reflect). Bl. Ps ascend. In VHI ex. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Qa8. The alteration saves
a move of the CB solution and avoids the abnonnal move of the Wh. P. 151 = CB
277 (but in XII). 152. 1 Qe2 ; 2 Ktc2 ; 3 Ktd4 ; 4 Kte6 ; 5 Ktg5 ; rdiqua patent.
Many continuations are possible, e. g. 6 Bd2 ; 7 Bf4 ; 8 Kf3 ; 9 Kth3 ; 10 Qfl ;
11 Qg2 m. 153. 1 Ktb4 + ; 2 Kb6 ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Ktc6 ; 5 Rd8 m. 154 = CB 135.
155. 1 Bc6; 2 Ba4 ; 3 Ktc7; 4 Ktg4 + ; 5 Bin. 156. 1 Kb6 ; 2 Rh5 ; 3 Rh8 + ;
4 B x P; 5 Bd6 m. 157. 1 Rcl ; 2 Rc2 ; 3 Ktd4 ; 4Kt(d4)e6 + ; oBm. 158.
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
719
An extended version of CB 112 in V. 159. 1 Qc6 4- ; Kc8 (or Kb8 ; 2 Rdl;
3 Qb6; 4 Qc7, &c.) ; 2 Rdl; 3 Rd8 + ; 4 Kc4 ; 5 Ra8 m. 160 - CB 135. 161.
Probably a Pawn-mate is intended. 1 Rc3 (only move given in MB.), Bf6 ; 2 K x B ;
3 Ba6 ; 4 Rc8; 5 Pe6 m. 162. Wh. K17, Bc5, Qf6; Bl. Kh8, Rc2, Pc6. In V.
B*rimo de alphino in (e3), secundo de eodem in (g5), tertio de fercia in (g7) dando
scaccum , reliqua patent . This is probably an inaccurate attempt to give CB 137.
163 corr. Wh. Kc8, Rh8, Ba2, Pbl, c5, going to al, a5 ; Bl. Ka8. In V ex. 1 Kc7 + ;
2 Pal = Q ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Qc3 ; 5 Ra5 m. 164 = CB 133. 165. 1 Pg7 + ;
2 PxKt«Q+; 3Rc8; 4 Qg7 ; 5 Rh8 m. 166 corr. Cf. 156 (Kb5 on b6, Re5
on e6). In V. 1 Rel ; 2 Rhl ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 B x Q ; 5 Bd6 m. The MS. solution is
wrong. 167. 1 Rg5, Bc6 ; 2 R x B ; 3 Rc4 m. 168. Wh. Kd6, Ra3, e3, Bfl, Pc2,
d2 ; Bl. Kc8. In Vex. lRe8 + ; 2 Pc3 ; 3 Fc4 ; 4 Bd3 ; 5 Rb8 m. 169 is an
extended version of CB 112 in VI. 170 = D 49. 171 = CB 239. 172 =
CB 135.
S = MS. Paris, 24274 (fonds de Sorbonne, 1426).
This is a MS. of the late 15th c. from the Richelieu Library, which
contains, f. 1, the French version of Cessolis by Ferron, f. 44 a Latin collec-
tion of 197 problems of chess, and f. 148 a French treatise, Comment lee heraulx
furent premier ement fondes.
The collection of problems is in the same hand with the Ferron work, and
was possibly intended to supplement the chess information of the morality by
practical exercises in the movement and combination of the pieces, just as is
the case in D, Arch., and Kobel. There is no attempt to arrange the problems
in any way, and it is soon evident that the collection is a compilation from
three distinct sources. 8 The first of these is the Bonus Socius work, from
which no less than 59 problems have been taken with the original solutions.
All of these problems (S 92, 93, 95-106, 124-46, 168-89) are taken from
the first 61 problems in the Bonus Socius work, and they are diagrammed
with much accuracy. A collation of them shows that the parent MS.
belonged to neither of the French groups of the Bonus Socius MSS. The
second source, from which 74 positions in S are derived (13 1-52, 94,
114-15, 120-3, 147-9, 155, 159, 162, 166, 190-7), was a Latin MS., which
contained many positions which occur in the Bonus Socius and Civis Bononiae
collections, but with a text that was different from that in either of these
works. The remaining 64 problems belong to a third work of a particularly
interesting character. These problems may be identified by the fact that the
solutions regularly give the moves of both players, even where there is no
choice of move, and by certain peculiarities of diction, e. g. the use of the word
necessario . They are also very different in type from those of other works ;
they are often very puerile, but there are none of the wager-games or problems
intentionally unsound, and they employ a more advanced type of move than
what is usual in the Civis Bononiae work. They are probably among the latest
of the mediaeval compositions, and composed in France by a player away from
8 That S is a compilation also appears from the text to S 1, which must have always been
the first problem of the MS., for it alone commences with a large initial in red ink. The
solution refers to the adjoining problem (jpariitus contiguus) as a similar position. The problem
intended is, however, not S 2 but S 191.
Digitized by Google
720
CHESS IN EUROPE
PA RT :
the main current of chess activity. From certain mistakes in S it is clear that
that MS. is not the work of the composer of these problems.
One or two peculiarities of nomenclature may be mentioned. I har<?
already made use of the fact that the MS. (in problems from the second soon*
only) uses the name domina for a Queen produced by the promotion of a Pairn.
In place of regina or domina , the problems of the third source occasionally u-r
the name feta , which is also almost the only name used in the diagrams On
the forms fere, fire, fiere , ferce — S 44 only : regina occurs very rarely in
diagrams). The Bishop is generally alfinns or alphinus (dat. pi. alphiu&p*.
S 111), but once (S 42) delphinns is used. Both the non-BS sources
pingere pedonem for to advance a Pawn. Cantnm , the corner, replaces the usual
anguine in S 108.
I now proceed to give the contents of the MS., omitting the problem*
taken from the Bonus Socius work, which have been given already in tb
tables, summarizing the contents of the MSS. of that group.
Mate with B in IV
exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly
S 54.
S 56.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in III exact
Unsound.
S 58 (corr.).
m
Mate in II exactly
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly
Digitized by boogie
t
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
721
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
S 64.
S 65.
S 66.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
S 67.
S 68.
S 69.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
S 70.
S 71.
S 72.
Mate in II exactly.
1270
Mate in II exactly.
Z Z
Mate in II exactly.
Googl
CHESS IN EUROPE
part h
Mate in II exactly.
(BL)
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
S 79 (corn),
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
up]
WIM
IB
■M
WM
■ ■
mmwmm
m
B
1
a
B
b a i
i
1
■■ /\ 1
□
oui
ji
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
723
II exactly.
S 88 (corr.).
Mate in II exactly.
S 89.
1*21
m mim &
li BBB B
- &
: & 2
a mum a&
* i
>1 A 1*
: »*B a
A
% ■; i.^1
m . mm
*
m m
■ ■ B£B
a i» tiA
B B ■ B
u j i 1
B B B a
3 B B B
Mate in II exactly.
S 90.
A *
.. JL*
-
m &
1 M
12 ■
Mate in II exactly.
S 91 (corr.).
Mate in II exactly.
S 107.
Kaa * *
: : : $ s
2 i X 1
: ::
is a m m
*
m m m m
X
a a a a
B ■ ■ B
a a a a
m m mm
a B B a
Mate in II exactly
with B.
S 108.
-
i m m±
n m m
§ e m
m mm
(Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Unsound.
S 109.
Mate in II exactly.
S 110.
Si a B B
a *
a mmi i
* i
O.M b
a .
j * a* n
• ^
a a
1 i I i
i i a IQ
B B BB
m m m m
Mate in II exactly. Kth5
does not play first move.
S 112.
iwmwM m
A
km *k
\m m
)S8|
■ ■ ■ ■
Mate in II exactly.
S 118.
a b m mmn
a jL i jL
m i
Mate in II exactly,
z z 2
S 116 (corr.).
■) *
XK !
I «
' 2 ' : o
1 B
a a
M 21 1
i a
a a
. 2
■ B
Mate in II exactly.
Digitized by
Google
k
CHESS IN EUROPE
fabt n
S 117 (corr.).
S 118.
S 119 (eorr-%
Mato in II exactly.
Unsound.
m m m i
Mate in II exactly.
(BL)
Mato in II exactly.
Mato in II exactly.
Black may not give check.
Mato in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mato in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
S 160.
S 161 (corr,).
S 162 (corr.).
SS
A
m m
m m
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
Ktf5 is fidated.
Digitized by
'Hap. viii
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
725
S 168.
s
r Jl a
Mate in II exactly.
S 164 (corr.).
Mate in II exactly.
S 165.
Mate in II exactly.
NOTES AND SOLUTIONS
S 1. Wh. Kf6, Re 7, Ktf2, Ph6 ; Bl. Kf8, Ph7. Mate with Ph6 ; the Bl. P is fidated.
Cf. CB 208. 2 = CB 84. 3 « CB 82. 4 = CB 43. 5 = CB 194 . 6 = F 297.
7. Wh. Kd7, Ral, Kta5, Pb3 ; Bl. Ka8. In V ex. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2 Ra7 + ; 3 Kd6 ; 4 Kc7 ;
5Ha5m. 8 = CB 20. 9 = CB 31. 10 = CB 33. 11 - D 34. 12 = CB 105.
13 = CB 47. 14 is a version of CB 185 in VII. 15 = F 320. 16. Wh. Rf8, h5,
Ktg8, h 7, Pg6 ,* Bl. Kh8, Pg7, Rf5. In II ex. Uns. If 1 Kt(g8)f6 + , P x R = Q. If
1 Rh6, Rh5. Cf. CB 283. 17 = Sens. 10. 18. Cf. F 323 (Kh7 on h6, add Bl. Pf6,
g6). In III ex. with P. Pedones nigri qui sunt ants regem album aaltant prima vice si
volunt. Uns. 1 Pc7, Pf4 or g4 ; 2 Bc5 is m. Var. Omit Pf6, g6. Uns. 1 Bc5 + ,
Ra4 ; 2 Pc7, Ra6 + . It is abnormal to allow Ps already on their 3rd sqs. to leap us if
on their 2nd. 19 = CB 189. 20 = CB 135. 21 = CB 53. 22 = PL 58. Cf. CB
267. 23 - CB 198. 24 «= CB 162. 25 = CB 113. 26 = CB 112. 27 = CB 119.
28 - CB 120. 29 = CB 140. 30 - CB 230. 31 = CB 135. 32 « CB 117.
33 = CB 257. 34 = CB 42 var. 35 = CB 111 (omitting Kal, Ph6 : si rex niger est
clausus debet spectare). 36. 1 Qb7 + ; 2 Pa8 = Q m. 37 ■» CB 15. 38. 1 Rd8 + ;
2 Rg5 ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 B m. Var. In V ex. 1 Rd8 4- ; 2 R(g3)g8 ; 3 Rd7 ; 4 Rh8 + ;
5 Bm. 39. 1 Rd8, R x P-f (any other ; 2Ra7m.); 2KtxRm. 40 corr. Wh. Ke2,
Ktc6, Bb8, c8, Pa6, b6 ; Bl. Ka8. In II. ex. All the men are fidated. 1 Pa7 ;
2Pa8-Qm. 41 = CB 29 (only P fidated). 42 = CB 30. 43 - CB 78. 44=CB75.
45 = CB 79. 46 = CB 74. 47 = CB 76. 48 = CB 86. 49 = CB 94. 50 = CB
85. 51 = CB 186. 52 = CB 126. 53. 1 Rc6 + ; 2 Kte3 m. 54. 1 R x R + , Kf8
(or Kh8 ; 2 B£6m.); 2 Pe7 m. 55. Wh. Ke6, Rc6, Qc7, Bf6, Pb7, f7; Bl. Kd8, Rf8,
Bb8, Pe7. Albi primo trahunt et mattabunt nigros ad duos tr actus et fit in tribus
modis , scilicet de regina in illis locis tribus vbi ludi potest scilicet vbicumque fit A (b6,
b8, d6), et ipse necessario acdpiet alphinum album cum suo pedone , et secundo tractu
math de rocho in B (c8), uel de regina predicta in d (c 7). An absurdity, for Bl. is
mate in the diagram. The text, however, precludes any emendation. 56. 1 Pe4 + ,
B x P ; 2 any, Kg6. If 2 . . , B x Q ; 3 Kte7 m. ergo sit cautus ad capiendum. 57. Albi
primo trahunt et uolunt mattare nigros in duobus tractibus . Tu accipe nigros quia
fieri non potest. Si albi trahunt primo tractu pedonem in A (e7), copies eum cum atyhino.
Ipsi trahunt rocvm mum in B (b8) dando scach. Tunc capias (1. cooperies) te de
regina que stat in tractu eundo in c (c8). Sed si unus ex pedonibus albis esset in cruce
(a6 ; i. e. add Wh. Pa6), tunc ipse adquiret quia daret tibi scach de sua regina in A
predicta , et postea math de rocho similiter in b, quia non poteris te cooperire cum aliqua
ex tuis reginis occasione sua cum pedone quia non poteris prelium saltare. 1 Pe7 + ,
B x P ; 2 Rb8 + , Q(a8 or e8)c8. (If 1 Qe7 + , B x Q, &c.) Var. Add Wh. Pa6.
Sound. 1 Qe7, BxQ; 2 Rb8 m., for Q(a8) cannot pass attack of Pa6, nor Q(e8) that
of Pe6. Of importance for the mediaeval rules, see p. 465. 58. 1 Qd2 + (or f2 + or
f4 + ) ; 2 Re4 m. 59. 1 Pe6 + ; 2 Kth8 or Kte7 (Kte5 or f4) m. acc. 60 corr. Wh.
Kd2, Rb3, f4, Ktc5, e5, Bc4, e8, Pc2 ; Bl. Kd4, Ktc6, Bd5, Pd3, d6. In II ex.
1 Pc3 + ; 2KtxPm. 61. 1 Pd4+; 2 Qg6m. {math saltando cum regina tua).
726
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAET B
62. 1 RxKt + ; 2 Ktf8 or Kte5 (or R x R) m. acc. 63. 1 Ke3 + ; 2 Kta6 or R x R
m. acc. 64. 1 RxQ + ; 2 Ph8 « Qm. 65. 1 Eb5 + ; 2 Ktc7 m. 66. 1 RxR + ;
2 Rg8 m. 67. 1 KxR + ; 2 Rf7 or h7m. acc. 68. 1 Ktf5 + ; 2 Pg7 m. 69. lRxKt + ;
2 Rg8 or Ktd5m. acc. 70. 1 Rg5 + ; 2 Ktb5 m. 71. 1 Bc5 + ; 2 Kte6 m.
72. 1 Pg5 + ; 2 Be8 m. 73. 1 Bx Kt + ; 2 Ktd6m. 74. 1 Ktf3 + ; 2 Kt x Ktm.
75. 1 Re6 + ; 2Ktg7m. 76. Illf4 + ; 2 Ktf6 or Kt x R m. acc. 77. lPxKti;
2 Bc2 m. 78. 1 P x Kt + ; 2 Ra8 m. 79. 1 Kth5 + ; 2 Rc8 m. 80. Wh. Kb7, Ba6,
cl, Kta5, dl, Bc6, e6, Pc5, e5 ; Bl. Kb5 f Rd5, Kte7, Bd4, Pa3. In II ex. MS. solves
1 Ktc3 + , Kb4 or K x P; 2 Kta2 m. In either case 2 . . , Kb5 is possible. I see
no way of correcting the position. 81.1 Kte6 4- ; 2 R x R m. 82. 1 Rf6 4- ; 2 Rb3 hl
83. 1 Kte6 4-, Ktf5 4- et propter hoc forsitan credit non esse math , sed 2 Q x Rm.
84 = 82, 85. lBd6 + ; 2Ra4m. 86. 1 P x Kt 4- ; 2 Rf6 m. 87. lKtxKt+;
2 Rh7 m. 88. 1 Qg7 4- ; 2KtxRm. 89. 1 RxR + ; 2 Bf5m. 90. lRg7 4;
2 Bb6 m. 91. 1 Rd4 + ; 2 Ktc6m. 94 « CB 117, 107. I R x R + ; 2 Be5 m.
108. MS. gives 1 RxR4; 2 Qg6 4-, Kg7. It overlooks 1 QA6 4-; 2 Qg6 oz
R x R m. acc. (I assume that the Bl. P ascends, for otherwise 1 . . , P x R would be
more obvious than the MS. defence.) 109. 1 Be7 + ; 2 Rb5 m. 1 10. 1 Kf7 ; 2 Kt x B
or Bf6 m. acc. Var. Bg6 on f8. Uns. If 1 Kf7, RxR 4 ; 2KtxR+, Bh6. Ill- Cf.
110 (omit Bd4, add Bl. Be5). In II ex. 1 Ktf6 ; 2 Rm. 112. 1 P x R4- ; 2 Qb7 m.
113. 1 KtxB4-; 2Ktf6orRe7m.acc. 114 = CB8I. 115=CB 83. 116. lKtxR + :
2 Kta6 or Qf7 m. acc. 117. If 1 Pc7 4-; RxP. 118. 1 Bc7 4-; 2 Kte7 m.
119. 1 RxKt + , Qe8; 2 KxRm. 120 = CB 128. 121 = CBiO?. 122-CB73.
123 = CB 67. 147 is an extended version of CB 136 in VI or less. 148 -* BS II
(text differs). 149. Cf. CB 259 (Kd3 on d4 : in V). 150. Cf. CB 207 (Wh. Ke6,
Rd7 ; Bl. Kb8). The R only moves to give mate. Uns. 151. 1 Bf3 4- ; 2 R x Bin.
152. Wh. Kd8, Ktb8, g8, Bc8,f8, Pa7, b7, c7, e7, f7, h7 ; Bl. Kd4, Qe4. Wh. mate;
the Bl. Q is fidated. Uns. Bl. plays K to al and Q to c2 or b3. Cf. CB 248.
153. 1 Ra5 4- ; 2 Pd4 m. 154. 1 Kt x R4- ; 2 Kte5 m. 155«=CB 175. 156. lKtd2 + ;
2 Pc4 m. 157. Wh. Kh5, Rb6, d4, Kte3, Pd3, h2; Bl. Kf5, Rd5, Pf3. In H ex.
A1S. solves 1 Rf4 4-, KxR4; 2 Kt x R m. But 2 . . , Kf5 is possible. As
diagrammed the Bl. K is in check. 158. 1 RxP+; 2 Bf6 or Ktf5 in. acc.
159. 1 Rh7 4- ; 2 Pf7 m. 160. 1 Pe4 4- ; 2 Q x R or R x R m. acc. 161. 1 Kt x Kt 4- ;
2 Rh7 m. 162. 1 Ktd6 4-; 2 Ktc8ra. 163. 1 RxR + ;2 Pf5 m. 164. 1 KtxKt4-;
2 Rg7 m. 165. 1 Kt x R 4- ; 2 Ktf8 m. 166. Wh. Kf4, Ra7, Ktf7, Bf3 ; Bl.
Kg6, Re6, Qh6. In II ex. 1 Kth8 + ; 2 Rf7 m. 167. Wh. Kg6, Rb6, h7, Ktc3,
Ba6, Pf4 ; Bl. Ke6, Rc6, Kte3, Qf6, Pd5. In II ex. 1 Bc8 4- ; 2 Kte4 m. (but
2.., P x Kt is possible). 190 is a version of CB 217; Wh. self-mates in XL
191. Wh. Kf6, Re7, Ktf2, Ph5 ; Bl. Kf8, Ph6. Wh. mates, the Bl. P is fidated. Uns. ;
is a var. of CB 208 and 8 1. 192. Cf. F 290 (Ph2 on h7, Pc5 on c6). Black plays
and White mates, with conditions (1) non potest rex capere reginam in saltu nisi dot
sihi scach in saltu et non aliter ... (2) si nigri non possunt trahere debent spectare
math . Unsound. 193 = CB 250, 194 = CB 246 {Hie est partitum omnium pul-
cerrimum quern oportet ludere longo exercitu et frequenti (1) addiscere . Quia si omnia
scriberentur esset midtum prolixa script ura quart astute ludas et deffenditur ab omni
insultu alborum). 195 « CB 44. 196 = CB 115. 197. Wh. Kg5, Qh6, Bh4, Pa6,
b3, e2, h7 ; Bl. Kf7, Qe7. Wh. mates, which is impossible unless he makes & black
Q (i. e. queen on b8 or h8). This Bl. can prevent. The diagram is incorrect. The
solution begins 1 Bf6, Kg7. Probably we must lower the Wh. K, Q, and B one sq.
each, when 1 Bfo (now), Kg7 has some point. Apparently the promoted Q cannot
leap. The collection ends with Et hec sufficiant at the foot of this page. (Note :
The colours are the reverse of those in the corresponding problems in CB in the cases
of S 8, 47, 48, 124, 194, and 195.)
HA.P. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
72 7
C = MS. Bibl. Casanatense, Rome, 791.
A quarto paper MS. containing a Latin treatise on the game of Ryth-
nomachy, 9 written by an Englishman in the time of Edward IV, at the
nstance of George Neville, Archbishop of York (1465-76), and dedicated to
Marcus, Cardinal of St. Mark, and a collection of 158 chess problems with
rtalian text, both of which treatises were copied in Rome in 1511 by Joannes
C!h.&clii of Terni in Umbria. The MS. consists of 118 leaves, only the chess
portion being foliated (12 unnumbered leaves — 1 a, the title Be ludo Arithmo -
machia ; 3 a-11 a, the treatise on this game, ending with the date of copying,
Anno Domini 1511 die 23 Novembr . Rome , 12, blank diagrams for chess on recto
and verso ; ff. 1-79, the chess work, ending with Ex anno 1511 die Mercury
30 J ulij, Rome , at the foot of 79 b ; followed by 26 unnumbered leaves with
blank diagrams of chess, at the foot of the last, the autograph Joannes Chachi
de Ynieramna , 1511 ; + 1 leaf, blank).
The chess work is divided into three sections : the first, without special
title, extends from f. 1 to f. 62 a, and was evidently intended to contain sound
problems of old chess only. By accident, one position of new chess (C 12) and
a few unsound problems have been included. The second section begins on
f. 62 b, with the title Partiti falsi che pareno ligieri et non si possono dar, and
ends on f. 74 a, with the note Qui finiscono li partiti che pareno boni et sono falsi .
It accordingly contains unsound problems. The third section begins on f. 74 b,
with the title Be la B(onna). Partiti ala rabiosa, and contains problems of the
modern chess. The problems are not arranged by the length of the solutions.
More than half of the problems are in two or three moves exactly ; no less
than 58 being in three. Chachi’s preference was thus for short problems ; he
also appears to have preferred unsound problems to sound ones. To 44 of his
problems he adds notes as to how the position can be altered to produce the
contrary result, and in C 10 says Ma questo partito e pin beUo falso . His liking
for the conditional mate, and specially the variety in which the player is to
give check on one move with one Pawn, and to give mate on the following
move with a second Pawn, only reflects the taste of the Italian players of
the 16th cent.
This MS. has a special interest as dating from the transition period when
the old and the modem game were co-existent ; Chachi must have known both
varieties of chess, for he has not added any note as to the differences between
the two games, or their respective rules. Neither does he give any indication
as to which game was the more popular with players or problem-lovers.
8 Commonly called in England the Philosopher's game . It was played on a board of 8 x 16
squares with 24 men a side. In the MS. C these consist of 8 circular men moving to any
adjacent square, 8 triangular men moving in the same 8 directions but into the second
square, and 8 square men who moved still in the same 8 directions but into the third square.
The triangular men consequently leaped over one, and the square men over two squares. In
later accounts the moves and the initial arrangement of the men differ somewhat. The
method of capture was very complicated, and depended in part upon combinations of the
numbers which each counter or man bore. The game is described in the Vetula, and another
MS. of the C text is contained in the MS. Ash. Cf. C. de Boissiere (Buxerius), Le tresexeeUent et
oncien ieu Pythagorique did Rythmomachia, Paris, 1654 ; W. F(ulke), The Philosopher's Game , London,
1568 ; and Selenus, pp. 448-96.
Digitized by Google
728
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART 11
C 7.
Hate in VIII, checking
with one P on 7th move
and mating with the
other. Pe8 is fidated.
G 23.
Mate in 111 exactly.
Oil.
Mate in VI, checking
with one P on 5th move
and mating with the
other.
C 80.
(Bl.)
Mate in IV exactly.
C 22.
Mate in III exactly.
C 86.
Mate in IV, checking
each move.
C 48.
Mate in VI, checking
with one P on 5th move
and mating with the
other.
C 49 = 101.
Mate in VIII, checking
with one P on 7th move
and mating with the
other.
C 60.
Mate in III exactly.
C 51.
® n S h
♦ A* 'i.
A ? -"t
B ■ ■ ■!
3 m m a
■ ■ ■ ■
\m ■ ■ ■
Mate with B in V
exactly.
G 58.
Mate in XI, checking
with one P on 10th move
and mating with the
other.
;hap. viii
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
729
G 64.
C 67.
C 58.
Mate with Ph4 in XI.
Mate in III exactly.
The Black Rs are fidated.
(Bl.
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in III exactly. The Mate in III exactly. Mate in III exactly.
Bl. Rs are fidated, the The Bl. R is fidated. Rh7 is fidated, and Pc8
IVh. R is immovable, and is immovable,
ill the Ps play to the
8th row.
C 61.
C 60 (corr . \
C 62 (corr.).
C 63 (corr.).
C 64.
C 66.
Mate in III exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in III exactly.
Mate in L or less, check-
ing with one P on the
penultimate move and
mating with the other.
C 67 (corr.).
Mate in III exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in III exactly.
The Bl. R is fidated.
Black plays and White
mates in III exactly.
The Rs are fidated.
: EUROPE
HI exactly.
m listed.
Mate in III exactly. I
Black men are nab*
and Kc6 is imn>r*T~*_ -
Mate in VIII, checking
with one P on 7th move
and mating with the
other. Pe8 is fidated.
Mate in 111
^ jl 111 exactly.
2 . : ^a*d,and all the
Mate in III exactly.
Rh7 is fidated, and
is immovable.
Mate in IX UXlK ♦
with Pa5.
4 is fidated.
« mf '
r sH
jj
'■jrjg
nor
WTm
jorin
ifil 1
■ » * Lj
KK>
Bs
n
m ]|
ip
am
»«■
07
Ji
■f
■J
s
d
J"
■
::
m
■
■
•Si
a
■
8
s
□
a
_
§
n
■ paj
8
'Ysms£-:.
q
SW
i
■
1 ■
B
■ ■
I
'HA.P. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
731
Mate with B in VII
exactly.
Black plays and White
mates or win the B.
Mate with P in VI.
C 124.
Mate in V exactly.
Said to be unsound.
C 189.
Mate in III exactly.
Unsound.
C 145.
ammmnm m
w,*m a
i
b m m m
b a m b
v m mim
i max
Ai. .
*'l i
' ijkwnwn :jl
B a
a
m mm a
.b
m m m w
a a a a
m in m
;2 M Wi M
a a- a a
r \ z\
. ■
a a a a
X
Black plays and White
mates in III exactly.
Rh7 is fidated. Unsound.
NOTES AND SOLUTIONS
C 1 = F 320. 2 = CB 66. 3 is a version of CB 186 in VI ex. 4 is a version
of CB 117 in V. 5 = CB 52. 6. Wh. Ral, Kta6, Bd6, Pb6, c6 ; Bl. Ka8, Rf8, g7.
In III ex. 1 B x R ; 2 B<16 ; 3 Ktc7 m. ; or 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ra8 in. acc. as Bl. plays.
Cf. CB 43. Var. Rf8, g7, on f7, e8. Uns. If 1 Bb8 or f8, Ra7. 7. 1 Rc7 ;
2 Kc5 ; 3 Kc4 ; 4 Kd3 ; 5 Ra2, Ka8 ! ; 6 Ke2 ; 7 Pa7 + ; 8 Pb7 m. 8 = F 303.
9 is a version of CB 112 in V. 10 = CB 45. 11. 1 Ktf7; 2 Rb8 + ; 3 Rh8 ;
4 Pf5 + ; 5 Pf6 + ; 6 Ph6 m. 13. Wh. Kg5, Bh2, Kth6, Bd6, e6 t Pf6, g6 ; Bl.
Kh8, Rc7, Pc4. In III ex. ; the bl. R is fidated. 1 B x P &c. Var. Pc4 on c3.
Uns. If 1 Bc4, Rf7 ; 2 Be6, Pc2. 14 = CB 93. 15. Wh. Kel, Ral, Ktcl, Bh2,
Pe2, e3, e4, e5, e6, e7 ; Bl. Ke8. In VI ex. 1 Ktb3 ; 2 Ra8 ; 3 Ra7 &c. Cf. CB
133. 16 is a version of CB 6. 17 = Picc. 15. 18 = CB 98. 19. Cf. F 303.
20 = CB 117. 21 = CB 28. 22. 1 Bf4 ; 2 Rgl ; 3 Rg8m. Var. Pf5 on f6.
Uns. Based on D 56. 23. 1 Bd7; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Bf5 m. Questo partito se pud meter
de dar mato de aQ/ino) in 3 tratti. 24 *= CB 114. 25 — Picc. 20. 26 = CB 56.
27 = CB 1. 28. Wh. Ke4, Rb7, Ktd8 ; Bl. Ka8, Kta4. Dice lo b. che data mato
al n, ouero le leuarcl lo c. Dice lo n . che iocando auanti e contento. 1 . . , Ktc5 + r ;
2 Kd5 ; 3 Ktc6 et cos l serd aeediato lo E. n. et induso lo c. et serct forza che piglate
detto c. 29.Qi.Y303. 30 1 Ktf4 + ; 2 Kt(g8)e7 + ; 3R + B + ; 4 Rx Rm. Cf.
C 97, 98, the three positions forming a corresponding group to CB 283, 284, 285.
31 * CB 2. 32 = C 31, but in III ex., Ktb6 being fidated. 33 is a version of CB
207 in XIH. 34. Wh. Kg5, Kth6, Rhl, Bb5, e6, Pe4, f6, g6 ; Bl. Kh8, Rb3, c3.
In III ex. 1 Pg7 + ; 2 Pg8 = Q + ; 3 Ktf7 m. 35 in III is C 36 after first move.
36. 1 Rc7 + ; 2 Rc8 + ; 3 Ra6 + ; 4 Ktd6 m. 37. Wh. Kd6, Ra6, h7 ; Bl. Kd8,
Digitized by Google
732
CHESS IN EUROPE
FAST D
Ktb6. In II ex. 1 R x Kt &c. Yar. Ra6 on a7. Uns. 38, 39, and 40 are I
variations of CB 114. 41 = CB 24. 42 = CB 11. 43. Wh. Kb5, Bh7, Pb6, c6 ; Bl. I
Kb8. In V ex. with the two Ps. 1 Rd7 ; 2 Ku5 ; 3 Ka6 ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Pc7 m. 1
Contrast with C 7. 44. Cf. F 303. 45. 1 Ktb8 ; 2 cRd8+; 3 Bel ; 4 Re I ; j|
5 dRc8; 6 Ktd7; 7 R(cl)c6 &c. 46 = CB 162. 47 = CB 133. 48. 1 Pa6 ;
2Kte7 ; 3 Ktc8 ; 4 Ktc7 + ; 5 Pa7 + ; 6 Pc6 m. Var. Kb8 on a8. Una. 49. '
1 Kd8, Ka8 ! ; 2 Kc8; 3 Kc7; 4 Qb7 + ; 5 Kc6 ; 6 Pa6; 7Pb6 + ; 8 Pa7m. 5».-
1 Kf6, R x P+ (or Rg8 ; 2 Bd6 + &c., or Rh7 ; 2 Bd6 + 4c., or Ke8 ; 2 Bc6 or ,
g6 + &c., or R x R ; 2 Bd6 + &c.) ; 2 B x R + ; 3 R x R m. Var. Rd8 on e& I
Uns. If 1 Kf6, R x P+ . 51. 1 Ktc8 + ; 2 Ktb6 + ; 3 Qb8 + ; 4 Kta6 + ; 5 Bc5 a.
52. Cf. CB 64. 53. 1 Ktc7; 2 Kte8; 3 Ktg7 ; 4Pf5; 5 Pf4; 6 Pg5 ; 7 Pg4
8 Kf8; 9 Bf6 + ; 10Pg6 + ; llPg5m. 54. lQg7 + ; 2Kf6; 3 Pe7; 4Pe8 = Q;
5 Qe6; 6 Qf5; 7 Qg4; 8 Bg5; 9 Ph5 ; 10 Ph6; 11 Ph7m. 55 = D 1£
56 = CB 37 but in III ex.: Bl. play first and all the men are fidated. 57. 1 Qe7 ;
2 Rf8 + ; 3 Rg8 m. or 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Rh7 m. acc. as Bl. plays. 58. 1 Ktc5 + ; 2 Kg5 ;
3 Pf6m. Var. Kh6 on h7. Uns. 59. Cf. Picc. 80. 60. 1 Kf7 ; 2 Kf8
3Ktf7m. 61. 1 Rh7; 2 Kte7 ; 3 R(g4)h4m. Var. Rl>3, g4, on g3, h4. Uns.
If 1 Rh7, KxR; 2 Kte7, Rb3. If 1 Rg4 or g5, Rb7. 62. 1 Qf7 ; 2 KtaS
3 Kt(a5)c4 m. Var. Ra4 on a3. Uns. 63. 1 Pb5, Rh4; 2 Bg4 ; 3 Ktc4 m. Var.
Ra4 on a2. Uns. 64. 1 Be6 ; 2 Kc8 (if 1 . . , Pd8 = Q; 2 Qe7 ; 3 Kt m. 65. Cf.
64. 66. Obtain the position Wh. Kg2, Rf6, K'tf7, Pg3, h3 ; Bl. Kh5, Bg4. Now
1 Ph4; 2 Rh6 + ; 3 Ktd6 ; 4Rg6 + ; 5Rg5 + ; 6Ktf5+; 7Rg7 + ; 8 Pg4;
9 Pg5 ; 10 Pg6; llPh5; 12 Ph6; 1,3 Rf7; 14 Ktg3 ; 15 Kte4; 16 Ktg5,
17 P + ; 18 Pm. 67. 1 Rfl (not the only move), Bg7 ; 2 PxB+ (or RxB);
3 Ktf7 m. 1 . . , P x R, and 1 . . , Bd5 are no better. Var. Qc6 on c7, Qc7 on c8.
Said to be uns. but 1 Ktc3, Be5 ; 2 Kt x B ; 3 Ktf7 m. 68. Really uns. 1 Re8,
Rgl (or hi); 2 Kd6, Rg8 (or h8) or 2 Kta3 (or a5), R+ saves the mate. Var.
Rd8 on h8, Qb4 on c3. Uns. 69 = CB 100. 70. 1 . . , Rc7 ; 2 Bd7 ; 3 Ktf4 +;
4 Pg7 m. or 3 Pg7 + ; 4 Kt m. acc. as Bl. plays. If 1 . . , any other ; 2 Pg7 + ;
3 Pg8 = Q + ; 4 Ktf7m. Var. Bl. Rs on b3, c4. Uns. 71. 1 . . , Ktc7+;
2 Ka5, RxQ; 3 Rd8 + ; 4 Rb8m. Or 1 . . , Ktc3 + ; 2 P x Kt, Rbl + ; 3 Kc4;
4 Kt m. Var. Rd7 on f7. Uns. 72. 1 Kc8, R x R ; 2 Ra5, R x R ; 3 Ktc7 m.
Var. Wh. Rs on a5, b4. Uns. 73. 1 Kta6, Rh3 (or Rh5; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ktm.);
2 Ktb3 ; 3 Ktc7 m. Var. Ra3 on a2. Uns. 74. 1 Kt(c6)b4 ; 2 Kc8; 3 Ktc7 m.
Var. Pf8 on g8. Uns. 75. 1 Kc8, Pe8 = Q ; 2 Q x Q; 3 Ktc7 m. Var. Rfl on el.
Uns. 76 = CB 49. 77 = Picc. 127. 78. Cf. F 333. 79. 1 Qf7, Rh4 (or R x Q ;
2 Pe7 ; 3 Ktb7 m.) ; 2 Kc7 ; 3 Ktc6 m. Var. Pe6 on f6. Uns. 80 = CB 44 after first
move. 81. 1 Kta5 ; 2 Kte3 ; 3Ktc2 + ; 4 Pb3 m. 82 = F 316. 83. 1 RR7 + ;
2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Pe7 + ; 4 Rf7 + ; 5 Pg7 m. Var. Rhl on gl. Uns. 84. Cf. PL 141.
85 = CB 233. 86. 1 Bd6 + ; 2 Pf6 + , P x P perform-, 3 Rg8 m. 87 = CB 105.
88 = CB 53. 89 = CB 252 (in XIV). 90 = CB 236. 91 = CB 222. 92. By slightly
altering the order of the last four moves (28-31-30-29) the tour can be continued as
a re-entrant tour over the whole board. 93 ■= CB 135. 94 ■= CB 257. 95. Cf.
Picc. 135. 96 '■= CB 22. 97. Cf. C 30 (Ra8, hi, on b8, h2). In II ex. 1 KtxB + ;
2 m. acc. 98. Cf. C 30 (Ra8, hi, on e8, b5). In HI ex. Really uns. 1 Kte7 + , Kh7 ;
2 Rh8 + , B x R ! 99. Obtain position Wh. Kc3, Rd2, Ktc5, Be6, Pa5 ; Bl. Kbl,
Pa4, Bl. to play, and continue 1 . . , Kal (cl); 2 Bc4 ; 3 Rd5 ; 4Ktb3+;
5 Rb5 &c. 100 is a similar problem. 101 = 49. 102 = F 297. 103, 104. To
place four Rs and four Qs, all fidated, on the board, checking the Bl. K every move,
and mating with the last one to be placed. Uns., for the Bl. K can occupy the
square on which the last piece should play. The desired positions are Ra8, b7, g2,
hi, Qd4, d5, e4, e5 ; or Re4, f3, g2, hi, Qb6, b7, c6, c7. 105 = CB 249. 106 ■=
CB 239. 107 - CB 135. 108 = CB 153. 109 = 60. 110 = CB 212. Ill =
59 but Bl. plays first. 112 = CB 254. 113. 1 Rg4 ; 2 Rg8 + ; 3 Rc3 ; 4 Bg7;
5 Rd7 + ; 6 Pf3m. 114. 1 Rh3 + ; 2 Rh7; 3 Rg7 ; 4 Rd7 ; 5 Rd8 + ; 6 Ktc6+;
7 Bc4 m. 1 15. 1 . . , Kd8 (Bf7 + loses the B) ; 2 Kd6 ; 3 Pe6, &c. 116 - CB 251.
117. 1 Re5; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Bd6; 4 Ktg5; 5 Rh8 + ; 6 Pf3m. 118. Wh. Ke6, Rb7,
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
733
f6, Pa3, d3, d4, d5 ; Bl. Ke8. In V with Pd3. 1 Rb4 ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 Pd6 + ; 4 Pd5 + ;
5 Pd4 m. 119. Cf. CB 113. 120 = CB 135. 121 = CB 47. 122. Cf. CB 135 .
123 = CB 48. 124. The position appears to be defective for 1 Qd7 + ; 2 Pc7 ; 3 Qc6 + ;
4 any ; 5 Qb7m. is possible (v. d. Lasa). 125 = F 323. 126 = CB 44. 127 — CB
£50. 128 is an uns. var. of CB 33. 129. Cf. CB 25. 130 *= CB 76. 131 is
an uns. var. of CB 125. 132 = CB 140. 133. Cf. F 323. 134 is an uns. var.
of CB 7. 135 = 132. 136. Cf. CB 114. 137. Cf. CB 8. 138. Cf. CB 113.
139. If 1 Kt + , Kf8. If 1 R(a7)e7 or R(g 7)e7 + , Kd8. 140 = 126. 141 =
CB 14. 142 is an uns. var. of CB 76. 143. Cf. C 68 (Rd8 on h8, Rbl on b2,
Qb4 on c3 ; add Bl. Qb4). In HI ex., Rb2 is fidated. Uns. 1 Q x Q, Re2 (or
I£g2 or h2, but not R x Q as in MS., for then 2 Ba6 + ; 3 Ktb6 m.). 144. Cf. CB
55. 145. 1 . . , Rh5 ; 2 Kc7, Ka6 ; 3 Kc6, RxB. Cf. C 62, 79. 146 = Picc.
127. 147. Cf. F 303.
There are other works of the transitional period which include problems,
both of the old and of the modern game. Of these
Per. = MS. L. 27, Bibl. Comunale di Perugia
is a paper quarto MS. of 196 leaves, of which the first 165 contain diagrams
ruled for chess. Only the first 66 have been filled with chess, and only four
others for other games (f. 163 a ‘ Ludus dominarum * is draughts ; 163 b, 164 b,
165 a, are games with the draughtsmen, headed ‘Ludus rebellionis *) on the
chessboard. Ff. 166-90 contain a transcript of the CB collection of merels
problems. The chess problems and positions, usually headed ‘ Regula *, rarely
have any text other than the title which gives the conditions and the letter
4 f * or ‘ d according as the position is one of the old or the modern game. The
MS. is written in one hand of the 16th c., a later hand has added the title
‘ Ludus latrunculorum '. The first 7 diagrams contain 12 Exercises (1 = CB
234 ; 2 = CB 243 ; 3 = CB 207, 209 ; 4 = K 3, CB 233, 236 ; 5 = CB 232 ,
6 = CB 273 ; 7 = K 6. I do not recognize the second positions on Per. 2
and 7). Eleven other positions are taken from the CB work (31 = CB 219 ;
46 = 254 ; 47 = 251; 49=257; 53=250; 55 = 253; 56 = 219; 59 = 211;
62 = 208 ; 64 = 212 ; 65 = 277), and one from the extended CB (48 = F 322).
Five other positions described as old have not been identified by me. These are —
Per. 50. Wh. Ke5, Be4, Pa4, h2 ; Bl. Ke8, P(fidated)a4. Mate in f X moves.
51. Wh. Kf5, Pb5; Bl. Kh5, Qa5, Pc5. Mate with Pawn in IX moves, ‘bene
optime 9 — probably incorrectly diagrammed. 52. Wh. Ke5, Rb7, Qh5, Pe4, f3, f5;
Bl. Ka8, Rc6. Mate in XV or less, ‘bene optime \ 61. Wh. Ka6, Rbl, c4, Bf4,
Ph4 ; BL Ka8, Ph3. Mate with Pawn in XII or less. Apparently 1 Rb8 + ; 2 Bd6 ;
3 Rg4; 4-6 P queens; 7-12 Q to b7 m. is intended, but the Bl. Pawn queens in
time to interfere. 63. Wh. Kc8, Qb8, Pg3; Bl. Kal, Bb3, P(immovable and
fidated)bl. Mate with Pawn in XII or less. Solved in MS. by 1-5 P queens;
6 Qh7, &c. If the Wh. Pawn had been on g4, the solution would have run 1-4 P
queens; 5 Qg6, &c.
The remaining positions are either problems or endings of the modern
game, or diagrams showing the initial arrangement for certain forms of odds
(10-19, 21, 22) ; thus Per. 10 gives White a (modern) Queen with power to
move as a Knight, and Black a second Queen in the place of his two Rooks ;
18 is the odds of the * capped Pawn (g2) ', and 22 is Arch. 28.
Another work of the same transitional period, which contains problems
Digitized by Google
784
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAST n
both of the old and of the modern game, is Lucena’s Repetition de
e arte de axedres (c. 1497) (= Luc.). The 150 problems in this work
arranged by the number of moves, and are each headed De la dama de
&c., or Del viejo de dos, Hi, &c., according as they are of the new or tke old
game. These headings are not always correct, and probably depend upon th*
nature of the source from which Lucena had obtained them. One of t h e s e
sources was the CB work, and the Spanish solutions in Lucena’s work are close
translations of the original Latin. 10
The problems of the older game follow :
Luc. 95. Luc. 97. Luc. 101.
Del viejo de IV. Del viejo de V. Check Dei viejo de IV.
Mate with Pd4. with one P on 4th move, Mate with Pd6.
and mate with the other.
NOTES AND SOLUTIONS
10 = CB 14. 11 - CB 8. 12 - Picc. 20. 13 = F 320. 14 = CB 2. 15. C£
CB 6. 18 = CB 88. 19 = CB 90. 20 - CB 84. 21 = CB 86. 22 = CB 87.
23 = CB 89. 24 = CB 65. 25 — CB 58 (add Wh. Pa3). El bianco time la mono
y dize que dard xaqve y mate al negro en tres lancet ni mas ni menos. El pritnero de
roque en A (h8), y el cvhrette ; despues iugad del otro roque donde estaua el primero y
es mate al otro lance porque nunca el iuego se dize robado si prendiendo da mate.
26-CB63. 27 = CB 52. 28 = CB 42. 29 = CB 46. 30-CBS5. 31=CB60.
32 (= 75 dela dama) = CB 50. 33 = CB 64. 34 (= 92 dela dama) = CB 101.
35 = CB 107. 36 = CB 98. 37 = CB 109. 38 ( = 91 dela damn) - CB 97.
39 = CB 117. 40 = CB45. 41=CB44. 42-CB49. 43 = CB 83. 44 (—73
dela dama) = CB 85. 45 = CB 95. 46 = CB’96. 47 = CB 19. 48 = CB 76.
49 = CB 77. 50 = CB 81. 51 - CB 72. 52-CB75. 53-CB71. 54 = CB
67. 55 ( = 17 dela dama) = CB 73. 56 = CB 66. 57 = CB 70. 58 - CB 82.
59 = CB 80. 60 — CB 74. 61 = CB78. 62 =CB108. 63 = CB116. 64 = CB
100. 65 = CB 103. 66 = CB 54. 67=CB61. 78 = C68. 79 = CB56. 80 = Ad. 64.
94 = CB 120. 95. Y es vnjuego comun que quasi todo hombre lo sabe o lo puede him
conlar. 1 Re8 + ,BxE; 2 Ktc6, B x Kt; 3 P x B, Pa4 ; 4 Pc7 m. Var. Empero
haze le vn sotil enganno . que allega hombre el peon bianco al negro al punto (&4) y el
que mira crebe que non se puede dar porque queda el negro ahogado m aquella manera.
But 1 Rbl ; 2 Ke6, Kc7 (any other; 3 Ktc6 + ; 4 P m.); 3 Ke7 ; 4 Pd6 m. Cf.
CB 113. 96 = CB90. 97. 1 Ktb3 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Kta5 ; 4 Pb6 + ; 5 Pb5 m.
101. 1 Ktc6 + ; 2 Be7 + ; 3Ba7; 4Pd7m. 1O2-CB100. 110-C83. 111-
PL 175. 112 = CB 135. 113 - CB 135. 114 = CB 134. 132 = CB 147.
139. Cf. C 114. 144 = CB 177. 145 = CB 53. 146 = CB 62.
Luc. 10-15, 18-67, 78-80, 94-102, 109-14, 182, 189, 145-6 are headed del viejo. Of theta
98-100, 109 are of the modern game, while 144 is really del viejo.
Problems without Q and B may of course be either old or new : in such cases I accept the
statement of the MS. Similar problems, often taken from mediaeval MSS., occur in the
other 16th c. MSS.
Digitized by boogie
2HAP. VIII
THE MEDIAEVAL PROBLEM
735
Finally, an Italian MS. of the first half of the 17th c., 11 which is based upon
Damiano’s Libro da imparare giocare a scacchi , Rome, 1512, and is now in
Mr. J. G. White 8 library (=WD), contains a chapter, Qui prencipia li giochi de
tartido aVantiga , with a selection of 27 problems of the old game. These follow :
Mate in III exactly.
The Bl. Rs are fidated.
Unsound.
Mate in VI exactly.
WD 147.
WD 168.
WD 162.
*H H H m
mm&MW"
mam m m
i iai ■
mum m
mm mm
m a m ■
n m m m
am m m m
m HU'S ■
m m m m
m n. u: □
m m m m
□ L : .
mm mm
'
am m m m
. 'A :
mm a a
■ ; ,
m m m u
L: "... ■'
m mum
Mate with P in VII
exactly.
WD 168.
m m
Mate in VIII exactly.
WD 164.
Mate with P in X exactly.
P&7 is fidated.
WD 168 (corr.).
a .
m m m m
m . i::s
m m m m
m m m m
,.AA .
ill!
A A
mam ■ m
m m m m
ill!
m a m m
am. s i a
m a m ai
u m mm
Mate in XII exactly.
NOTES AND SOLUTIONS
WD143. Cf. CB5. 144. Cf. CB33. 145. Cf. CBi. 146. Cf. F303. 147 =
Dam. 20 (as here the B is ‘al antica’). The MS. solves 1 Pd8 = Q, Rc8 + (or Rf7 ;
2 Ktb5 + ; 3 Kt(d5)c7 m.) ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Kt(a3)b5 m. (which requires the Q to be
‘ ala rabiosa’). If 1 . . , Rf3, ‘ no mate ’ (but 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Ktb5 m.). The problem
has been quoted (cf. v. d. Lasa, 178) as showing that the modern move of the B is
older than that of the Q. I think the evidence too slender. 148 = CB 75. 149. Cf.
CB. 66. 150. Cf. F 325. 151 = Luc. 101. 152 = CB 100. 153 = CB 112.
154 = CB 101. 155 = CB 117. 156 = CBI33. 157 = F33i. 158. 1 Ktd5; 2 Ktb4;
3 Kc7 ; 4 Qc6 ; 5 Qb7 + ; 6 Ktc6 m. 1 59. Cf. 1 58 (Qd7 on a6, Kte7 on d8). In VI ex.
1 Ktf7 ; 2 Ktd6 ; 3 Ktc8 ; 4 Kta7 ; 5 Qb7 + ; 6 Ktc6 in. 160. Cf. CB 185. 161.
Cf. CB 185. 162. 1 Kd7 ; 2 Pc7 + ; 3 Pc8 = Q; 4 Qc6 ; 5 Bc5 ; 6 Pa7 + ; 7 Pb7 m.
163. 1 Ba3 ; 2 Kc5 ; 3 Kb5 ; 4 Kc6 ; 5 Bc5 ; 6 Ktc4 ; 7 Qc7 + ; 8 Ktb6 m. 164.
1 Rh4 ; 2 Ra4 ; 3 Ra5 ; 4 Ktd7 + ; 5 Qb6 ; 6 Pa7 ; 7 Kb6 ; 8 Ka6 ; 9 Pb6 ;
10 Pb7m. 165 =F 297. 166 = CB 189. 167. Cf. CB. 277. 168. 1 Kc2 ;
2 Bd3; 3 Qb5 ; 4Qc3; 5 Qd2 ; 6Kc3; 7 Qcl ; 8Qb2 + ; 9Bf5; 10 Qa4 ;
11 Qb3 + ; 12 Bd3m. 169 = CB 128.
11 This is the MS. which I have already used (p. 353) for the light which it throws on the
Muslim chess of the early 17th c.
gitized by CH)(
CHAPTER IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
Longer chess incidents in the Chansons de geste. — The magic chess of the Arthurian
romances. — Chess in the Beast romances. — Allegories based on chess. — Otkr
comparisons and metaphors.
I have already had occasion to remark how numerous are the references to
chess in the romance literature of mediaeval Europe. In most cases the
references are, quite naturally, simple and incidental, and merely show the
position which the game held in popular estimation, but there are still
a number of passages in which the mention of chess is of greater interest,
either as playing a definite part in the development of the story, or *
containing in greater detail an account of play, with its technicalities and
accompaniment of banter.
This literary use of chess originated in France, but with the translation
of the Old French romances into the other European languages the use
became more general. The German Minnesingers, in particular, made much
use of chess metaphors.
Although I have already referred incidentally to many of these chess
passages, it will, I think, not be without interest if I collect together some
of the more considerable of them. Here, as indeed in all my use of mediaeval
French literature, I am much indebted to Strohmeyers paper, Dcls ScJkacltpiei
im Altfranzdsischen (Abhandlungen Herm Prof. Dr. Adolf Tobler , . . dargebracht,
Halle, 1895).
The romance in the plot of which chess plays the most striking part is
that of Garin, de Montglane (13th c.), one of the Charlemagne cycle. This
poem opens with a long account of a game of chess which supplies unity to
the whole romance. In this story 1 Garin arrives at the court of Charlemagne
with a great reputation as a chess-player, and Charlemagne proposes to
test it.
Tu seiz molt des eschais ia ta ie esproue
Joons autre nos. ij. a vn ieu afiei
Si ne te doit displaire.
Garin agrees, and Charlemagne prescribes the terms of play, confirming them
by a solemn oath when Garin expresses doubts as to the honesty of his
1 I have used the extract from a Vatican MS. printed in A. Keller’s Eomrart, Msanhein,
1844, 546 seq.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
737
intentions. If Garin wins he is to have the realm of Fiance and Charlemagne’s *
Queen to wife ; if he loses he is to lose bis head. The chess are produced :
Or a on leschasquier enmi la sale mis,
Ainz plus riche eschasquier ne vint dons que soit vis
Touz fus d'or et d’argent tresgeteiz et claufis,
La bordeure entour fu faite d’un rubis,
Touz bordes d’esmerades et de riche safis,
Tus .v.c. en i ot, de son suis ie touz fis
Que la piere en valoit .c. s. de parezis.
and the barons of France take their places around the table to watch the
game. This is not described in detail, but a few moves are indicated. 2
Before long it is interrupted by an outburst of temper on the part of
Charlemagne, and the whole room is in uproar. The Duke of Burgundy, how-
ever, succeeds in restoring peace, and Garin ends by checkmating the King.
He declines to take advantage of the terms of the wager, and in exchange
accepts the town of Montglane (Lyons), then in the hands of the Saracens.
Later in the poem, Garin’s younger sons repair to Charlemagne’s court, and
take many opportunities of reminding the king of his defeat. One of them
even goes so far as to refuse to play chess with the king, because he had not
carried out the terms of the wager w hich he had made with Garin.
In Moire et Blanchejleur (12th c.) the hero finds Blanchefleur a captive of
the Saracens, and determines to rescue her. He learns that the porter of the
prison is very covetous and a keen chess-player, and uses this knowledge to
gain access to the dungeon. He induces the porter to challenge him to play
at chess, and refuses to play except for a considerable wager. They play on
three successive days, and Floire allows the porter to win on each occasion.
The porter wins the stakes — in the English version the final game was played
for £40 and a gold cup — but Floire obtains admission to the prison.
This romance was translated into most of the European languages, and
was the basis of Boccaccio’s Philicopo. In this recension the chess passage is
amplified considerably ; 3 as a rule, however, the translations give no details.
2 E. g. : Li rois ait trait vn roc que Garins covresa . . .
Garins trait vn aufin si prent vn chevalier . . .
Un autre trait a fait Karles li fis Pepin,
A vn petit poon enportait vn aufin,
A l'autre trait apres ieta vn roc sonnin . . .
Garins trait vn poon, se uait .j. roc porte . . .
Esohec se dist Garins, au roc tot a outre,
Le roc en aportei . . .
Garins ot le roi petit san faut mate.
* The following extracts from Boccaccio’s version contain some technicalities of chess :
* Philocopo giocando conobbe se piu saper del giuoco che ’1 castellano, ristrinse adunque
Philicopo il re del castellano ne la sua sedia con l’uno de suoi rocchi, A col caualiero, havendo
il re a la sinistra sua l’uno de gli alfini, il castellano assedib quello di PhUicopo con molti
sc&cchi, A solamente un punto per sua salute gli rimase ncl sal to del suo rocco. Ma Philicopo
a cui giocar conueniva, doue mouer doueua il caualliero suo secondo per dare scaccomatto al
re, A conoscendo bene, mosse il suo rocco, A ne T punto rimaso per salute al suo re lo puose,
il castellano lieto comincid a ridere ueggendo che matto era Philicopo doue Philicopo harria
lui potuto mattare, A dandogli con una pedona pingente scacco, quiui il mattb . . . Acconciossi
il secondo giuoco . . Philicopo . . havendo quasi a fine recato il giuoco, A essendo per mattare
il castellano, A mostrando con alcuno atto di cio auederse tauolb quel gioco . . . Incominciosi
il terzo giuoco, A giocato per lungo spatio Philicopo n’ hebbe il meglio, et lo castellano cio
1170 3 A
738
CHESS IN EUROPE
1
In Huon of Bordeaux (written a. 1200) the hero arrives at King Yvoiin*
palace disguised as a minstrel’s varlet. When asked what he can do, H«c
rolls off a long list of accomplishments :
‘I can mew a sparhawke / and I can chase the berte / & the wyld bore. ai*.
blowe the pryce, and serne the houndes of theyr ryghtes, and I can seine at the tahk
before a grete prynce, and I can playe at chesse and tables as well as ony other ear
do / nor I neuer founde man couhle Wynne of me yf I lyst.’ Lonl Berners, Lvk
Huon of Burdeux, E.E.T.S., 177. 4
To test his veracity, the king makes him play with his daughter, who w*
a master-player, on the wager ‘ that yf she wynne thou shalt lese thy hede/iy -
thou canst mate her . . . thou shalt haue her one nyght in thy bed/to do wit: I
her at thy pleasure, & a c. marke of money there with \ The game begas.
Huon only stipulating that the spectators should keep silence throughout tbr j
game.
Then y® chesse were made redy ; then Huon sayd, * lady, what game wyl y e pbj
at V 4 frende,’ quod she, 4 at y® game accustomed, that is, to be mated in y e corner
. . .ther were paynims that beheld Huon / but he cared not for ony of them / but studye: 1
on his game, y« whiche they had begon, so that Huon had lost parte of his pawnes. 1
Some banter between the lady and Huon followed, but, luckily for him. th?
lady fell in love with him and lost the game. Huon w as greatly elated and )
boasted to the king, ^ JLs
4 Sir, now may ye se how I can play / for yf I wyll a lytell more study / j
mate your dough ter where as I lyst.’ i
The king was very wroth with his daughter for losing, 4 when so many grefe
men thou hast mated,* but Huon released him from his wager for 100 marks.
In Tristan (12th c.), Tristram is sent to Ireland by King Mark to feteh
his bride Yseult. On the journey they play chess, and in error drink from
conoscendo si coinincio a cruciare k a tingersi uel uiso k a sottigliarsi se potes9e il giro'
pei* maestria recuperare, ma quanto piu giocaua, tanto piu ne baueua il peggio. Philicopo gU
lev6 con un alfine il caualiero k diegli scacco, il castellano per questo tratto crucciato oltr^
a misura a piu de la perdita de bisanti che del giuoco, die de le mani ne gli sc&cci, k quelli
k lo scacchiero gittd a terra.* I
The Flemish version by Diederic v. Assenede ( Horae Belgicae, iii, Leipzig, 1836. lines
2687-2753) also contains a number of chess terms. In this version they play for 100, SW,
and finally 300 besants and a gold cup. In the Icelandic version ( Flares Saga ok Blank^ter,
ed. KOlbing, Halle, 1896, 56) they play skdktotfl for c. aura gulls ; in the Swedish version
( Flores och Blanzejlor, Stockholm, 1844, 40) they play skakiafutl for ( 7 . hundredha ora gvUL
4 The French poem (Paris, 1860, 7408-9) has
Si sai des tables et des esktes as^s
Qu’il n’est nus hom qui m'en p6ust paser.
The match of chess between Huon and Yvorin’s daughter was a favourite subject for the
decoration of ivory mirror cases. There are two examples in the South Kensington Museum. !
5 Or in the French (7491-7500) :
Adont ont fait l’eskekier aporter,
Qui estoit d'oret d’argent painture,
Li eskiek furent de fin or earner^.
* Dame, dist Hues, quel ju voles juer ?
Vol6s as trais, u vous votes as d6s?*
— 1 Or soit as trais* dist la dame al vis cler (see p. 410 above).
Adont commencent a lor ju a penser.
Li paien ont moult Huon regards,
Mais h son ju entent li bacelers
De se maisnie perdi l’enfes ases . .
: -
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
739
a love philtre. The result is disastrous, and the guilty passion that arose
between Tristram and Yseult in consequence is the chief motive of the whole
of the latter portion of the romance. 6
In the tale of Beryn (Fr. a . 1350, English tr. c. 1400), Beryn, a merchant
on his first voyage, is invited on his arrival at Falsetown to play at chess.
The cunning burgess allows Beryn to win easily at the first, and finally they
play for the wager that the loser shall either undertake to do the winner’s
bidding or drink all the salt-water in the sea. Beryn loses, but by the help
of one Geffrey he escapes from the dilemma. The burgess must first stop all
fresh water from flowing into the sea. 7
In several romances the hostility existing between certain of the characters
is traced back to a quarrel over a game of chess. As we have already seen
from Garin de Montglane, passions often ran high during a game, and the
6 In Gottfried v. Strassburg’s German version, Tristan (c. 1210), this incident begins
(2217-25):
von aventiure ez do geschach ze wunsclie gefeitieret ;
daz Tristan in dem schiffe e reach dft bi hienc ein gesteine
ein schftchzabel hangen von edelen helfenbeine
an brete und an den spangen ergraben meisterliche.
vil schone und wol gezieret,
There are other allusions to chess in the romance ; cf. Ltfseth, Le Roman on prose de Tristan f
Paris, 1891, 481. One incident, as developed by Heinrich v. Freiberg, Tristan (c. 1800),
4144 seq., contains some German chess technicalities.
Den kiinic und die kunegin . . . der kiinic sprach
gar minneclichen vander zer kCLniginne ‘ dft schftch ! ’
sitzen bi ein ander, ‘ Dft schftch ! * sprach diu kfinigin ;
do sie ein schftclizftbel zugen. ‘ hie buoz mit dem ritter min ! *
ir ougenblikke lieplich vlugen 1 Abschftch ! 1 sprach der kflnec s&n.
uber das bret oft entwer Si gedftht * Abschftch wirt iu getftn.’
von eime hin zem andern her, . . . Nu wart vorriicket ein stein,
von eime her zem andern hin . . . des liuob ein kriec under in zwein.
Buoz (sb. m.) is the MLG. but , Eng. booty compensation paid, amends made. It occurs
frequently in MHG. and MLG., as also the verb buezen, in the sense of capture in return, and
often combined with schach or mat. as schach buozy mat buoz t a capture giving check, mate ;
generally, however, in a transferred sense : ‘ ich wil mit rehter kiinste iu sagen mates buoz * ;
Wartburgkrieg (c. 1260, ed. Simrock, p. 57). The chess-meaning is established by a passage in
Stephan's Schachbuchy 5460-7. (See Eiserhardt, Mittelall. Schachterminologie der Deutschen t 16-18.)
Abschach (sb. m.) is the regular MHG. term for discovered check. It still survived in
Lessing’s time (see Nathan , II, i). The problem MS. WA, f. 8a, has the verb abschachen .
7 Tale of Beryn, E.E.T.S., 1641-1823.
. . So when they had i-dyned, the cloth was vp i-take ; 1731
A Chese )>ere was i-brou 3 t forth : but tho gan sorow to wake.
The Ches was al of yvery, the meyne fres9h & newe
I-pulsshid, A i-pikid, of white, asure, A blewe . . .
The meyne were i-set vp : they gon to pley(e) fast : 1746
Beryn wan the first, J>e second, A )>e ]>ird ;
And atte fourth(e) game, (right) in the ches a-myd,
)>e Burgeyse was Lmatid . . .
The burgess now proposes his wager : he * was the best pleyer atte ches of all the wyde
marchis, or many a myle aboute \
He set the meyne efft ageyn, A toke better hede
Then he did tofore, A so he had(de) nede.
The Burgeyse toke a-visement long on euery drau;te ;
So with(in) an houro or to, Beryn he had i-cau;te
Somwhat oppon the hipp, >at Beryn had )>e wers . . .
i Draw on ’, seyd the Burgeyse : * Beryn. ye have )>e wers/ . .
The Burgeyse, whils }>at Beryn was in hevy )>ou 3 t,
The next draujt after, he toke a roke for nau 3 te . . .
The Burgeyse seid : ‘ Comyth nere. ye shul see bis man,
How he shall be mated, with what man me list/
He drou 3 e, A seyd ‘chek mate' (1777-1822).
3 a 2
Digitized by
740
CHESS IN EUROPE
faet :
jibes which accompanied the play made defeat more bitter. From taunte
was not a far cry to actual blows, and the chessboard and pieces were ofte
made to serve duty as weapons of attack or defence. The quarrel might ev«;
end in the death of one of the players. That these quarrels were based ujik
fact is seen from legal proceedings of the period, e. g. :
16. Sept. 1394. Reg. de la loy, 1393-1401 (G.) Bans de .x. libvres. A Toon*
avoir fern Jehan Dolee (Tun tavlier parmi le visage jusques a efusion de sang.
In the romance of Foulques Fitzwarin (written a . 1235), 8 the hatred whH
John of England exhibited against Foulque is attributed to a quarrel ok
a game of chess which John and Foulque had played when children in 6
court of King Henry II. In the scuffle John had smitten Foulque with i
chessboard and drawn blood, and Foulque had thereupon knocked John d**:
with his fists.
A more disastrous quarrel of this kind is described in Offer de DamemarJ
one of the Charlemagne romances of the 12th c. The two lads, Baudointt
the son of Oger, and Chariot, the son of Charlemagne, play chess at Easte
Chariot loses his temper on losing the game, and first insults and then
the chessboard kills Bauduinet. Both versions of the poem which I have aft
are of chess interest. 9
8 Hist. Fuike Fitzwarine , London, 1856. Cf. Leland, Collect ., 1774, i. 233 ; Ac.
• Both versions are quoted in Ogier de Danemarclie (Paris, 1842). That in the text itself >
quite short :
11 et Callos prisent un esquekier,
Au ju s’asisent por aus esbanier, 3160
Sont lor esches assis sor le tablier.
Li fix au roi traist son paon premier,
B&uduings traist son aufin arier,
Le fix au roi le volt forment coitier,
Sur l’autre aufin a trait son chevalier.
Tant traist li uns avant et l’autre arier,
Bauduin6s li dist mat en Tanglier.
The longer account of this episode in the version preserved in MS. Brit. Mus. Kings, 15. YLf
(ff. 124-7) is quoted in the introduction to the Paris edition (lxiv, lxvii). It introduces mo ek
of interest to the historian of chess.
Emmy la salle fist aporter Teschequier,
Ouvre d’or et d’argent, li eschet furent chier;
Dist k Baudouinet : 4 Pens^s du revenger ;
De bien garder vos gens, bien les sauray chasser/
Et dist Baudouinet : 4 Sire, g’i jouay hier
Tant que tout estonn6 en ai le hannepier.*
— 4 Vous jouerGs k moy ’ dist Chariot au vis cler.
Lors va assir son ju et sa gent apointier.
Et Baudouinet print son jeu a commencier, ....
Chariot le fils du roy s’ est as eschfcs assis,
Contre Baudouinet qui tant fu bien aprins.
Chariot a trait premier, li tiers et li hardis :
II trait un paonnet qui d’or estoit macis,
Et Baudouinet trait qui bien estoit apris ;
Aus quatre premiers trais a un chevalier prins :
D’un rock lui dist escheck et puis getta un ris,
Et lui dist : * Monseignour, tost est ce jeu faillis ;
Jou6s de vostre rois car il est mal assis.’
Et quant Chariot Tentent si en est engramis :
II a couvert son jeu d’un aufin par advis,
Et Baudouinet trait s’a son chevalier prins ;
En sus du roy le trait, plus pr&s de lui Ta mis,
Et Chariot trait un rok, qui n’y est alentis.
4 Sire, dist Baudouin, vous estes desconfis :
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
741
There are two chess incidents in Renaud de Monfaulon (13th c.), another
romance of the Charlemagne cycle, both of a sanguinary character. The first
is very similar to the Oger incident: in the second, the chessmen serve as
weapons of offence. The former is told thus in Caxtons Foure Sons of Aymon ,
E.E.T.S., 61, the English version of the romance :
The barons cam out after dyner for to plaie & sporte hemself ; and berthelot the
neuew of Charlemayn called reynawde for to playe with him / wherof grewe a gret
myscheef / for after warde many a good knygbte deied therfor, & many a fayr chylde
was faderless, as here after ye shall here / if ye herken well.
Now was set Berthelot & the worthi reynawde for to playe at the ches, whiche
were of yvori / wherof y e horde was of golde massy / & so long they playd that
debate fell bytwene them two, bi suche maner that berthelot called renande ‘ hour-
sone ' / & toke vp his hande & smot reynawde in the vysage, so that the blood fell to
the grounde / And whan reynawde sawe hymself thus shamfully outraged he was
right wrothe & sore angred, & sware by god, hym shold yll betyd ; therfor thenne
toke reynaude y e ches borde, and smote berthelot vpon his hede so harde, that he
cloued hym to the teeth / and thus berthelot fell doune deed to y e grounde afore
hym. 10
Je prenderay vo rok de tous les plus petis.’
— 4 Baudouin, dist Chariot, lassies ester tels diz :
Un horns qui tant parole est bien souvent reprins,
Et si dit k la fois chose dont il vault pis.’
— 1 Sire, ce dist li enffes, par Dieu de paradis,
Mieux valent les paroles, les gabes, et les ris
Or jeu de l’eschequier, qui tant est seignouris,
Que tant le remanant, ce dient li marchis ;
Le jeu se veult gaber, sen est tous li d£lis.
Sire, ce dist li enffes, li horns qui veult jouer
Au jeu de l’eschequier, qui tant fait k louer,
De gabez et de mos doit le sien jeu parer,
Et qui en a le pis, il le doit enclurer;
Car tels joue aus esch&s qui ne scot point mater
Fora que de chevalier ou de son rock jouer ;
Mais qui es quatre poins scet le roy aengler
Et dire eschek et mat du paonnet mener,
Je dy c’on le doit bien et prisier et loer :
Folie le me fait yci renouveller,
Car vous en sav£s plus que tout li baceler
Que j’aie point v^u en ce palais jouer.’
Adont le fist escheck, son roy fist rerauer,
Et Chariot se couvry de fierge pour garder.
Tant mandrent le jeu, si con j’oy compter
Que Baudouinet va vne fierge eatorer.
Et puis de point en point le va tant admener
Qu’il fist le roy Chariot tellement aengler
Que tout droit k l’anglet il Pa fait arrester ;
D’un rock lui dist escheck, car bien le scet trouver,
Et d’un paonet va Chariot mat appeller.
Et quant Chariot le vit, en lui n’ot qu’atrer :
Lore dist : 4 Coistron bastart '
— ‘ Bastart, ce dist Chariot, vous en fault*il grouller ?’
Il saisi l’eschequier, s’en va l’enffant frapper,
Amont parmi le chef lui va tel cop frapper
Qui lui a fait les ex de la teste voler,
Et lui fist devant lui la cervelle espaulcer.
The author of the prose version ( Ogier le Dannoys , Paris, 1500, quoted in Twiss, ii. 180)
manages in his account of the game to reveal his ignorance of chess. Chariot begins by
moving ung petit paonnet and taking a Knight. Baudouin replies by moving a Pawn and
taking two Knights. He then says eschae with his King. Chariot covers his Rook and takes
a Pawn. Baudouin next moves his Knight, and places it next his King. And then they
quarrel.
10 Similar incidents are described in Doon de la Roche , in the Bastart de BouUlon f in Quy of
Warrick, and in Oalyen restore. In the Bastart de Bouillon , the young Bastart plays chess with /
Digitized by Google
742
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
In the second incident, Renaud has Richard Duke of Normandy prisoner,
and sends his men to bring him to the gibbet. They find Richard playing
chess with Renaud’s young son Yvonet in the vaulted hall. He pays
attention to their request to come out and be hanged, and when the officers
laid violent hands upon him he killed one with a Fers, which he was on the
point of moving, a second with a Rook, and a third with an Aufin. At this
the others took to flight, and Richard invited Yvonet to finish the game. Ia
the French version, the Fers is first described as made of ivory, and later as
being big and square, and the Aufin has a gilded top. 11
A somewhat similar use of the chessboard and men will be found ia
Chrest ian flft Troves* Percival (c. 1175), a nd in the G erman version Parzi tgL , of
Wolfram v. Eschenba ch (1 200-10 ), the introduction of the chess being made
to emphasize the suddenness of a surprise. Gauvain is discovered in the
company of a lady in her sister Vergulat’s castle. No weapons are at hand,
but Gauvain wields the heavy chessboard as a shield, and the lady’ puts the
enemy to flight with the chessmen (St.).
In Parise la Duchesse (ed. Paris, 1860, 37), the Duchess’s son Hugh, who
had learnt chess as a youth and was a player of great skill, plays with four
young nobles for 100 sols de denier s apiece. He won so easily that he
offered to teach them how to play. They refused in great anger and attempted
to kill him. In the unequal conflict Hugh defended himself successfully with
the chessboard.
In some of these passages, e. g. Oger , the attempt is made to describe the
course of the game in some detail. The most successful attempt of the kind
is that in Les Esches amonreux , which I have used in connexion with the
short assize (p. 478); the liveliest is that in Jacques de Longuyon’s Vceux d u
his cousin and mates him four times in succession, whereupon the defeated player fells him
with the chessboard. In Guy qf Warwick, Fabour is playing Sad ok, the son of Soudan
Tri amour, and gives him a check. Upon this the young prince miscalls him, and smites him
with a Rook. Fabour kills him with the board (Chess is mentioned several times in this
romance. The only other reference of any length is quoted above, p. 436). In GcUyen restart,
a quarrel over a game of chess is the cause of the hero discovering his parentage. Gal yen
plays with his uncle Thibert after supper, and being the better player (F. ouurter), he won
a Rook, and said * Uncle, you are mate/ Thibert in a fit of passion deals his nephew a blow
over the head with the board, calling him 4 Bastard, filz de putain *.
11 Caxton does not show much knowledge of chess in his translation of this passage
(ed. cit. 477). The Dame is not recognized as the chess Queen (‘the duk rycharde . . . helde in
his hande a lady of yvery, wherwyth he wolde have gyven a mate to yonnet’). The con-
clusion of the game is given briefly : * yonnet . . • played wyth his roke that he sholde not
be mated / but he myglit not save the mate. 1 In the published text of the French poem
(Stuttgart, 1862, 388-90 the most interesting lines are :
Richars . . . point tint un fierte dont il cuida joer ;
Blanche ert de fin ivoire, que n’i ofc qu’amender . . .
Doncques a trait le roi por son poon garder
(Yvonet’ s continuation of the game), and the account of the fracas which was given to
Renaud by the survivors :
U jooit as eschez en la sale voutee ;
Tan tost come le primes par l’espaule aornee,
I/un feri d’une fierte qui grans est et quaree ;
Deci qu’en la cervele li est, biax sire, entree.
I/autre feri d’un roc par itel ran donee
Que il l'abati mort sans brait et sans cri^e ;
Done a pris ,i aufin qui la teste ot doree.
Si en feri un autre. l*arme s’en est al«?e,
Renaud and Charlemagne are interrupted when playing chess at a later part of the romance,
but the incident is without importance. See the Caxton translation (ed. cit., 151).
\
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
743
2*ceon (1312), which I quote from the Scotch version, The Bulk of the 7)iost
noble and vailzeand Conqueror Alexander the Greats Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh,
1831, 207 seq., as the most vivid picture that I know of a mediaeval game
of chess with its accompanying play of wit. Unfortunately, the moves are
described very inexactly. The lady, Fezonas, who gives her opponent the
odds of Knight and move, undertakes to give mate in the corner with an
Aufin, and every chess-player must have known that this was an impossibility
in the mediaeval game. 12
. . . Thus thir folk in great solas,
And in short time assembled was,
The ches was asked sone I hecht,
And men tliame brocht wele at richt,
Sic ane chekker that neuer ar,
Was sene ane better seilden quare,
The leifis of gold war fare and fyne,
Subtyle wrocht with ane engyne,
Thepoyntis of emeraudes schynandscbyre,
And of rubeis burnand as fyre,
The ches of sapheris war I wys,
And of topace that richest is,
Pigmeus thame maid with slicht,
Thay war full fare to se with siclit. 15
In silken carpetis of the Grece
Auld CaBsamus gart bring the ches.
Himself has set the alphyis (F. esches),
And lauchand said he on this wys,
4 Lordingis lat se quha will assay/
Said Perdicas, 4 Schir je sail play/
‘ Perfay,' said Cassamus, 4 I na ken,
I am ane churle to cary men.
Betuix me and my alphis (F. ame) we sail
Bynd vp the oxin in the stall.
This is it that euer can I,
Bot eit and drink allanerly.
The Bauderane sail begin perfay,
And Fesonas sail him assay,
To leif thare melancoling,
For thay ar baith in lele lufing/
The Bauderane said, * I refuse nocht,
Na jit the amorous thocht.
The king of lufe will I nocht tyne,
For all is hirris here and hyne/
Fesonas said to mak him wraith,
* To mekill, shir, drede I jour skaith.
Quhat I sail liaue outher rouk or knicht,
To auantage bot je me hecht,
That it be without wrething.
Je sail be met (mate) without lesing
In ane nuke with ane alphiug/ 14
Said Ideas, ‘ 3e menance fast, cousing.
13 The V<eux du Paon , a magnificent MS. of which is one of the treasures of the Bodleian,
was also translated into Dutch, and v. d. Linde quotes in his Het Schaakspd in Nederland, 19,
the present incident from this translation. The French text (from the Bodleian MS.) is
quoted in Michel’s edition of the Chron. de Benoit , Paris, 1888, ii, pp. 614-17.
15 The description of the chess in the French runs :
Tels ert li eschekiers, qu’onques mieudres ne fu ;
Les listes (a) sont d’or fin, k trefoire fondu,
Et li point ( b ) d’esmeraudes, verdes com pre herbu,
E de rubins vermaus, aussi com d’ardant fu.
Li eschec de saphirs, le roi asseuru
E de riches topasses k toute Tor vestu.
Pigmalyun les fist, li fiex Candeolu : (c)
Molt sont bel k veoir, drechie e espandu.
(Variants from another MS. cited in the appendix to Ducange : (a) lices ; ( b ) Li paon , i. e. the
Pawns ; (c) for this and the two preceding lines are substituted :
Roy, fierce, cheualier, auffin, roc, et cornu,
Furent fet de saphir et si ot or molu,
Li autre de topace ; o toute lor vetu.
The first of these lines is probably corrupt, since auffin and cornu are different names for the
same piece.)
14 Fezonas’ speech in the French runs :
4 Vous aures d’avantage ou roc ou cavalier,
Si m'aii^s en couvent que c’iert sans courecier;
Et je vous dirai coi en l’angle tout derrier
D’un villain en courant por le roi justicier.’
The poem uses coi (L. quietus) throughout for mate. Villain for the Aufin is also unusual.
The Dutch version has here :
Ic wil u geven groet vordeel ;
Roc of riddre, welc gi kiest ;
Mare gevalt dat gi verliest,
Dat gi u niet beige n en selt.
Ic sal uwen coninc met gewelt
Achter in den hornec driven
Met enon ouden, daer hi sal bliven.
Digitized by Google
744
CHESS IN EUROPE
pit
Manance aucht to here cumpany
To wrang winning and succudry,
But or the play all endit be.
For all jour fere I hope to se
3 our great mannance full halely/
Fesonas said hir preuelly,
* Gif 30 be jelous I will him pray
That he jour lufe wald put away
And to allege jour mekill ill.*
Said Ideas, ‘ 3e say jour will.
Quhan I lufe outher him or her,
I keip nocht of sic messinger.*
The Bauderane hard the speche all,
And luked to Ideas the small ;
Quhan sho persauit sho changit hew.
Her visage that was freslie and new
Vox ridder weill than rose on rys.
Cassamus tuke ane cod ( cushion ) of prys,
And by the playeris lenit him syne.
4 Be God *, said that palasyne,
4 Lo here ane lytstar wele at richt
That sone sa fyne hew can dicht.
Draw on, shir Bauderane, for je may
Haue wele the first draucht of the play.*
4 1 grant wele/ said the maydin fie,
‘ That the first draucht the Bauderaues be,
Bot I sail haue the nixt I wis,
And mete him syne all maugre his
With ane alphine gif I may speid.*
4 Dame/ said the Bauderane , 4 God forbeid.*
4 Mak thar ane note/ said Cassamus.
4 Schir/ said the maydin, 4 be Marcus,
I am sa sikker I vnderta,
That in the letter sho sekes ane stra.
I am nocht of my fallowes play,
Ideas the fare and gay,
Na jit her sister Idorus ;
Bot quhen it lykes to Venus
And Alexander the nobill king,
I sail haue lemmen at lyking,
Quhilk sail of body douchty be
And of hand baith large and fre.*
4 Fare nec (niece)*, said Cassamus the aid,
4 1 trow je be the halest bald.*
Thus thay playit with gammin and gle,
The knichtis of Grece and of Calde,
And spak of amouris and of droury,
Sporting thame richt merelly.
All out the ches lay
The knichtis of Grece to se the play.
The Bauderane drew ane poun bat lei. |
That befoir the feires was set ;
And the maydin hir knicht in hy
To stele the poun all preuelly.
The Bauderane drew his feiris on m
To kepe the poun or he war tane ;
And sho hir alphyne for to ga
The fers or ellis to gar hir ga
On bak and leif the poun at the last"
4 Dame/ said the Bauderane , 4 je preis u
fast.*
4 Schir/ said sho, * lat jour sidling be.
And nocht forthy sa mot I the.
Thay haue na watter for to pas.*
And he tliocht and in ane study was;
And she him dr&ue to hething ay.
4 Schir Bauderane/ sho said, 1 peifay
3 our sidling thare nocht pas the se,
Weillneir jow may thay gaistned be/
Quod Ideas, 4 Dame, be Dyany,
3 e can speke full hethingly.'
Quhen Fesonas hard that she was wniii
Thare had they rekned with vther bait-
Na had the knichtis of Grece that wart
On at her halfe standand thare,
That wele persauit thare inuy,
Engenered all of Ielusy.
Cassamus smylit with lufsum clieir,
And said, 4 Wicked toung was euili to
steir.*
And syne can sing quhen he had said,
For he that speche wald doun warlaii
The Bauderane ashamed was,
And changit colouris in his face,
And to his poun ane knicht drew syne.
And Fesonas with hir alphyne
Tuke his feirs u and said in hy,
4 Dame, in jour word may nane a ffj'
And the Bauderane richt subtelly,
Answered without melancoly,
And said sichand, 4 My sweit thing,
lam tane throw behalding.*
Quhen thay had hard that ressoun all
Abased thay war baith great and small*
Quhat he ineuit thay vnderstode na tbu#
For thare was doubill vnderstanding.
Said Fesonas, 4 }e speik wysly ;
The draucht is mine.* 4 Draw hardelv.
it Le paon de la fierge a fait avant aler :
E 1a pucele a trait liement, sans muser,
Ce cevalier a diestre por le paon embler.
Li Baudrains traist sa fierge por son paon sauver
E cele son aufin, qui cuida conquester
La fierge ou le paon ou faire reculer.
»• Si traist .i. chevalier por son roc delivrer.
Fezonas del aufin va sa fierge haper.
Digitized by ^.ooole
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
745
‘ X say eschesk/ 4 Dam, that I heir/
* JDelyueris it than/ 4 Blythly, my deir/
c La t now quhat je do thair till/
* Madame, je haist 30 w mair than skill/
4 Auyse 30 w schir or 30 be wraith
To-day and bald to-morne baith/
‘ Madame, sa lang will I nocht stand/
With that he tuke his rouk in hand,
And wald haue drawen as thocht he than. 17
4 Amends 30m* check, schir/ said sho than,
And spak ay taryand him hethingfully :
4 Schir, wraik 30W nocht sa egarly.
3© lufe with lele hart and trew
Ane lady fare and bricht of hew.
W orthy and of gude hauing,
And, schir, na raith suld haue resting
Quharesa the lufe had harbry tane/
The Bauderane than said on ane,
4 Dame, 3e say suth be all that is,
Sa and God will, I think I wis,
And with fyne hart and stedfastly,
Quhen swete vmbethinking suddanly
Me takes and partes my hart in twa,
And thyrlis sumtyme with thochtis thra,
Quha sa micht se hir fassoun all,
Hir face and hir middle small,
Portured and shapin suthfastly,
As quhylum I saw that lady
In Venus chalmer at our gaddering,
Quhen we playit at the suthfast king,
Is na man na he aucht to be,
Affrayit at hir fyne bounte/
4 Amendis 30ur chek, shir/ said that may,
4 We think our lyttill on our play :
I sail haue of 3our men, I wis,
Or 3e of myne sen thus it is.
3e think our mekill on that Caldiane/
Said Ideas, 4 Dame, be Dyane,
3e ar our wilfull for to say
jour will in ernest or in play/
4 Gif I make gammin/ said Fesonas,
4 That is for sporting and solas
Thir knichtis of Grece wilfully ;
They wald I made thame cumpany/
4 Ye are sle, dame/ said the Bauderane,
4 And sewis it weill sa God me sane
But threid or nedill all subtelly/
Thay draw thare drauchtis sa comonly ;
Quhat sail I say 1 they playit sa lang,
And warned ay vther amang.
The Bauderane couth nocht of the play,
Samekill as sho weill far away.
Dame Fesonas the fare and meik
Countred him into speik.
‘Schir,’ said that shene, 4 3e can weill mare
Of this play than I wenit langare.
Now draw wysly, for mister, is,
3e salbe met sa haue I blis,
Outher in the nuke or in the score, 18
As I haue said 30W oft before/
: Dam/ said the Bauderane, 4 sa mot I the.
I hald me pait how euir it be,
3e haue ane nuke quhare of God wait,
That weill titar mycht mak me mait,
Than I and all that euer I haue,
Mycht mak me mait sa God me saue/
Than leuch thay all with gamyn and glis,
And sho apartly aschamyt is.
Hir face woxe rede that ere was cleir.
Said Gaudifeir, 4 Fare sister deir,
Foly is to mak debait ,
Speik fare, or he gais his gait/
4 Schir/ said that schene, 4 sa God me rede,
I na thocht euill in word or deid/
4 Dam, nane did 1 / said the Bauderane,
4 Bot wikked I war sa God me sane,
Gif I na durst sic ane mait abyde/
Quhen Cassamus thame hard that tyde,
His hart was blyth for Ioy in hy ;
He tuke his cod and haistalv
Kest at the chais and spilt the play,
And lauchand syne can to thame say,
4 Amuffis thow nocht, and be nocht hait,
The honour is myne, 3e baith ar met
( mate )/ 19
In several mediaeval romances of the Arthurian cycle we meet with
references to magic chessboards, upon which the chessmen play of their own
17 Maintenant son roc prent,
Com hom pensis vot traire : e celle le reprint.
18 You* serds mas en Tangle e, s’il vous plaist, en voie. The exact meaning of voie (way)
and score (line, crack, path) is not clear to me.
19 Another attempt at the description of a game occurs in Raoul de Cambrai (written
a. 1270, ed. Paris, 1882, 1585-90) :
As eschfcs goue R. de Cambrisis
Si com li om qi bien en est apris.
II a son roc par force en roie mis,
Et d’un poon a .i. chevalier pris.
Par poi q’il n’a et matd et conquis
Son compaingnon qi ert au giu asis.
Digitized by Google
746
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
accord, or occasionally, when touched with a magic ring. All these references
may be traced back to one common origin, an incident in the Celtic story of
Peredur the son of Evrawc in the Mabinogion, This story is the principal
source of Chrestien de Troyes’ romance of Percival , and the inspiration of the
whole cycle of romances.
In the Celtic story, Peredur comes to the Castle of W onders and sees there
a gwyddbwyll board, on which the men were playing against each other by
themselves. The side which Peredur favoured lost the game, and the men
on the other side set up a shout as though they had been living men.
Peredur was wroth at this and threw the game into a lake, and the necessity
for recovering the game was the occasion of further adventures on Peredur’s
part.
The exact nature of the game gwyddbwyll 20 is now unknown, and was
probably unknown in Chrestien’s day. It was certainly a board-game , and it
was only natural that Chrestien and his successors should substitute the
familiar chess for the old Celtic game (Percival, 22442-540). In later
translations into Welsh of some of the French Arthurian romances the chess
of the French .version is replaced by the Celtic tawlhwrdd (e. g. Y seint great,
1874, p. 246).
In the romance of Lancelot (prose, 13th c.) the hero is shown the magic
chess by a lady who tells him that, however well he can play, the pieces will
mate him in the angle of the board (MS. Fribourg, f. 30a: ‘si bien n’en
sauroiz joer que vos n’i soiez mater en Tangle *). He essays a game, which is
described with some attempt at completeness (see p. 472) in both the French
and the Dutch versions. 21 I n Artur (M S. Richel., 337, f. 218 b, G), a knight
plays three games on the board and is each time mated in the angle. In
a version of Gauvain , known through the Dutch translation Walewein , the
20 The game gwyddbwyll is frequently mentioned in the Mabinogion and in other early
Welsh works. None of the references give any clue as to the nature of the game, but none
imply that there was any differentiation of piece other than that necessary to distinguish
the one side from the other. In Campeu Charlymaen ‘ gwyddbwyll* is used to translate the
F. tables : in Bum o Hamtwn , on the other hand, tables is translated 4 tawlbwrdd \ This latter
game is mentioned repeatedly in the Ancient Laws of Wales (ed. 1841), and one passage (p. 486
shows that tawlbwrdd was played between two sides, one with 16 men, the other with 8 men
and a King. It is, therefore, possible that this game was really identical with the Norse
game hnefatafl (see p. 445). In this case the translation in Bum o Hamtwn is incorrect, and as
loose as translations are apt to be.
The word gwyddbwyll is historically identical with the Irish word fidchell, and this latter
word occurs repeatedly in early Irish works as the name of a game. Thus it occurs in
Cortnac's Glossary (ed. W. Stokes, 1862-8;, where it is said that ‘in the first place the fidchell
is four-cornered, its squares are right angled, and black and white are on it, and moreover,
it is different people that in turn win the game \ Other Irish references add nothing to our
knowledge, with the possible exception of — (1) a passage in the AceUlamh (Stokes and Windlsoh,
Irish Texts , 4th ser., i ; and O’Grady, Silva Gadelica ), 7726-7843, which describes how C&ilte
and the King of Connaught played at fidchell. When the board was brought, three men were
missing. Cailte fetched 3 gold and 3 silver men from a cairn where a game had been hidden.
Each of these men was as big as a big man’s fist, and he told the King that he had left
300 men, half gold and half silver, in the cairn. (2) The 15th c. Book qf Lismore (still
unedited), describing a gift of a fidchell to Pope Boniface in the 7tli c., says that it had nine
lines, and half of the pieces were men and half women. By the 15th c. the real nature of
the game was certainly completely forgotten.
21 The board in the Dutch version is said to be worth a dozen marks, and the pieces were
of gold and silver.
Digitized by Google
:hap. ix
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
747
lero comes to a castle in which a hall is arranged as a chessboard, on which !
ihessmen the rize of life move of themselves when touched with a magic ring.
In the romance of Gauvain et I'tfchiquier the story turns upon a magic board
of silver and f ivory, which flies through the air to Arthurs court and
disappears in r*s wonderful a way (St. 398). The magic chess is introduced
plso in th e Quete ^ u _§^jd^Graal^ed. Bordeaux, 1841, i. 438-40).
In the English Merlin (E.E.T.S., 362) the construction of such a board is
attributed to the magician Guynebans.
Than Guynebans hym-self made with his owne handes a Chekier of golde and
Ivory half parted, ffor he was right sotill of soche crafte, as he wolde hym entirmete,
and the pownes, a^d all the other meyne were golde and yvory fresshly entailled.
Whan Guynebans ha,dde made redy the Cheker and the chesse, that oon myght well
ther-with pleyen alld that wolden, he made soche a coniursion by his art, that alle
tho that )>ere sette for to pleyen, tlier ne sholde be noon, but that the chesse sholde
hym maten, wheder ho wolde or noon, in that oon of the corners of the cheker ; ne
neuer sholde the same % heker be mated, till the beste knyght of the worlde dide it
mate, and also he moste be of soche grace, that neuer he falsed his loue, and ther-to
hym be-hooveth to be k) nges sones and quenes.* 2
e From the Chansons de geste and the Arthurian romances chess passed
c naturally into the Beast-epic, and a contest at chess between Ysengrim
wolf and Renard the fox — in which several games are played, at first for
a gold mark apiece, and after Ysengrim had won £100, for a more serious
wager — forms one of the episodes in the Roman de RenartP* A parallel
instance of * beast-chess ' is to be found in the Spriiche, which mention as
their author Der Spervogel and date from the beginnings of the Minnesang
22 4 The chessboard of Gwenddolen, when the men were placed upon it they would play
of themselves. The chessboard was of gold and the men of silver’, which Lady C. Guest
quotes from a Welsh MS. in her Mabinogion (ed. 1849, i. 383), is in the original a gwyddbwyll.
So are all the chessboards mentioned in her translation.
** Ed. M6on, 1826, iii. 20937-78. The game was played after dinner. The lines of most
chess interest are the following :
Ysengrin fu du jeu apris,
Del paonnet a un roc pris ;
Apres le roc a pris la fierce.
Tant jouerent c’ainz qu’il fust tierce
Gaaigna Ysengrins cent livres.
There are three other references to chess in M Son's edition of the Renart romances. (1)
Renart le nouvel , 2521-7 (M6on, iv), mentions a splendid chessboard :
Et ens ou lever dou mengier
A fait Renart d’un eskiekier
Tout de fin or le roi present,
Et les eskies ; mil mars d’argent
Yaut l’eskiekiers od les eskies, Ac.
(2) Le couronnement Renart, 3348-9 (M6on, iv^, has an interesting parallel drawn from the
fact that the player at the board does not always see the best moves :
Que cil qui juent as esch6s D’encoste, de 16s ou de lonch
Ne voient pas tous les bons tr6s Voit teil chose qui la selonch
Qui demeurent sour l’eschakier, Trairoit, qu’il gaingneroit le geu.
Anchois avient c’uns de derier,
(A similar observation is made in Whetstone’s Promos and Cassandra , II. ii.:
But as at Cheastes though skylful players play
Skyllesse vewers may see what they omyt.)
(3) Renart le nouvel , 5904-32 (Meon, iv), introduces several chess terms in an allegorical
passage, see below, p. 749.
Digitized by Google
748
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
(early 13th c.). In this story a wolf plays chess with a man. fhe story was
amplified considerably by a later poet. 24
^ The Dominican, Francisco Colonna or Columns, wrote in ~i467 a curious
mystical work with the title Hypnerotomaehia Poliphili , which ^las first printed
at Venice in 1499, and was later translated into French ( Disc(nrs du Songe de
Polip/tile , Paris, 1546) and English (The Strife of Love in a Dream , London,
1592). In this work there is an account of ‘ living chess ’, V?o gioco de scaehi
" in hallo a ire mensure de soni , in which Colonna adopts a fancjfful set of names
for the chessmen and gives some information as to the moves':
Si il sono conteniua uno tempo, quelle uniforme octo (adolesce Mule) consumauano
quel tempo in translatarse in altro quadra to. Non poteano retrocedere, si non
meritamente per hauere immune salito sopra la lines, delle quidratione oue faceua
residentia il Re, Ne rectamente procedere nisi per linea diagoqale. Vno Secretario
& uno Equite in uno tempo tre quadrati transiuano, il Secretario (also Tacitumido
! — B) per linea diagonale, lo Equite per dui aequilateri recti S! uno dalla linea deuio,
& per omni lato poteano transferirse. Gli Custodi del arce (alsc custodi della rocha — R)
molti quadri rectamente ualeano & licentemente trapassare , Dique in uno tempo
i poteuano discorrere tre, quatro, o cinque quadrati, seruando la mensura, & festinante
' il grado. Il Be poteua ascendere sopra quale quadrato non impedio, o uero cum
praesidio occupato, anci pole prehendere, & egli interdicto il quadrato, oue altri
l poteno salire, & si caso egli fusse opportuno e che egli ctda cum admouitione prae-
\ cedente. Ma la Regina per omni quadrato del suo colors oue primo fermoe la sedia.
Et bene e che sempre propinqua segui dogni lato il marito suo.
Three games of chess were played, and the course of play is vaguely
indicated. The third game began 1 Pd4, Pd5 ; 2 Pc4.
Colon nas chess pageant possesses some importance, first as the probable
inspiration of Bishop Vida’s Virgilian designation of the Rook, second as the
pattern of the tournament of living chess in the fifth book of Rabelais’ FaicU
et dictes heroiqves du bon Panlagruel , Lyons, 1564. Here again, the moves are
described (see p. 465) and three games are played, but now of the modern
game. The accounts of the game are far too sketchy for us to recover the
play, but the first game commenced 1 Pd5 (for the Golden players who begin
correspond to our Black men), Pd4.
Another account of an imaginary game of Jiving chess is contained in
Rhingieri’s Cento Giuochi liberali et d'ingegno , Bologna, 1551, ch. xcviii (cf.
v v. d. Linde, ii. 329-34).
We have already seen in the Moralities how readily chess lent itself to
allegorical treatment. General literature provides other examples of various
24 Dev Spervogel in Des Minnesangs Fruhling, 4th ed. f 1888, 27 :
Ein wolf unde ein witzic man n&ch sinem vater wended,
sazten sch&chzabel an : do kom ein wider dar gegan :
Si wurden spilnde umbe guot. du gab er beidiu roch umb einen venden.
der wolf begonde sinen muot
The longer version is quoted in the notes to the same edition from Lassberg’s Litdersaal , ii.
605. It introduces no fresh matter of chess interest.
/ The oft-quoted story of the ape that played chess appeared first in the II Conan 6 of Conte
- Baldassar C&stiglione, 1518. Twiss, ii. 97-100, quotes Thomas Hoby’s translation. The
\ story is supposed to be told by one of a group of courtiers who were competing as to which
^ could tell the tallest story.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
749
kinds. The spiritual and natural life, war and all struggles, the course of
love, all are depicted as games of chess or described by means of chess terms.
Gautier de Coincy (c. 1230) includes a long and elaborate allegory of the
spiritual life, imagined as a game of chess between God and the Devil, in his
Miracles de la Sainte Vierge (ed. Paris, 1857, cols. 7-10, 128 lines in all). The
Devil has driven man into an angle of the board and is on the point of
mating him:
Tost nous aura en Tangle traiz ;
Nous serons pris et mat ce cuit.
His strongest move had been the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden
of Eden. At this moment God comes to the rescue, and makes a Fers which
covers the check and finally mates the enemy :
Mes touz ces traiz fit il en vain,
Quar Diex une tel fyerce fist
Qui le mata et desconfit.
Quant li doux Diex vit vers la fin
Que n’avait truie nes d’aufin
Et qu’anemis par son desroi
Chevalier, Roc, fierce ne Roi,
Nes ne poon ni voulait laissier
Au jeu se daigna abaissier,
Et fist un trait soutil et gent
Par quoi rescout toute sa gent
C’est fierce traist par tel sens,
Que Tanemi mate par tel sens.
The Fers that so happily turns the tables upon the Devil is the Virgin Mary,
and Gautier devotes many lines to the praise of this piece :
Ceste fierce n’est pas d’ivoire ;
Ainz est la fierce au roy de gloire
Qui rescout toute sa meisnta -
Qu’avoit d4ables defrainee. . . .
Ceste fierce le mate en roie ;
Ceste fierce le mate en angle ;
Ceste fierce li tolt la jangle ;
Ceste fierce li tolt sa proie ;
Ceste fierce touzjors Tasproie ;
Ceste fierce touzjors le point ;
Ceste fierce de point en point
Par fine force le dechace.
The poet is so delighted with his allegory that he returns to it again and
again. 25 fW e find the same explanation of the Fers as the Virgin Mary in
other French’ works. 2 ® The idea obviously originated in the European idea
that the Fers was the Queen. \ The last extract from Gautier de Coincy shows
conclusively that the Fers had only its weak Muslim move.
In Renart le nouvel , 5904-32, the life of the unrepentant sinner is described
under the figure of a game of chess upon t eskiekier de convoitise, in which —
Diaules vous dist eskiec et mat
Dou fin de larghe consience,
Ou point d’estroite passience,
En Tangle d'orguel. 27
25 See cols. 62, 63, and 632, the last passage extending to 46 lines. I quote from it :
Bien mate cil par soutilz traiz, Mais en Tangle iert maz en la fin,
Et bien angle le doable, Ne j a n’ara poon n’aufin,
Qui de douz cuer et d*amiable Hoy, chevalier, fierce, ne roc,
Aime la douce M6re Dieu Qui li vaille un bel oef de coc.
Et tout tins as le miex du gieu.
36 E. g. Jean de Cond6 (1310-40) has (Drts et Contes de Baudouin de Conde et son fils Jean de
Conde , Bruxelles, 1867, III. lviii, 208) :
Ce fu la beneoite virge
De Teschequier la vraie firge
Dont li dyables fu matez.
Another example occurs in the fable De monacho in fiumine periditato, 206-15, quoted in Michel,
Chron. de Benoit f iii. p. 517.
87 The passage concludes Satan as eschies materes , using a rare verb.
Digitized by Google
7 50
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
The comparison of warfare with chess is perhaps more obvious, and has given
rise to many of the transferred senses which the words ‘ check * checkmate
‘mate*, possess in English. 28 Three more elaborate comparisons of this kind
may be mentioned. Herbort v. Fritzlar in his Liei von Troye (1200-10,
ed. Quellenburg, 1837) treats in this way a battle between the Greeks and
the Amazons, 29 and a passage in the Murtner Siegeslied (vol. ii. 169) uses
chess terms to describe an expedition of the Swiss Confederation against the
Comte de Romont. 30 The longest and most important, however, is the account
of Conradin’s unsuccessful war to recover Sicily in the Roman de la Rose,
6674-750, which contains a very interesting reference to the two endings
in French chess, mate and have, or Bare King, which has hitherto been com-
pletely misunderstood :
En la premeraine bataille
L’aseailli por li desconfire,
Eschec et mat li alia dire
Desus son destrier auferrant
Du trait d’un paonnet errant,
Ou milieu de son eschiquier.
De Conradin parler ne quier,
Son neven, dont l’exemple est preste,
Dont li rois Karles prist la teste
Maugr£ les princes d’Alemaigne ;
Henri, frfcre le roi d'Espaigne,
Plain d’orguel et de t raison,
Fist il morer en sa prison.
Cil dui comme folz garjonn^s,
Roz et fierges 81 et paonnes
Et chevaliers as gieus perdirent
Et hors de Teschiquier saillirent.
Tel paor orent d’etre pris
Au gieu qu’il orent entrepris.
Car qui la verity regarde,
D’estre mat n'auroient-il garde,
Puisque sans roi se combatoient ;
Eschec et mat liens ne doutoient.
Ne cil haver ne le pooit
Qui contre eus as eschies jouit,
Fust a pie, fust sus les arsons,
Car l'on ne have pas ga^ons,
Fox, chevaliers, fierges ne ros.
Car selon la verite des motz
Je nen quiers point nulluy flater
Ainsi comme il va du matter.
Puisque des eschies me sovient
Se tu riens en s6s, il convient'
Que cil soit roi, que l’on fait haves,
Quant tuit si homme sunt esclaves.
Si qu’il se voit sens en la place,
Ne ni voit chose qui li place:
Ains s’enfuit par ses anemia
Qui font en tel povret6 mis.
L’en ne puet autrement haver,
Ce sevent tuit, large et aver.
Car ainsinc le dist Attalus
Qui des echez controva Pus,
quant il traitoit d’arism&ique ;
Et verra en Policratique,
Q'il s'enflechi de la matire,
Et des nombres devoit escripre,
Oil ce biau geu jolis trova
Que par demonstrance prova.
Por ce se mistrent-il en fuie,
Por la prise qui lor ennuie :
Qu’ai-je dit 1 por prise eschever
Mais por la mort qui plus grever
Les peust et qui pis valoit,
Car li gens malement aloit
Au mains par devers lor partie
28 Cf. Octouian (written a. 1400), 1746: ‘There was many an hethen hounde, that they
chekmatyde.’
89 Die frowen folgeten in n&ch
und t&ten in einen sch&ch
uf und nider umb den stat.
sie waren vil n&ch worden mat (14557-60).
89 Man treib mit ihm schafzabelspil :
der fenden hat er verloren vil,
die huot ist im zwiirent zerbrochen ;
sin roch die mochten in nit verfan,
sin ritter sach man trurig stAn :
achoch matt ist im gesprochen.
81 Some MSS., the Paris edition of 1581, and the prose text as printed, Paris, 1521.
substitute sergens for ferge. This is the blunder of a scribe who in his ignorance of chess read
ftrge as f&rgt (cf. p. 608), and corrected his reading into sergans (sergeant).
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
751
V
Qui de Diex s’iere de departie
Et la bataille avoit emprise
Contre la foi de saincte Eglise.
Et qui eschec dit lor £ust,
N'iert-il qui covrir le p6ust,
Car la fierche avoit estd prise
Au gieu de la premiere assise,
Ou li rois perdit comme fos
Ros, chevaliers, paons et fos,
Si n’ert-ele pas la presente ;
Mais la ch4tive, la dolente
Ne pot foir ne soi deffendre
Puisque Ten li ot fait entendre
Que mal et mort gisoit Mainfrois
Par chief, par pies et par mains frois.
Et puisque ci bons rois oi
Qu’il s’en erent ainsinc foi
Les prist-il fuitis ambedeus,
Et puis fist sa volont6 d'eus,
Et de mains autres prisonniers
De lor folie pai* 9 onniers.
The passage opens with an allusion to the fate of Manfred, King of Sicily
(si. 1266), who is said to have been mated on his dappled -grey horse in the
middle of the chessboard by a Pawn errant — an expression which occurs
frequently in the Latin problem MSS. to describe the mating Pawn. It then
goes on to speak contemptuously of Conradin’s attempt to regain his uncle’s
throne. The poet declares that Conradin and his cousin Henry of Castile
first lost their Rooks, Queens, Pawns, and Knights, and then jumped off the
board themselves to avoid capture. Apparently, the intention is to represent
these two nobles as the Fools ( Aufins ). They ran no risk of mate, because
they played without a King ; nor of losing by have (Bare King), because one
does not say have to Pawn, Bishop, Knight, Queen, or Rook. It is only the
King who can be made have , and he only by losing all his men and remaining
alone on the board. So Attains, the inventor of the game, fixed the rule.
Nor could Conradin cover a check, for he had lost his Queen in the first
battle. 32
Previous writers, following Freret, have explained haver as meaning 'to
warn ’ or ‘ to hail *, and supposed that it refers to the announcement of check.
This explanation would give a very strained meaning to lines 6707-14, and
there can be little doubt that haver is the verb connected with the chess
technicality have , meaning ‘ Bare King * (see p. 467).
The chess passage in the Roman de la Rose was the inspiration of the
well-known parallel in Chaucer’s Book of the Duchess ( written 1369), 617-741,
in which the poet compares the death of Blanche, Duchess of Lancaster, to the
loss of the Fers in a game played with false Fortune :
Atte ches with me she gan to pleye ;
With hir false draughtes divers
She stal on me, and took my fers.
And whan I saw my fers aweye, 655
Alas ! I couthe no lenger pleye,
But seyde, ‘ farwel, swete, y-wis,
And farwel al that ever ther is ! ’
Therwith Fortune seyde * chek here ! *
And 'mate!' in mid pointe of the 660
chekkere
With a poune erraunt, alias !
Ful craftier to pley she was
Than Athalus, that made the game
First of the ches : so was his name.
But god wolde I had ones or twyes 665
Y-koud and knowe the Ieupardyes
That coude the Grek Pithagores !
I shuld have pleyd the bet at ches,
And kept my fers the bet therby ;
And thogh wherto ? for trewely 670
I hold that wish nat worth a stree !
Hit had be never the bet for me.
Sf Was the chess parallel suggested by Conradin’s addiction to chess? See p. 482.
Digitized by Google
752
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
For Fortune can so many a wyle,
Ther be but fewe can her begyle,
And eek she is the las to blame ; 675
My-self I wolde have do the same,
Before god, hadde I been as she ;
She oghte the more excused be.
For this I say yet more therto,
Hadde I be god and mighte have do 680
My wille, whan my fers she caughte
I wolde have drawe the same draughte
For, also wis god yive me reste,
I dar wel swere she took the beste !
But through that draughte I have 685
lorn
My blisse ; Allas ! that I was born !
Like Gautier de Coincy, Chaucer probably based his use of the Fers on
the social ideas suggested by the other name of this piece, and on the fact that
the Fers was the only piece which was associated with the female sex. The
Comparative weakness of the Fers gives an air of unreality to the whole
argument, and it is small wonder that Chaucer should represent himself as
Exclaiming :
But there is (noon) a-lyve here
Wolde for a fers make(n) this wo.
Still less convincing is the use of the chess Queen in the ballade which
Charles, Duke of Orleans, writing c . 1409, wrote on the occasion of the death
of his wife. His indebtedness to the Book of the Duchess is very obvious.
J’ay aux esches joue devant Amours,
Pour passer temps avecques Faulx-dan-
gier;
Et seurement me suy gardd tousjours
Sans rien perdre, jusques au derrenier,
V Que Fortune luy est venu aidier ;
Et par meschief, que maudite soit-elle !
A ma dame prise soudainnement :
Par quoy suy mat, je le voy cl&rement,
Si je ne fais une dame nouvelle.
En ma dame j’avoye mon secours
Plus qu’en aultre : car souvent d’encom-
brier
Me delivroit, quant venoit k son cours,
Et en gardes faisoit mon jeu lier.
Je n’avoye pion, ne chevalier,
Auffin, ne rocq, qui puissent ma querelle
Si bien aidier : il y pert vrayement :
Car j’ay perdu mon jeu enticement,
Si je ne fais une dame nouvelle.
Je ne me s$ay jamais garder des tours
De Fortune, qui maintes fois changier
A fait mon jeu et tourner k rebours.
Mon dommage scet bientost espier :
Elle m’assault sans point me desfier ;
Par mon serement, oncques ne congneu
telle,
En jeu party suy si estrangement,
Que je me rens en ny voy sauvement
Si je ne fais une dame nouvelle. 8 *
To represent death as saying checkmate to men is a natural metaphor
which was quite a commonplace in Middle English. Thus Skelton (a. 1529),
in his Deedmans Hed , has :
Oure days be datyd
To be checkmatyd
With drawttys of deth. 84
88 In Champollion-Figeac’s edition of the poems of Charles of Orleans, Paris, 1842, 118.
84 Thus Hoccleve, How to learn to die (c. 1412, ed. E.E.T.S.), 161: * The ryche and poore folk
eek certainly She (i. e. Death) sesith / shee sparith right noon estaat; A1 ]>at lyf berith /
with her chek is maat.’ Bradshaw, St. Werburge (1513, ed. E.E.T.S., 58), 1470 : ‘ ... it is to late
Whan dethe with his darte / sa^h to vs chekemate.* Songs , carols f and other misc. poems
(ed. E.E.T.S.) p. Ill : * Then to repent yt ys to late, / When on his cheke he ys chekmate.*
Ibid., p. 88. Ibid., p. 88 : ‘This day I satt full royally in a chayre / Tyll sotyll deth knokkid
at my gate, / And vnavised he said to me “ chekmate ” ! ’
v
Digitized by Google
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
753
The comparison of the coarse of love to a game of chess was a favourite
conceit with the troubadours of France and minnesingers of Germany. Thus
Conon de Rethune (a. 1224) in one of his poems complains :
Before I was smitten with this love, I was able to teach others the game ; even
now I know well how to contrive another’s game, but my own I know not how to
play. I am like a man who sees clearly at chess and can teach others quite
well, but when he plays himself he loses his head, and is unable to cover himself
from mate.
And Rudiger v. Hiinchkover (1290-3) in his Witiich vom Jordan (v. d. Linde, ii.
167) says of love, * Daz si dan saget sch&ch und mat.’
r " The popularity of chess led to the use of many of the special chess terms
in metaphorical and transferred senses. In this way, some of these terms,
e. g. check, checkmate , mate in most European languages, jeopardy, pawn (in the
phrase ‘ to be a pawn in the game ’) in English, have come into general use, and
the connexion with chess is largely forgotten. In the Middle Ages this
metaphorical use of chess terms was carried further. Philippe Mouskes, Bishop
of Tournai, in his Chronique (written 1243) repeatedly uses Jierge (fers) in the
| sen se of a force without which it was not easy to win in war. For instance :
and —
Dont jura li boins rois le si6ge
Taut qu’il leur aura pris sans fierge (19604-5).
S’orent eust xii fois siege
Mais a la traisme, sans friege,
Furenfc mate et amati
Efc leur mur a tiere flati (27045-8).
To these I may add two passages from Chrestien de Troyes. In Perceval :
Ains ne combati volontiers
Fora dont quant on le sorqueroit :
Dont ert ferus qui il feroit
Puis le mattoit d’eskifes de fierge (11349-52).
and in Cliges (Halle, 1889) :
Trois joies et trois enors ot ;
L’une fu del chastel qu’il prist,
L’autre de ce que li promist
Li rois Artus qu’il li donroit
Quant sa guerre 6n4e avroit,
Le meillor reiaume de Gales,
Le jor le fist roi an ses sales :
La graindre joie fu la tierce
De ce que s’araie fu fierce
De l’eschaquier don il fu rois (2364-73).
Mouskes also uses roc in a metaphorical sense when telling of the death of
Gui, Count de la Fol, by a missile from an engine at the siege of Avignon :
Par quoi (the missile} le jour sans roc materent
La rose de cevalerie (26312-3).
So also in the Credo of Henri de Heiz, 191-8 (quoted in Bouteiller, La Guerre
de Metz en 1324 , Paris, 1875, p. 368 seq.) :
Tour prent, affin que son roc pert. 35
u Cf. for the expression sans roc mater , 4 to succeed with inferior force or without using all
one’s resources the Proven9al Blacasset, (Terra mi play, * A1 flac jelos cuj dir mat ses tot roc ’
(i.e. au flasque jaloux je pense dire mat sans nulle roc).
1*70 3 B
Digitized by Google
754
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
To depict the common soldiers as Pawns is an obvious metaphor. The
Guerre de Metz , 226-7, amplifies the comparison, and when the soldiers perform
better than was anticipated an allusion is made to the promotion of the Pawn
to the rank of fierce :
Et pour meter cialx de Bahaigne Ains que la guerre prengne fin
Sonfc li paon devenus fierce . . . Seront poon pour roc tenus,
Poon fierce sont devenus ; Pour chevalier et pour aufin.* 4
Here the aufin is mentioned as one of the better pieces. More striking,
however, is the use of this piece to designate a coward or contemptible
person — a use of the term borrowed from the weakness of the chess piece and
its deceptive leap. Thus Jourdain Fantosme ( c . 1175) has:
Je n’aura Robert de Vaus si bon sabelin
Ne mangie la viande, ne b€u de tel vin
Quant verra tanz beaus escuz, tans healmes Peitavins
Ne volsist en l’eschequier devenir un aufin (586-91).
The Hist, des dues de Norm, et des rois cF Anglet. (1206), 108 (G) has :
Car li rois qui a Rordiaus avoit est4, s'en revenoit arriere vers Poitau, et si li
manda avoec que bien seust il que il ne voloit par iestre offins, ne onques mais dus
de Bourgogne n’avoit tant este en gamison comme il avoit si li grevoit moult.
In La Vengeance Raguidel , 4270-8 (St.), a knight, angered that Arthur will not
grant his wish before he has stated it, exclaims :
C’est la fins ; Hui devenra cis rois aufins, Se ensi ra'en vois escoudis.
And in the English Morte d? Arthur (c. 1440), 1843, we read :
Myche wondyre have I, put syche an alfyne as thow dare speke syche wordez.”
Three other chess expressions may be noted. Check-rook, the forking of
King and Rook, was perhaps the most dangerous of all attacks in the
older game, and the term is often used, particularly by German poets, to
denote a great misfortune. Thus Meister Otto in his Keiser Eraclius (beg.
13th c.) has :
Ez ist ein schadelich scb&chroch
dem herzen und dem llbe
swer bi einem tibeln wibe
alten unde wonen muoz.* 8
m Pawn promotion is also used metaphorically by the Provenfal poet Elies Cairel (quoted
in Levy, Provemalisches Suppl.-Worterbuch, Leipzig, 1894, s. v.Jersa) :
A1 marques man de cui es Monferratz
Qe • is traga enan • anz qe • 1 joes sin jogatz,
E fassa oimais de son pezonet fersa.
87 Cf. also Vis de St. Georges (c. 1180), Les (Euvres de Simund de Freine , Paris, 1909, 1096-1107:
Savez, George que mei semble ?
Quant tuz traitres sunt ensemble,
Tant savez de lur manure
Porter pofiz la ban4re,
Fait avez cum traitre fin ;
Autretant freit un aufin.
Aufin qui est en coverte
Par eschec, a descoverte
Sovent prent roc u peonet
Par la tralson del trait.
Tral avez Apolin
Dunt vus prendrez matd fin.
88 Cf. Audelay, Poems (of 1426), E.E.T.S., 23 :
After chec for the roke ware fore the mate,
For ?if the fondement be false, the worke most node falle,
Withy n a lyty stounde.
Digitized by t^ooole
CHAP. IX
CHESS IN MEDIAEVAL LITERATURE
755
The mate in an angle of the board similarly stands for the most decisive
of all events. Strohmeyer gives a number of instances of the allegorical use
of the term, from which I quote :
(1) Meon, Nouv . Recueil, ii. 202 : * Ainz que la mort qui tout estrangle Vous die
eschec et mat eu Tangle.’ (2) Fahl. misc. du R., no. 7218: ‘Bien m’a dit li evesque
eschac Et m'a rendu mat£ en Tangle.’ (3) Margot conv . (Jubinal, i. 323) : ‘ or vous
puis bien dire eschac Si iestes mas en Tangle boutez.' (4) Deschamps, (Euvres comp.,
1878-91, v. 351-2 : ‘et les souris m’ont mat en Tangle.’
It was also a favourite metaphor with the Provenfal poets. Thus T. d’Albertat
et de Pierre, Peire, has ‘Albert, al com del taulier Vos dirai mat*; and Aimeri
de Bellinoy, Cossiros, ‘ El corn del taulier n’er matz
Finally, we have in Italian, Proven 9 al, French, and German poets a number
of allusions to doubling the chessboard, or the squares of the chessboard,
meaning a number transcending all calculation. 89 The allusion is, of course,
to the sum of the Geometrical Progression, 1, 2, 4, 8, &e., to 2® 3 , which,
measured in grains of wheat, was Sassa’s reward in the Arabic legend. The
calculation of this series is discussed in Leonardo Pisano’s Liber Abbaci, written
1202, where two varieties of the series are described :
duplicatio quidein scacherii duplici modo proponitur, quorum uuus est cum
sequens punctum sui antecedents duplum sit : alius cum sequens punctum omnium
antecedentum punctorum duplum esse proponatur (ed. Roma, 1857, i. 309 seq.).
Another Latin work on the subject was translated into French by Robert du
Herlin, 1493 {Le compte dee Ixiv point de Fescequier double, MS. Paris, f. fr.
2000, ff. 51-5).
89 E. g. (1) Dante, Divina Commedia, Paradiso , xxviii. 92 : ‘ Ed eran taste che’l numero loro
Piu che’l doppiar degli scacchi s’imila.’ (2) P. Vidal, Tant an ben : ‘Mil tans es doblatz sos bes
Qu’el comtes de l’escaquier.’ (8) Thierri de Soissons (St.) : * Quant recort sa douce chiere, . . .
alors puii de deus eschequiers Doubler les poincts tous entiers De fine beauts pleniere.'
(4) Guiot de Provins (St.) : ‘Or puex, hui est li jors, Les poins de l’eschaiquier Doubleir de
ma dolor.’ (5) Roman de la VioleUe , Paris, 1834, 77 : ‘Molt bien poroit de l’eskiekier Les poins
de sa doulor doubler.’ (6) Ibid., 258 : ‘Qui me doubleroit l’eskiekier D’estrelins, nes prendroie
mie, Parsi que fausist l’escremie.* (7) Wolfram v. Eschenbach, WiUehalm (a. 1220; ed.
Laohmann, p. 151) : ‘der marcr&f sagt im rehte : Ir liers mich bevilte, der zende fiz zwispilte
June schkchzabel ieslich velt mit cardamdm 9 (Eiserhardt).
3 B 2
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
Mediaeval boards. — Combined boards for chess and other games. — Carved chess-
men. — The ‘Charlemagne chessmen’. — The Lewis chessmen. — Conventional
chessmen. — The Ager and Osnabruck pieces. — The 1 St. Louis chessmen \ — Chess-
men in MSS. and printed books. — Chess in cookery. — Chess in heraldry.
Pictures of games of chess in progress are fairly frequent in illuminated
mediaeval manuscripts, and although the details of the drawing are often
incorrect or conventional we may draw some conclusions from them respecting
the furniture of chess, the size and general appearance of the chessboard, and
the ordinary shapes of the chessmen.
The chessboard n hnfch forgar and more m assive than in
modern times . I do not recollect a single passage in the literature ot tlie
Middle Ages which mentions boards of leather or softer material. The boards
are made of wood or metal , and thisjgplaina the frequency and the
^vith which theyjverfi_us ed in th e romances ao wenpons of ^offence or fofenftg.
The field of play was surro unded by a broad raised edge or bgrcjnEr which
was often elaborately decorated. Cessolis lays stress upon the raised bo rder
Jl gjemble matic of the wall of a ci ty; m Caxton 7 ^ tran slat ion ( ed. Axon, 158) :
as to the seconde / wherfore y e bordour of theschequyer is hyher than the table
wyth in. hit is to be vnderstande y t the bordour aboute represented the walle of y«
citie / whiche is right hyghe / And therfor made y e philosopher the bordour more
hyghe than y e tablier.
Many of the extracts from romances in the preceding chapter refer t-o
the magnificence of the board. 1 When not in use it was hung up on the wall
by means of a ring. In the Liber Mir, S. Fidis (ed. Paris, 1897, IV. viii. 190)
Raimund de Montpezat is delivered from prison by St. Foy, and in token of
the miracle carries off a chessboard which was hanging on the wall of his
dungeon, and deposits it at the Saint’s shrine at Conques. 2 In ParzivcU \
1 Thus boards of gold and silver are mentioned in Garin de Montglane, Huon qf Bordeaux , and
Oger ; of gold in the Vopux du Paon and Renart le nouvel ; of gold and ivory in Merlin. The board
in Renaud de Montaubm is of ivory. The extracts from Garin de Montglane and Tristan speak of
richly decorated borders. In addition to these I may quote from the Proven£al Chanson
d' Antioch (Levy) : * Demandet us eseaxs d’evori e d’aur fi ; De maravites blanc son talhat
li alfi E li roc e las fersas* ; from Moro\f \ 13 a : ‘ Sch&chzabel mit golde durchslagen Besetzt
mit smaragd und jachant : Das gesteine wiz unde rot ’ (Massm.) ; and from Wilhelm r. Oranse :
, Do hiez bringen die kiinegin Hie was smareis unde saphir.
Ein schachz&bel von elfenbein. Ouch was von richer gezier
Ouch brfthte man zweier hande gestein Das schachzabel gemacliet.
Yon zwier varwe daz edel schein. Iz wart ir br&ht von arabi. — (i. 49, Massm.)
3 ‘Ubi dum astans multa corde in dubio agitaret, tandem ei menti succurrit ut quia pre
nimio pondere vinculorum machinamenta ad sancte virginis basilicam vehere nequibat, saltern
tabulam scachorum ibi pendentem in testimonium sue evasionis ferre debeat . 1
\
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
[Face page 757
Digitized by
-°°g
Inlaid Board for Mbrels and Chess
National Museum, Munich
"Hap. x
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
757
G a wain uses a chessboard, which was hanging up by an iron ring, as
* shield.*
Only a few chessboa rds have surv ived from the 16th an d earl ier centuries,
reserved ^Because of the unusual beauty of the decoration. One^TThe finest
of these is a board with a deep border, inlaid with ivory, mother-of-pearl, and
xmetal, the work of Hans Sebald Beham, 1520-40, which is now in the
T^Iafcional Museum, Munich. Of this I give an illustration. There is an
elaborate board of rock-crystal in the Cluny Museum, Paris, of German work-
manship of the 14th or early 15th century. Another decorated board of the
| 15 th century is in a Florence Museum.
I While some of these boards are intended for chess only, at quite an early
date it became usual to combine together bo ards for the favo urite games of
hhe period. The inventories quoted above, pp. 447-9, contain many examples?
and a considerable number of boards of this character exist still, of Italian,
German, Flemish, and Dutch manufacture. 5 V. d. Linde (ii. 314 and
Qst^ 291-4) gives lists of chessboards and pieces in the museums at Nurem-
burg, Cassel, and Munich. In this country, there are several specimens
in the South Kensington Museum. These boards are made in two halves
hinged together, so that when closed they form a box, and when opened they
provide an inner surface with a raised border, and an outer surface, each of I
which can be used as a game-board. In the earlier examples each of the]
halves is a square. The inner surface is nearly always devoted to tables
(backgammon), and the dividing ridge across the middle of the open board
may have given rise to the ordinary English name of a pair of table* for the
backgammon board. On one side of the outer surface the chessboard was
marked, and on the other the larger (or nine men’s) merels-board. At the
present day combined boards of the box pattern are generally made of two
oblong halves, so that when opened the two halves form a square. The inner
surface is still given to backgammon, but now the whole outer surface is
occupied by the chessboard. This points to a decline in popularity of the
game of merels, draughts having taken its place in England. On the
Continent, however, and specially in Italy and Germany, the ordinary flat
chessboard still generally has the merels diagram upon the reverse side.
The most elaborate board of the box pattern which I have seen is one at
| 8 Dd vant diu maget reine an eim iseninem ringez bienc,
ein sch&clizabelgesteine, dA mit ez GAwAn enpfienc.
, und ein bret, wol erleit, wit : uf disen vierecken schilt
I daz brAht si GAwAne in den strlt. was schAchzabels vil gespilt :
der wart in s£r zerhouwen. — (viii. 419-27.)
4 The Norsemen appear to have combined boards very early. The Kroka-Rqfs Saga (see
p. 444) mentions a board for chess and hnefatafl, while a fragment of a board, on the one
side for the larger merels, on the other for an unknown game, was found in the Gokstad ship.
It is figured in Du Chaillu’s Viking Age , 1889, ii. 168.
8 Apparently, Englishmen obtained their chessboards and men from abroad. In 1464
Parliament passed an Act (in Pynson, Acts Parlt , 3 Edw. IV) which forbade the importation
of ‘rigours, rasours, shetes, cardes a juer, espinges, patins, agules pur sakkes vulgarement
nommes paknedels ' (in Berthelet’s translation of 1543 : ‘ cysours, rasers, Chessemen, playeng
cardes, cobes, patyns, paknedels’). In the reign of Elizabeth, Stafford ( Brief concepts of
Eng. pollicy , 48 b) gives a list of articles which he thought might be made in England, among
them being 4 cardes, tables, and Chesses, since we will needes have such things.'
Digitized by
758
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
South Kensington (154, 1900), of Venetian work of the 16th century. It
has chess on the outer and tables on the inner surface, while two slides con-
structed so as to fit inside the closed box have, the one, chess and the ordinary
mediaeval board for fox and geese (our * solitaire ' board) on opposite sides, the
other, the larger merels and an enlarged board for fox and geese.
More mediaeval chessmen than boards have come down to our time, bat
there are few complete sets. We may conveniently divide the existing pieces
into two classes : chessmen which are carvings of real kings, queens, knights,
&c. ; and chessmen which represent the different pieces by some conventional
form. Ivory (often mentioned in the chess incidents in the romances and
much admired), 6 walrus-ivory, bone, rock-crystal, jasper, amber, ebony and
other hard woods, are the materials generally employed.
The most important chessmen of the more elaborate type which exist
to-day are the so-called C harlemagne chessmen , now in the Biblioth&que
Nationale, Paris, and the Lewis ches smen^ of which part are in the British
Museum and part in the National Museum, Edinburgh.
^ The Paris chessmen are now 17 in number, but one of them, the Indian
raja on his elephant, with an Arabic inscription on the base which is
reproduced as the frontispiece of this work, obviously has no real connexion
with the remaining pieces. These consist of two Kings, two Queens, three
Chariots (Rooks), four Horsemen (Knights), four Elephants (Bishops), and
one Foot-soldier (Pawn). The Kings and Queens are carved sitting within
a semicircular pavilion, which in one King and one Queen is crenellated, and
in the others has a less ornate top. The curtains across the front of the
pavilion are held back by pages in the case of the Kings, by maidens in that
of the Queens. A similar piece, representing an old man (probably an Aufin)
sitting under a crenellated pavilion, is now in the same cabinet. Two Kings
of similar design are in the Bargello Museum. The most noteworthy feature
about the carving of the other pieces is the fact that the Rooks are repre-
sented by Chariots. This is, of course, the original meaning of the term
Root, but it is not easy to see how the tradition of this survived among
JSuropean players, and was able to dictate the fashion of the piece.
Prior to the Revolution these chessmen were preserved in the Abbey of
St. Denys, Paris, where they were seen by Jacques Doublet, the author of the
Hisloire de VAbbaye de S. Denys, Paris, 1625. Doublet gives the popular
tradition that the chessmen had been presented to the abbey by Charlemagne.
Modem expert opinion, however, considers them to be of French workmanship
of the 12th century at earliest.
The Lewis chessmen were discovered in 1831 in a sand-bank at the head
of the Bay of Uig, on the west coast of the island of Lewis, one of the outer
Hebrides. There is no circumstantial account of the discovery, but it appears
that they were found in a small chamber of dry-built stone, resembling an
oven, about 15 feet below the top of the sand-bank. The chessmen were
* Cf. the Provencal G. de St. Gregori, Raso e dreit , 1 plus a’l cor blanc que nulhs escacx
d’evori * (her body was whiter than any chessmen of ivory).
Digitized by
Google
Face page 758]
Digitized by boogie
Digitized by Google
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
759
exhibited by Mr. Roderick Ririe at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries
of Scotland, April 11, 1881, but before the members had raised the money
to purchase them Mr. Kirkpatrick Sharpe stepped in and bought 10 of the
pieces, while the remaining 67 chessmen, 14 tablemen, and a buckle were
bought for the British Museum. On the dispersion of Mr. Sharpe's collection,
the Lewis chessmen, now 11 in number, Mr. Sharpe having obtained another
one from Lewis, were purchased by Lord Londesborough, and at the sale
of the latter’s collection in 1888 they were purchased by the Society of
Antiquaries for the Scottish National Museum. All the game-pieces, as well
as the buckle, are carved of walrus-ivory. The 78 chessmen comprise 8 Kings,
8 Queens, 16 Bishops, 15 Knights, 12 Rooks, and 19 Pawns, of which
2 Kings, 3 Queens, 3 Bishops, a Knight, and 2 Rooks are now at Edinburgh.
The Kings and Queens are carved seated, the Kings holding a half-drawn
sword across the knees, the Queens usually resting the head on the right
hand. Seven of the Bishops (2 at Edinburgh) are also seated, the other
9 are standing. All are represented with the crozier. The Knights are on
horseback with spear in the right hand and shield on the left arm. The
Rooks are armed warriors on foot, with helmet, shield, and sword. The Pawns
are of various shapes and sizes, but most have octagonal bases. Two of them
bear some ornamentation. A Queen of the same type as the Lewis Queens
was found in County Meath, Ireland, in the first half of the 19th century. It
is now in a private museum in Dublin. 7
The carving of the Rooks as warriors on foot undoubtedly points to
Icelandic workmanship. La Peyrfcre, Lettre a M . La Mothe (1664), Paris,
1663, 56, describing the Icelandic chessmen, says:
La difference qu’il y a de leur pieces aux notres, est, que nos Fous sont des
Evesques parmy eux . . . Leur Rocs sont de petits Capitaines, que les escoliers
Islandois que sont icy apelent Centurions. Us sont representez, l’espee au costd, les
joues enftes, et sonnant du cor, qu'ils tiennent des deux mains.
Sir Frederic Madden, in his Historical Remarks ( Archaeologia , 1852, xxiv ;
also separately printed, and in CPC., i), endeavoured to prove that these
pieces are of Icelandic carving of the middle of the 12th century. The latest
authority, Mr. O. M. Dalton (Cat. Ivory Carvings . . . in the B. Mus ., London,
1909), ascribes them to the 12th century, and thinks that they may be of
British carving. Wilson had already claimed a Scotch origin for them. Both
views depend upon the assumption that the chessmen are as old as the 13th
century.
If there were any truth in the tradition which Capt. Thomas discovered
to be current in Lewis, they may be the work of Icelandic carvers of the
beginning of the 17th century only. 8
7 A rough woodcut of it was given in O’Donovan’s Leabhar na g-Ceart, Dublin, 1847, lxii.
Other Norse chessmen are depicted in Fabricius, Danmarkshistorie , 1861, i. 494 (a seated
Bishop), in Worsaae, Nordiske Oldsager i det kongelige Museum i Kjbbenhavn, KjObenhavn, 1864,
160 (a King, Bishop, and Pawn) and in Engelhardt, Guide iUustre du Musee des Anttquiies du
Nord, Copenhague, 1870, 67 (a Knight) ; — v. d. Linde, ii. 812.
* The tradition is to the effect that a shepherd employed by George Mor Mackenzie (who
settled in Lewis, 1614-16) murdered a sailor, who had swum ashore from a wreck with the
Digitized by Google
Bishops, Knightgj and Rooks. Lewis chessmen.
Digitized by boogie
762
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
In addition to these chessmen, there is a number of other carvings in
European Museums which have been assumed to be chess-pieces. In some
cases the identification is very doubtful , 9 and, if chessmen, the disappearance
Chess Bishops. German early 13th century (Kunstkammer, Berlin).
of the remainder of what must have been sets of great beauty and value is
somewhat inexplicable. Many of these pieces represent the men on horseback,
chessmen in a bag. The shepherd buried the bag in the sand, and never prospered after-
wards. Capt. F. <k W. L. Thomas, in Proc . Soc. Antiq. Scotl ., 1863, iv. 411. In addition to the
works already mentioned, information respecting the Lewis chessmen is also contained in
Wilson, Prehist. Annals Scotl , ii. 841 ; and Proc. Soc. Antiq. Scotl., 1889, xxiii. 9.
• Thus the ‘English Castle (18th cent.)* at South Kensington (8987, 1868), which is
figured in an article on * Curious Chessmen Country Life , Feb. 2 and 16, 1907, cannot be a
chessman at all, since the Castle did not appear in chess until the 16th c. An ivory carving
in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, of the early 18th c., also diagrammed in the same
article, and representing two armed horsemen passing one another, is very doubtfully chess,
though there is a somewhat similar piece in the Bargello Museum which is said to be of
French work of the 11th (!) c. Two pieces figured in Wilson, Prehist. Annals Scotl., ii. 857, 858,
and described as chessmen, the one from the Clerk collection, Penicuik, the other from the
Nat. Museum, Edinburgh, are probably not chessmen at all.
Twelve chessmen from the Bargello Museum are depicted in Magee, Good Companion,
Florence, 1910, 50, 51. Several of these are wrongly named. The second is not a Rook but
an Aufin, the fourth is a King, the fifth a Pawn, the seventh is possibly, and the eleventh
certainly, not a chessman at all.
Digitized by boogie
Face page 762 ]
Digitized by
Google
The Charlemagne Chessmen
Digitized by Google
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
768
and the horse is often surrounded by diminutive foot-soldiers, usually archers,
the object being to increase the stability of the piece by adding weight to the
base in compensation for the height. Of this kind are a damaged King of
Pawns. Lewis chessmen.
German workmanship (13fch c.) in the British Museum, a Knight in the
Kunstkammer of the Berlin Museum (German, early 14th c.), another
(German, 15th c.) in the Nuremburg
Museum, a Bishop in the Antiquarium,
Regensburg, and another (German, 13th c.)
at Nuremburg. It is interesting to note
how often the Aufin was carved as a Bishop,
even in lands where the normal nomen-
clature shows no sign of any association
of the Aufin with the Church. I give
illustrations of two other German Bishops
of the early 13th c., one in the Berlin
Museum, the other at Leipzig. At a later
date the Aufin was occasionally carved as
a monk, as in a 16th c. set in the Cassel
Museum.
It was only the wealthy who could
have afforded to possess the elaborate carved
chessmen with which we have been dealing ;
the ordinary player must have been con-
tent with simpler pieces of conventional
pattern. Wirnt v. Gravenberg implies
this in the passage quoted on p. 484 from
his Wigaloi *,
* Dice-boards and Courier made of ivory lay before the great ladies. They played
with noble pieces, not with wooden ones as we now see women playing.*
Digitized by Google
764
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
But even these conventional chessmen might be made of costly materials,
gold and silver, rock-crystal, or jasper, and decorated with jewels. The
romance-writers generally pause a moment to indicate the magnificence of
the chessmen before they describe the game.
The oldest type of conventional chessmen carved for European players
would seem to have been one in which the Kings and Queens were repre-
sented by figures shaped roughly like a throne, the Aufin and Knight by
Z tyuten
cJhe Offer chessmen
cylindrical figures, the Aufin with two projecting humps — possibly to repre-
sent the elephant’s tusks, the Knight with one hump to represent the horse’s
head, the Rook by a narrow rectangular block with a deep depression across
the top, and the Pawn by a smaller thimble-shaped piece. Two incomplete
sets of this type, both carved in rock-crystal, have survived, one in the
treasury of the parish church of Ager, a village near Urgel in Catalonia, the
other in the Dom treasury at Osnabruck.
The Ager chessmen are now fifteen in number, twenty-nine having dis-
appeared since the visitation of the church in 1547 by Abbot Don Juan
Damaged German Chess- King. British Museum
Face page 764 ]
Digitized by
Digitized by Google
HAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
765
<3 Bishop
obrino. 10 According to tradition, the chessmen were given to the church
y one of the Counts of Urgel, a family associated with other gifts of chessmen
see pp. 405-7). Ten of the pieces are covered with tracery, and apparently
/ere originally mounted upon bases of red glass ; the remaining five are quite
dain, and somewhat smaller. The chased pieces are a King (base 56 mm. in
Liameter, height 70 mm.), a Queen (base 52 mm., height 66 mm.), two
bishops (base 45 mm., height 60 mm.), two Knights (base 45 mm., height
>5 mm.), a Rook (base 46 mm. by 19 mm., height 40 mm.), and three Pawns
base 26 mm., height 35 mm.).
The plain pieces are a King,
el Bishop, a Knight, a Rook,
and a Pawn.
Brunet y Bellet ( Ajeclrez ,
226-32, 275), to whom we
owe the knowledge of the ex-
istence of these chessmen and
the drawings which I repro-
duce, thought that the chased
men were the superior pieces
and the plain ones the Pawns,
each Pawn reproducing in un-
decorated form the shape of its
master-piece. In this I think
that he is assuredly wrong.
There is no evidence outside
the pages of the Moralities that
the Pawns were ever differen-
tiated in form. The presence
or absence of decoration seems
to me to be a simple and
natural way of separating the
two sides.
The Osnabriick chessmen are also fifteen in number, ten or eleven having
disappeared since they were seen by M. Joly in 1646. 11 They resemble the
Ager chessmen very closely, but are not in such good preservation, and I find
it difficult to identify all the pieces from the photograph, which I reproduce.
They are rather smaller than the Ager chessmen, the largest being only 5 cm.
in height, and standing on a base of diameter 3 cm. Here again the two
sides appear to be distinguished by the presence or absence of decoration, and
10 ‘ Una caxa de fusta ab quaranta cuatre pessas de crestall Diuis© son Squachs, c reuse los
dona lo compte d’Urgell,’ quoted in Villanueva, Viage litsrario a las iglesiai ds Espafla , ix. 141.
Villanueva remarks in passing that this is not the only set of chessmen which is preserved'
in a Spanish church.
11 He mentions them in his Voyage fait d Mvnster . . . en 1646 et 1647, Paris, 1670, 180 : ‘ II
y a encore 26. ou 26. eschets qu’on dit estre de luy (Charlemagne), qui sont de cristal, et ont
diverges figures, les uns estans ronds, les autres quarrds, et les autres pointus, sans ressembler
aux nostres d’apresant.’
4 Krvght
c 7/ie Qxjer ch&umen
Digitized by
766
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
there is evidence that the chased pieces were again mounted upon bases of red
glass. The popular tradition which attributes these chessmen to Charlemagne
is just as mistaken as the parallel tradition regarding the pieces in the
Bibliothfeque Nationale : recent expert opinion places these in the 12th c. at
earliest. 12
According to v. d. Linde (ii. 317) there are two similar pieces at Copen-
hagen, the one a Knight, the other a Bishop.
6 The plain piece*
Uhe Offer chessmen
There are thirteen chessmen, of bone or ivory, in the Mediaeval Room at
the British Museum which approximate in form to this type of piece, but the
use of an easier material for carving has resulted in a more symmetrical and
finished shape of piece. Four of these are Kings. Five are Bishops, of
which three have oval bases and flat tops from which two points project
horizontally, one being from Moorfields, London, while the other two are
cylindrical in shape with two tusks projecting vertically from one side of the
top. Four are Knights with oval bases and flat tops from which a single nose
18 Cf. C. Berlage, Mittheilung u. d. kircfdichen AUerthumer Osnabrucks , 1878, xi. 278 ; and
t. d. Linde, ii. 816-17, and Qst 67.
V
Digitized by boogie
Face page 760]
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
767
projects horizontally. One of these was found in Moorfields, and another at
Helpstone, Northamptonshire . 13
There are doubtless many similar pieces elsewhere, thus the Bargello
Museum has a King of the London pattern, and also a Rook with its easily
recognized divided top. We have seen that reference was made to this shape
of the piece in the Winchester Poem and in Neckam, while I have already
given illustrations of Muslim pieces of the same shape. The fact that one of
The ‘ St. Louis chessmen ’. Cluny Museum.
the London Kings was found at Catania, Sicily, suggests that all the chessmen
of this type reproduce early Muslim forms of the chessmen.
A further step in the development of the modern type of chessmen is
illustrated by two interesting sets in the Cluny Museum, Paris.
18 There are other game-pieces in the same case which are labelled as chessmen, but are
certainly wrongly described, since they have all come from excavations of sites going back
to early Saxon times. The pieces of jet found in the course of the excavations into the Mote
Hill, Warrington ( Proc . Hist. Soc. Lane . and Cheshire , 1857, v. 59), the similar piece from
Norfolk, and the bone piece found at Woodperry, Oxfordshire {Arch. Journal, iii. 121) cannot
be chess, any more than the Norse pieces figured in Du Chaillu, op. cit., ii. 854. Similar
pieces to these last are in the Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford.
Digitized by Google
768
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
The more important of these consists of thirty-one pieces, the one side cut
out of clear, the other out of cloudy crystal, and all mounted with gold plate.
I have already alluded to the board which belongs to this set. It was for long*
in the possession of the royal house of France, and was only presented to the
Museum when the set was spoiled by the loss of one of the Queens during the
reign of Louis XVIII. Tra-
d ition has it that this set wa s
sent by the Old Man of th«L.
Mountain to St. Louis : 14 as a
matter of fact the set is most
probably of German work-
manship of the late 14th or
early 15th century, and never
saw the East at all. In this
set the Kings and Queen begin
to approach the modern form
of these pieces, and the only
men which would present any
difficulty to modern players
are the Rooks, which preserve
the mediaeval shape.
In the other set, the two-
headed appearance of the Rook
is more pronounced. This set
is but little later than the
‘ St. Louis chessmen \
Another set in the Cluny
Museum is interesting as
showing an attempt to sim-
plify the form of the chessmen
so that they could be easily
Mediaeval chessmen. Cluny Museum. turned on a lathe. This set,
turned in bone and coloured white and black, is complete. The catalogue
describes it as ‘ancien et qui parait d’origine septentrionale \ I know of
no other set which resembles this. The major pieces are partly distinguished
by height, and partly by differences in the shape of the top. I am not certain
about the identification ; what I take to be the Bishop is somewhat like the
insignificant modem French Fan (Bishop).
We have already seen that several of the problem MSS. depict the chess-
men in such a way that we can infer what was the ordinary type of chessmen
14 Joinville, St. Louis , ed. Paris, 1871, 188, mentions the chess in a list of presents which
the Old Man of the Mountain sent St. Louis : 4 Et il li envois . . . jeux de tables et de eschez ;
et toutes ces choses estoient fleuretees de ambre, et estoit Pambre, li£ sur le cristal k belee
vignetes de bon or fin.*
Brunet y Bellet (op. cit., 268-79) tries to prove that this set is the one which was pre-
sented to the Church of St. Giles, Nimes, by the Countess Ermessind of Barcelona (p. 406 ) .
Digitized by
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
769
in use at the . time of the writing of the MS. The Alfonso MS. gives
instructions for the fashioning of the more elaborate pieces — the King on his
throne with crown and sword, the Queen as the standard-bearer {alferez or
mayor del Bey), the Bisho p as an elephant w ith howdah full of armed men,
the Knight as a horseman, the Kook as a mass of Tiorsemen crowded together,
the Pawn as a foot-soldier — but goes on to say that the diagrams show the
Tiganw of Chessrncn. from TVoblern MSS
appearance of the chessmen that were ordinarily used in Spain. I reproduce
the forms of the pieces, not only from the problem MSS., but from other early
printed books and pictures of games, arranging the pieces in the illustra-
tions in the following order, starting from the left-hand side : King, Queen,
Bishop, Knight, Rook, Pawn. Some sixteenth- and seventeenth-century works,
e. g. Tarsia and Selenus, combine a turned base with the head and shoulders of
a human figure ; these, I imagine, were only exceptionally in real use. The
1370 3 c
Digitized by boogie
770
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
Types op Fifteenth-Century Chessmen.
Chessmen from Damiano (problems).
K
Q.
Chessmen from Damiano, 5th edition.
Chessmen from Egenolff (title-page).
W
Digitized by
CHA.P, X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
771
: ini i
Chessmen from Egenolff (text)^
Chessmen from KObel (after Massmann).
i i 1 <£ i 4
Chessmen from Gracco’s Problems, MS. Bone., N. 2.
Chessmen from a Damiano MS. in the possession of Mr. J. G. White.
Chessmen from Selenus, ornamentation of sab-title page.
Chessmen from Selenus, game pp. 216, 217.
Digitized by
772
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
German pieces of the sixteenth century show a free treatment of the Rook, in
which the two-headed shape is obscured by the additional ornamentation of
form. Some German sets of this period are still more fanciful ; an amber set
at Cassel represents the King by a sceptre, the Queen by a flower, the Bishop
by a book, &c.
The modem form of the Rook as a tower appears first in the fifth edition
of Damiano, published between 1524 and 1550, and the older shape of the
piece disappeared with startling rapidity. Th e mo re elaborate sets placed the
tower^ upon the baok^nf an pfep hant, as in the ilTustration^at the head oF
the chapter onrEheTlook in Selenus.
Rooks and other chess charges, from Randle Holme.
French chessmen, 18th c. Encydopedie mithodique , 1792.
Rowbothum, in his translation of Gruget (Damiano), 1562, adds to his
original a note on the shapes of the English pieces of his day :
Onr English© Cheastmen are commonly made nothing like vnto these fore&yde
fashions: to wit, the King is made the highest or longest: the Queene is longest
nexte vnto him : the Bishoppe is made with a sliarpe toppe and clouen in the middest
not muche vnlyke to a bishops Myter : the knight hath his top cut asloope, as thoughe
beynge dubbed knight : the Rooke is made lykest to the Kinge, and the Queene, but
that he is not so long : the Paunes be made smalest & least of all, & thereby they
may best be knowen.
According to Beale (1656), the Rook (here called Rooke, Rock, or Duke) is
sometimes fashioned with a round head, sometimes like a castle. Randle
Digitized by Google
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
773
Holme (in his Academy of Armory (text of 1681-2, ed. Roxburghe Club, 1905),
ii. 66) says:
The King is the first and highest of all the chessepins . . . The
Queene is the next pin 1B in height to the King. . . . The Bishops
are the pins with cloven heads. . . . The Knights are the pins which
haue their heads cut aslant like a feather in a helmet. . . . The Rooks
are the pins which haue round buttoned caps on their heads, and these
signifie the countrey peasants.
It is interesting to note that this form of Knight is still manu-
factured in England. I give a drawing of one which I recently purchased
with a cheap set.
Chessmen of fanciful shapes and forms are often made as curiosities. For
actual play, most players would prefer to use the f Staunton chessmen *, the
pattern of which Howard Staunton designed in 1849.
Occasionally in the Middle Ages dishes were prepared in the form of
a chessboard with its pieces. Thus, at a Munich feast in 1476 (Westenrieder’s
Beitr. iii. 139) the eighth course was —
ain schachzagl von mandlmilch praun und weiss ; die roch und all stain waren
von zucker.
One of the chief features of a banquet which Cardinal Wolsey gave to the
French Ambassador at Hampton Court in 1528 was, according to Stowe
( Chronicle , 1631, 537), a sweetmeat in the shape of a chessboard. It was
intended as a delicate compliment to the French nation ‘ who be very expert
in that play ’.
A Munich MS. cookery book (Monac. germ., 997, 48a) gives instructions
‘ ein hiibschen Schachzagl machen \
It was inevitable that so favourite a recreation of the nobility should have
left its mark upon heraldry. The division of the field into small squares of
alternate colours need have nothing to do with chess, although the heraldic
term cheeky or checquey , a derivative of the word check, shows that its similarity
with the division of the chessboard was soon grasped by heralds. On the
other hand, the use of the chessmen as heraldic charges must be derived from
u Pin was used in the sense of a chessman from 1680, or so, to about 1800. Thus Cowper
{Task, vi. 271) describes a player —
At the chequer’d board . . with a hand
Trembling, as if eternity were hung
In balance on his conduct of a pin.
Digitized by Google
774
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
chese. None of the chessmen is used so frequently as the Rook, in its typical
mediaeval form with two heads. To many writers on heraldry who only associate
the Rook with its modern shape as a tower, the form of the heraldic rook , roc ,
or chess-rook, has been a great puzzle. As long ago as the middle of the
seventeenth century, Menestrier tried to explain the shape as that of the reverse
(6£d of the lance, 1 * and this explanation has often been repeated by later writers.
fTo any one familiar with the shape of the Rook in mediaeval pictures of chess
1 there can be no difficulty at all in recognizing the identical form, or a simple
I development of it, in a coat of arms. According to Papworth (Alphabetical
dictionary of Coats of Arms, London, 1874) chess-rooks appear in the arms of
the following English families : Rookwood [Rockwood, Rokewood, 1364],
^r>
Chess-rook in heraldry.
Abelyn(e [Abyleyne, Aylin], Elloft(s, Hondisacre, Smart [Smert], Fitzsymon,
Colvill, Holwell [Hollowell], Ellereck [Ellerker], Rook(e [Rock(e], Werdon,
Arthur, Orm(e)sby, Hewe, Roeold. To this list Randle Holme adds Bodenham,
Bunbury, Pickering, Dawkin. V. d. Linde (ii. 189 n.) says that the Rook is
borne by the following German and Swiss families : Bemmel, Bitterl, Brocker
(1441), Derrer, Eckenbrecht, Fronhofen, Halbherr, Hangenohr, Heilingen
(1292), Hohenbalken, Hoyten, Immerseel, Marzach (14th c.), Marokko (1473),
Montfort, Neufahrer, Neustetter, Redemin, Rochlitz (1364), Rochow (1319),
Stiirmer, Sultzer, Thierbach (1435), Vittel, Vogt (1353, plainly due to the
influence of Cessolis), Walch ; and the Rook with two horses’ heads by Fend,
v. MCringen, Gollnhiiter, Herzheimer, Hinderskircher, Loch, Ostroban, v. Tr&z-
berg, Tonzelin (1520), Vendius. Basterot ( Trait £ tHementoire, Paris, 1863,
24 n.) says that the Rook is borne by the following French families : Bernard
lf La Science de la Koblesse (originally published at Lyon, 1659), Paris, 1691, 49 : ‘ Boe est k
fer moral d’une lanoe de Tournoi, ou recourbl k la manure des extremitez des croiz incites
On l’appelle aussi Roc d’Echiquier, parce que les Tours des Echeca, que les Espagnols nomment
Roque, ont le memo forme.'
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. X
CHESSBOARDS AND CHESSMEN
77 5
de Champigny, Besnard de Rezay, Boucherimbaud, Bouthet da Rivault,
Chabert, Deifau de Pontalba, Da Cheyron da Pavilion, Guitton, Lescout d'Aux,
Xiivron, Marchant, Le Normand, La Roche de Grane, La Roche Saint-Andre,
La Roche Fontenilles, Roehette, Rochemore, Rogon, Roquelaure, Roque de la
Madelaine, Roquemaure, Roquemorel, Roquette. Brunet y Bellet (op. cit.,
416 seq.) gives the following Spanish families as using the Rook in their
coats of arms : Rocaberti, Rocamora, Roca, Roquesens, Romeu, Bernat, Clara-
munt, Roca full, Roig.
A reference to the Rook in Dante's Purgatorio , xxiv. 28-30,
Yidi per fame a vuoto usar li denti
U bald in della Pila e Bonifazio
Che pasture col rocco molte genti
has puzzled the commentators not a little. It probably refers to a crozier, the
top of which was shaped like the mediaeval Rook, as already explained by
Boccaccio and Benvenuto de' Rambaldi da Imola in the fourteenth century. 17
. 1T V. d. Laaa, 199-205, discusses the point at length.
r
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
Time and place of first appearance. — Early literature of the modern game . — Le Jeu
des Esches de la Damn, moralise . — The Catalan Schachs d'amor. — The Gottingen
MS. — Lucena. — Damiano. — Vida and Caldogno. — Egenolff. — Early problems of
the modern game.
There is nothing in the chess records of the third quarter of the fifteenth
century to suggest that the position of the game in popular favour was in any
way different from what it had been at any time during the preceding century,
or that chess-players were contemplating any changes in the method of play.
There is no change in the character or the number of the references to chess in
general literature : these still point to as wide a popularity of the game as ever.
There are no signs of any diminution of activity on the part of the compilers
of collections of problems : many of the existing problem MSS. were copied at
this time. The moves of the chessmen had in each country been fixed for at
least a hundred years, and writers use them with no sense of the possibility of
an impending change. Francesco Colonna wrote his ballets of living chess for
the mediaeval game in 1467, and John Sherwood uses the move of the
mediaeval Bishop to illustrate the move of certain pieces in Rythmomachy
in his account of that game, written between 1465 and 1476. 1
But in this case the appearances are deceptive. The spirit of experiment
was not dead: on the contrary, it was more active, more daring than ever.
Suddenly, in the closing years of the century, we find' a new variety of chess
disputing with the older game in popularity in Italy, France, and the
Peninsula. Chess is no longer a sufficiently distinctive name ; the mediaeval
game is known as the old chess , It. scacchi al antica , Sp. axedrez del viejo , Fr. le
vieljeu des eschSs ; the new game takes on a variety of names, It. scacchi de la
N . donna or alia rabiosa t Sp. axedrez de la dama , Fr. esches de la dame or de la dame
enragde , and when at length it reaches Germany in 1536, current or welsches
Schachspiel.
The new game differed from the old in two points only. In everything
else the old local assizes and rules remained untouched : there was no intention
of substituting a uniform type of game for the national varieties of chess that
existed in mediaeval Europe. The Queen and Bishop simply exchanged their
mediaeval rules and privileges for the moves which they still retain — the
1 'Trianguli autem in tercium locum, non quidem ut Miles in scacho, trahuntur, Bed uel
directs dextrorsum sinistrorsum ante seu retro, uel omnino angular! ter quem ad modum in
ludo scaccorum Alphinus.' MS. Casanatense (C), vii a.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OP MODERN CHESS
777
V
Queen moving at choice to any square in a diagonal, horizontal, or vertical
direction, so long as the way is clear ; the Bishop moving at choice to any v
square in a diagonal direction, so long as the way is clear. The new moves
involved the abandonment of the older privileges of leaping over an occupied
square which the Bishop always, and the Queen exceptionally, possessed ; but
they left the pieces with greatly enhanced powers, the Queen, originally far
weaker than Rook or Knight, and only little stronger than the Bishop,
becoming practically twice as strong as the Rook, the strongest piece in the
older game. Incidentally, the Pawn also gained in value, for no alteration
was made in its promotion rank, and the queening of a Pawn now increased
the attack to a degree that was in nearly every case irresistible. It is not
surprising that the new game should be widely called by a name which
emphasized the predominant position of the new Queen (It. donna % Sp. dama ,
Fr. dame). It is probable, also, that the less obvious name in Italian, scacchi
alia rabiosa , ‘ mad chess *, arose in the same way, the term rabiosa being an
epithet of the new Queen. It is used so in the earliest French reference.
The changes in the move of the Queen and Bishop completely altered the
method of play at chess. The initial stage in the Muslim or mediaeval game,
which lasted until the superior forces came into contact, practically ceased to
exist ; the new Queen and Bishop could exert pressure upon the opponent’^
forces in the first half-dozen moves, and could even, under certain circum-f
stances, effect mate in the same period. The player no longer could reckon
upon time to develop his forces in his own way ; he was compelled to have
regard to his opponent’s play from the very first. It became necessary to
examine into the validity of the different possible ways of commencing the
game. Thus analysis came into being, and the game was played in a more
scientific way. Moreover, the possibility of converting the comparatively weak
Pawn into a Queen of immense strength made Pawn-play once more as
impoitant a feature of the game as it had been before the general abandon-
ment of the win by. Bare King. It was no longer possible to regard the
Pawns as useful only to clear a road by their sacrifice for the superior pieces.
Thus the whole course of the game was quickened by the introduction of more
powerful forces. The reproach of * slowness ’ could no longer be applied to
the new game. It is probable that the German name of Current Schachspiel
is the result of the recognition of this fact. Whether chess has actually gained y
as an intellectual and strategical game is doubtful. It has certainly gained hr
other ways, since the increase in force adds materially to the penalties ot
mistakes, and shortens and intensifies the struggle.
Unfortunately, no early accounts of the new chess deal with it from the
historical standpoint, and we are left without definite evidence for the time and
place of its first appearance, the reason for its invention, and the explanation
of its rapid spread throughout Europe.
V. d. Lasa (169) places the commencement of the gradual transition to the
new game in the second half of the fifteenth century, somewhere about 1475, ]
and, following the general opinion in his day, he supposes that the new game
Digitized by Google
778
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART U
was invented in Spain* 8 He would accordingly allow a period of 20 years
for the new game to become generally known in Spain, France, and Italy.
I am inclined to think that this is too long a period, and that the new game
spread with far greater rapidity. I think that we should otherwise find some
reference to the new game earlier than the closing decade of the century.
I am not disposed to place the invention of the new moves earlier than 1485.
The earliest records of the new game occur in three MSS., two of French
and one of Catalan origin, and in the printed Spanish work of Lucena. There
are other early Italian MSS. which contain problems of the new game, of
which one has been assigned to the end of the 15th c. It is difficult to decide
* between the claims of Italy, France, and Spain to have been the earliest home
of the new chess; but Italy has probably the best claim. The French
morality in using the name esches de la dame enragee points, I think, to an
Italian rather than to a Spanish parentage. Lucena makes no claim in his
work for a Spanish discovery, and expressly states that he had collected the
material for his book in Rome, all Italy, and France. Egenolff is too late for
his evidence to be allowed much weight, but his name wehcke* Sckachspiel
(Italian chess) shows that the game spread to Germany from Italy. Had the
game originally spread from Spain, it would have reached Germany with
equal probability by way of France. I attach some weight to the fact that
the main centre of chess activity in the 15th century was neither Spain nor
France, but Italy.
It has often been supposed that the discovery of the new game was doe to
the popularity of the problem, and the disrepute which the wager-game and
the methods of the professional problem-player had brought upon chess.
V. d. Lasa (115) says, 4 the interest in the chess problem of the old game was
in the 14th and 15th c. predominant ’. I do not think that this statement ean
be maintained in the face of the numerous references to the gam*$ (as opposed
to the problem) which have been collected from the literature of the 12th-
16th ec. The problem lovers were probably more active in transcribing
books than numerous ; their art was dependent upon the written recor d to
a far greater extent than was the actual game itself. All the evidence points
to a very wide practice iu playing chess that lasted throughout the mediae v al
and into the modern period.
At the same time it is true that the new game was the invention of the
player, not the problemist. This is brought out with great dist in c tness in
the early literature of the modern game. These works continue to include
the problems of the older game long after the new game had become gener al
among players. The reform meant that the greater part of the p ea M em
material that had been collected with such care became obsolete and agel e ss .
Against this the problemist fought a long but a losing battle.
It has sometimes been urged that the new game was the resub of tike new
life which the invention of printing and the geographical dktfrrii n of tike
1 V.i Lind* i. 319, and weC. 241' tAotacht tbe reformed game was pnhUr ■■■rid m
S m Wci Fwi«w
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
779
later 15th c. inaugurated. It is possible that the rapid adoption of the game
may have been assisted in this way, but it must be remembered that this new
life left other games — tables, merels, dice, and card games — untouched, and
there seems no reason why it should have only affected chess.
However this may be, the rapidity with which the new game displaced the
old game was phenomenal. We may measure this by the disappearance of
the special names of the game, and the use of the simple term chess to denote
the new game. In Italy and Spain the old game was obsolete in all places
in the main stream of life by 1510. It may have lived for another generation^
in out-of-the-way places, or in the case of lovers of the old problems ; thus
Chachi of Terni was copying problems of old chess in 1511, and Guarino of
Forli in 1512. The last evidence for the existence of the old game in France
was the publication of a collection of old problems in 1530-40. We have
no evidence at all touching the date of the introduction of the new game
into England, but Roger Hartwell of London was amusing himself with the
solution of the mediaeval problems in the Ashmole MS. in 1529, and this is
the latest evidence for the use of the older game in England. Before
1550 the new game had been introduced and generally adopted. It is to
this form of chess that Henry, Earl of Surrey (ex. 1547), refers in the
following poem. To the Ladie that scorned her loner (first printed in TotteVs
Miscellany , 1557) :
Although I had a check,
To geue the mate is hard.
For I haue found a neck,
To kepe my men in gard.
And you thut hardy ar
To geue so great assay
Vnto a man of warre
To driue his men away,
I rede you, take good hede,
And marke this foolish verse :
For I will so prouide,
That I will haue your ferse.
And when your ferse is had,
All all youre warre is donne :
Then shall your selfe be glad
To ende that you begou.
For yf by chance I winne .
Your person in the feeld :
To late then come you in
Your selfe to me to yeld.
For I will vse my power
As captain full of might,
And such I will devour,
As vse to shew me spight.
And for because you gaue
Me checke in such degre,
This vantage loe I haue :
Now cheke, and garde to the.
Defend it if thou may :
Stand stiffe, in thine estate.
For sure I will assay
If I can giue the mate.
(Note. — The chess allusion is this : the lady has given check, and the lover covers
the check — neck ■* covered check. He then sees that he can win the lady's Queen,
by means of a check. The move which gives check, and at the same time attacks
the Queen, is announced by the words ‘ check and guard ’ — the oldest instance of the
warning that the Queen was under attack that I know. It was frequent in English,
French, German, and Icelandic chess in the first half of the 19th c.)
The new game was late in reaching Germany, and it was a novelty in
1536 when Egenolff describes it. When Gustavus Selenus wrote his chess-
work in 1616, the old game only survived in Germany in 'the village of
Strobeck. This village may quite well have been the last place on the
continent of Europe where the old chess was regularly played. In Iceland
Digitized by Google
780
CHESS IN EUROPE
PUT L
it may have lasted another hundred years (p. 857). Everywhere in the faL
stream of life the new game displaced the older chess in a single generation.
One of the earliest, if not quite the earliest, of the works which deal wti
the new chess, is the belated morality Le Jeu des Etches de la Dame, morak*'
which exists in a single MS. of the late 15th c., since 1846 in the Brits:
Museum (MS. Add. 15820). 3 It is a small 4to vellum MS. of sixty-one leare
and is probably the author’s holograph. There is nothing to throw any ligt
upon its previous history, and the author’s name nowhere appears. From h
wide acquaintance with the works of the Early Fathers I imagine that b
may have been a member of one of the religious orders. He appears to ter-
just learnt the special features of the new game when he formed the idea ?'
composing a morality on the Queens chess for an unknown patroness of not
birth, 4 using the successive moves of a fictitious game as the occasions ft
much tedious moralizing upon the temptations to which a lady is liable, aK
upon the defences which religion can afford. The work is complete in it
Introduction and fifteen chapters. I have already given the interpretatioi
of the chessmen, and some account of the work from the point of view d:
the Moralities.
But apart from this, the work has a special interest of its own in &
author’s naive remarks on the new game. Thus (f. la) :
Touttefoys l’imiention est k mo y estrange k cause que il s’appelle de la die ±
enragee. Et croy que e’est le tiltre que aucuns ont bailie qui estoient bomat
indiscretz. II me semble que non sans cause ce que si ie puis k la prosecution &
liure a mon pouoir je excuseray, non ohstant si a lore donne si tr£s grant preuite
aulx dames et aulx foulz que les rochz qui sont les tres sages et prudens capitairc
et les cheualiers discret ne seruent plus de rien. Car aprfcs la descouerte du pyc£
la dame par la garde du fol au quatriesme cop matte le roy usques en son si&ge.
It is fortunate that the author was puzzled by the name of the new chess—
4 esch£s de la dame enragde ’, 5 for in this way he throws light upon the origin
of the Italian alia rabiosa.
His chess terms are roy , dame or royne, fol (rarely delphin or alphin) ‘qae
telz sont appell^s selon nostre vulgaire langaige *, chevalier , rock, pion . Tkt
moves of his game are about as weak as can be :
The Enemy. n Pe4 ^ Qh5 Bc4 omitted ^ Pd3 Bg5
The Lady. 1 P^5 2 P^6 3 PxQ 4 Pd5“ 5 P^B 6 Qx~B
Ktf3 Ke2 Ke3
7 QclT 8 QxcP+ 9 QxdPm
* Cf. my article 4 An Early Work of Modern Chess,* BCM 1909, 288-7. See also above, p. 5*5.
« The MS. opens : ‘Pour ce que le congnoys vostre esperit si tres bon et vostro desira
aetif des choses vertueuses singuli&rement en tant que touche les liures, aussi que ie toq>
4ebteur, et presuposant que vostre trfcs excellente et magnifique noblesse saura hiea
joppofter ce que ie ne puis et ne scauroye payer, j’ai deli be en mon rural et rustiqa?
au moins mal que possible me sera m’en aquitter. Priant vostre beguin vouloir
A ^ Wcture du liure est re present pour mes garrulity excuser. C’est cause se poum
t mm - intituler Le Jeu des EschSs de la dame moralist, pour la difference des autre
dee anciens philosophes sur le viel Jeu des esch£s composes.*
; On f. 1 b we read in the list of the Adversary's pieces, ‘ la dame non surnomm6 enrage
coition What then was the dame enragte ?
Digitized by Google
:hap. xi
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
781
The last move of the Lady is described thus : 4 la dame . . prent le pion de
fiction (i.e. QP) et donne eschec et mat de son pion qui s’appelle amour de Dieu 9
(i.e. KP, the Pawn which guards the Queen). The author clearly knew but
little about chess.
To the end of the 15th c. has also been ascribed a quarto MS. of forty-one
leaves in the possession of the Counts of Sobradiel (Real Capilla del Palau,
Barcelona, MS. xiv) which contains, ff. l-8a, 9b-13a, a Catalan poem of
576 lines (arranged in sixty- four stanzas) with the title Hobra jntitulada teach s
damor feta per don franci de Castelui e narcis vinyoles e mossen fenollar sots
nom de tres planetas fo es Maty venus e Mercuri per conjunccio e jnfluencia dels
quale fon jnuentada. The poem describes the successive steps in the courtship
of Venus by Mars by means of a game of chess which these two divinities
are supposed to play in the presence of Mercury. Francisco de Castellvi
takes the part of Mars, Narciso Vinoles that of Venus, and the Abbot Fenollar
that of Mercury. The chessmen have allegorical meanings, not unlike those
of the pieces in Les Eschez amoureux? The successive stanzas are allotted to
the three players in the above order, Castellvi and Vinoles describing their
moves in turn, and Fenollar explaining or prescribing the laws of the reformed
chess, according to which the game is played. Marginal notes establish the
succession of moves and the game may very well have been played over the
board. The score follows ; Castellvi had the Red men, Vinoles the Green :
Castellvi.
Vinoles.
Castellvi.
Vinoles.
Castellvi.
Vinoles.
1 Pe4
Pd5
8 QxP
bKtd7
15 Pd5
PxP
2 PxP
QxP
9 Ktb5
Rc8
16 Be 3
Bd6
3 Ktc3
Qd8
10 KtxaP
Ktb6
17 Rdl
Qf6
4 Be 4
KtfB
1 1 Kt x R
Ktx Kt
18 RxP
Qg6
5 Ktf3
Bg5
12 Pd4
Ktd6
19 Bf4
BxB
6 Ph3
B x Kt
13 Bb5 +
Kt x B
20 QxKt +
Kf8
7 QxB
Pe6
14 QxKt +
Ktd7
21 Qd8 mate.
In the course of the poem, Fenollar gives a good deal of information about
the rules and etiquette of the game as played in Aragon. He tells us, for
example, that the Pawn can be taken in passing ; that the King when moved
for the first time can leap to a third square, provided he does not cross a
square commanded by an opponent, but that he cannot leap out of check or
take when leaping; that a player may have only one Queen on the board
at a time, that a Pawn cannot advance to queen until the player has no Queen
on the board, that one Queen cannot take another, and that to lose the Queen
is to lose the game. He classifies mates into mates ahogado (stalemate), mates
robado (Bare King), and mates comun . Check must be notified, the touched
piece must be played, the touched opponent must be captured, the touched
square occupied. The player may not make two moves in his turn of play. 7
6 Mars plays with K ( rey ) reason, Q (reyna) will, R (rock) desire, Kt ( cauali ) praises, B ( orfll )
thoughts, P (peon) favours ; Venus with K honour, Q beauty, R modesty, Kt disdain, B sweet
looks, P courtesies.
7 See Paluzie y Lucena, Manual de Ajedrtz , Barcelona, 1912, vi. 254, from whence the above
account is taken. The poem exhibits some striking resemblances to Vida’s Scacchia Ludus ,
described below, but on the whole I regard it as describing an earlier phase of chess than
that in Vida. The limitation to Pawn-promotion is mentioned in the Alfonso MS. (see p. 469),
but it can hardly have been general in Spain after 1 500. This is the latest mention of it.
Digitized by Google
782
CHESS IN EUROPE
part n
Two other works belonging to the closing years of the 15th century deal
with chess from the point of view of the player, and contain collections of
Openings (here called rules , L. regula, Sp. regia) as well as problems of the
new game. These are a small 4to MS. in the Gottingen University Library
(MS. Philos. 85,= Gott.), and the Repeticion de Amores e Arte de Axedres eon
CL iuegos de partido of the Spaniard Lncena. Neither work bears a date,
but Lucena dedicated his chess work to Prince John of Spain, the son of
Ferdinand and Isabella, who died Oct. 4, 1497, not long after his marriage.
Lucena’ s book must have been printed before this date — it is thought in the
earlier part of the same year. It is generally assumed that the Gdttingen
MS. is the older work, but this is by no means established, and in some ways
the work is more advanced in character than Lucena’s work. It deals ex-
clusively with the new game, and makes no allusion to the older chess ;
Lucena, on the other hand, describes the differences between the two games,
and includes problems of the older game ; clearly he belongs to a transitional
period. The analysis in the Gottingen MS. shows a greater command of
and familiarity with, the new game than Lucena exhibits in his book. Both
works have a certain amount of material in common, but this does not
necessarily mean that either writer had access to the others work, for both
may have been using older material. It is, however, singular that a later
MS. of the 16th c. (Paris f. allem., 107 ; see below) repeats the Openings
of the GCttingen MS. in a slightly modernized form as the work of Lucena.
If this ascription is correct, we are compelled to the conclusion that the
Gottingen MS. is Lucena’s later, because more mature, work on chess.
The Gottingen MS. is a quarto parchment MS. of thirty-three leaves, of
which ff. l-15a are occupied by twelve Openings of games, f. 16 is blank,
and ff. 17-31 b contain a selection of thirty problems, one on each page with
diagram and solution; these are arranged according to the length of the
solutions, which run from two to ten moves. The MS. is complete.
The MS. gives no explanation of the rules of the new game, and was
therefore written at a time when, and in a country where, the new game was
commonly known, or at least for a player who was familiar with it. This
player is nowhere named, but he is addressed as Dominatio vestra , Magntfiee
domine , Serenissime Princeps, and the pronoun Vos is regularly used for him
in the MS.; 8 he was evidently a nobleman of high rank. That the author
belonged to France seems clear from certain peculiarities of the MS.: (1) the
use of stultus (once estultus) for the Bishop in the commencement of the work.
From the third Regula onwards the author falls into the use of the more
familiar alpliinus . V. d. Linde and v. d. Lasa argue from the form estultus
that the writer belonged to Southern France. This may be so, but the
evidence is rather slender to be the basis of an aigument. (2) The use of
R (roy), JDa (dame), Fo (fol), Ch (chevalier), Ro (roc), P (Pion) to denote the
pieces on the problem diagrams. This is not necessarily conclusive, for the
8 The single exception occurs in the solution to Gott. 10, where the writer falls inad-
vertently into the more usual tu of the problem MSS.
Digitized by Google
fAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
783
lthor may have copied the diagrams from a French MS. (3) The Openings
5© the King's leap to the third square only, either as a Rook or a Knight —
move associated with French and Spanish chess. 9
The twelve Openings are for ns the most important features of the work,
ad their appearance at all is a sign of the great difference which the adoption
f the new moves of Queen and Bishop made in the nature of chess. Hence-
>rward analysis — the investigation into the effectiveness of different methods
f commencing the game — becomes the ruling motive in the literature of
hess. The twelve Openings in Gott. may be divided into 4 attacks in which
he Prince is the first player, and 8 defences in which he is the second player,
ks a rule, no attempt is made to estimate the result of any of the Openings, or
o carry them to a conclusion, but it is fair to assume that the author intended
o give his patron the winning play. Some of the Openings are carried well
nto the Mid-game, the third Rule is carried to the 24th move, the eighth to
,lae 33rd, and the twelfth to the 25th, and it is accordingly possible to form
m estimate of the author’s strength as a player. For his time, he must have
been a player of no mean ability. As an example of his notation, I quote the
commencement of the first game ; as an example of his play, the third and
twelfth games.
Prima Regula . Ludet dominatio ve9tra pedonem regis ad quatuor punctos
numerando de domo regis: et si aduersarius idem luserit, ludite equitem regis ad
ill p. estulti regis : et si custodierit pedonem cum pedone stulti regis, accipite suum
pedonem cum equite : et si accipit cum pedone, date ei scacum cum regina ad iiii p.
rochi sui regis : et si se coperuerit cum pedone equitis, accipite pedonem sui regis
et date scacum pro rocho : et si non se coperuerit et luserit ad ii p. sue habitations,
accipite eundem pedonem et dicite scacum. . . .
Regula tertia.
1 Pe4
Pe5
13 PxP
BxP
2 Ktf3
Ktc6
14 B x B(d5) Kt x B
3 Bc4
Bc5
15 BxB
aP x B
4 Pc3
Qe7
16 Rel
Ktf4
5 Pd3
Ph6
17 Qc2
Qd6
6 Be3
Bb6
18 Re3
Rd8
7 Pa3
Pd6
19 Ktc4
Qg6
8 Ph3
Be6
20 Ktel
Pbo
9 bKtd2
Ktf6
21 Kt x eP
Kt x Kt
lORcl
Rf8
22 R x Kt
Kt x P +
11 Rfl
Kg8
23 Kfl
Ktf4
12 Kgl
Pd5
24 Re3
&c.
Regvla
duodecimu.
1 Pc4
Pc5
13 Pb5
Ph6
2 Ktc3
Pe6
14 Pa4
Kt x Kt +
3 Pe4
Ktc6
15 Bx Kt
Bd4 +
4 Pf4
Pd6
16 Khl
Pe5
5 Ktf3
Bd7
17 Ra2
Kte7
6 Pd3
Rc8
18 Pa5
B x Kt
7 Be2
Kc7
19 BxB
Pf6
8 Rfl
Kb8
20 PxP ftPx P
9 Kgl
Pg6
21 Bg4
BxB
10 Bd2
Bg7
22 QxB
hRf8
11 Pa3
Ktd4
23 R(a2)f2 RxR
12 Pb4
Ka8
24 RxR
Qg8
25 Qd7
Qd8
Regula XII ends Est Indus magnae drfensionis , but the first player obtains the
better game by 26 Qe6, Rc7 ; 27 Bd2.
An interesting feature in these games is the use made of the King’s leaps
to bring the King into a position of safety. In five cases in the MS. the
King leaps to K Kt sq. after the King s Rook has moved to K B sq. The
* The only fact known about the hiatory of the MS. is derived from a note on the inner
cover which records its presentation to the University in 1752 by Frederick BOrner, M.D.,
of Gottingen.
Digitized by Google
784
CHESS IN EUROPE
part n
result is the position arrived at in the present day by castling on the King’s
side, but in’Gott. it takes two moves, generally but not necessarily consecutive.
From this double move the later rule of castling has developed, indeed MS.
Paris f. allem. 107, which repeats the above-quoted games as Lucene* art i*
and xi, shortens the first by a move by substituting castling in one move for
the two moves of the older work.
The Gottingen MS. analysis is no haphazard collection of commence- I
merits of games, but is an attempt to deal with the Openings in a systematic
way. The four commencements, 1 Pe4, 1 Pd4, 1 Pf4 (Reg. XI), and 1 Pc4 j
(XU), were all probably suggested by the authors experience in the older
game. To each of the last two he devotes a rule, to 1 Pd4 he gives two roles
(IX is a Queen 9 * Gambit accepted , X begins 1 Pd4, Pd5 ; 2 Bf4, Bf5), to 1 Pe4
eight rnles, in all of which the opponent replies 1 . . , Pe5. One rule is given |
to the King 9 * Bishops Opening (V, 2'Bc4, Pc6), and the remainder deal with the
various Openings beginning 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3. Four defences are tried,
the so-called Bamiano Gambit (I), 10 the Petroff (IV), the PAilidor (II and VIII,
the first to the advantage of the attack, the second to that of the defence), and ,
2 . . , Ktc6, which the author seems to have recognized as the best. He con-
tinues the game as a Guioco Piano (III), as a Buy Lopez (VI, defended 3 . . ,
Bc5) and as a Staunton (VII).
I deal with the 30 problems in this MS. below (p. 794).
' Lucena’s work is a broad octavo of 124 unnumbered leaves, of which the
first 73 are occupied by a poem on a love subject which has no connexion with
chess, and need not detain us. The author describes himself thus :
Lucena hijo del muy sapientissimo doctor y reuerendo prothonot&rio don Johan
remirez de Lucena embaxador y del consejo delos reyes nuestros senores studiando
enel preclarissimo studio dela muy noble cibtad de Salamanca.
and his work was probably printed in this city. It is a book of considerable
rarity. 11 The exact nature of his father’s occupation is disputed, but he is said
to have filled an official position at Rome, And was himself an author. The
son had travelled in Italy and France before he became a student at the
University of Salamanca.
Lucena s Arte de axedre * opens with a learned dedication to Prince John,
in which the author makes a considerable parade of his knowledge of the
• names of classical writers. He then continues with twelve Rules, and a collec-
tion of 150 problems from 2 to 10 moves in length, both of the old chess
(del viejo) and the new (dela dama\ which are illustrated by rude woodcuts.
The first Rule treats of the rules of chess, the following eleven with Openings,
each of which is illustrated by a woodcut of the chessmen as arranged for
10 I adopt the ordinary names of the Openings as used by English players of the present
day ; they are generally quite modern, and as a rule do not commemorate the name of the
earliest authority to call attention to the Opening. It would, however, be pedantic to
attempt to change the present well-established usage.
II Copies are known to exist in the following libraries ; British Museum, Brussels, Madrid,
Escorial, Siena, Rio de Janeiros ; and in the private collections of Mr. J. G. White (Cleveland,
U.S.A.), Mr. J. Rimington Wilson (Broom head Hall, nr. Sheffield), Mr. A. C. White (New
York), Mr. E. B. Cook (Hoboken, U.S.A.).
A.P. -2CI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
785
tv. The white men are placed at the lower edge of the diagram in the
in I Rule only. The men on the first and second rows are inverted in these
kgrams ; in the problem diagrams none of the men is inverted.
In the first Rule, Lucena describes the differences between * the game which
; now play, which is called Bela Dama , and the old game which was formerly
ed. *, and gives the moves of the chessmen ; he then goes on to give, without
y attempt at arrangement, a number of definitions, rules, and pieces of
.vice. The most interesting part of the description of the moves is that
lat-ing to the Pawn and the King :
The Pawns for the first move can go one square or two, but afterwards only one,
id. in a straight direction. They take aslant, and can passar bataXla , i.e. if the
iponent’s Pawn stands facing yours, your Pawn can go on a square beyond that of
>ntact, it being in the power of the other to allow it to pass him or to take it.
-Iso, when it reaches the row of the opponent’s King, it becomes a Queen and gives
leek without moving ; and not only as Queen, but, if you adopt the method of play
hich I use, the Pawn on becoming a Queen can, for the first move which it makes,
%ke and give check as a Queen and Knight. . . .
Also the King himself can for the first move leap to the third square as he likes,
•rovided he is not in check, even as a Knight in order to avoid the mate of the
.esperate (as it is called). But he cannot leap over check, nor can he leap after he
las been checked even if he has not moved. He cannot leap over a row in which
i© could not enter because of check.
The other points in the chapter may be summarized thus. The Spanish
^ext will be found in the appendix to this chapter.
1. The undertaking to mate with a Pawn does not involve a check with
a Pawn on the penultimate move, unless this is specially stated. 2. The
undertaking to mate with a particular Pawn is satisfied even if that Pawn
is queened, and mates as a Queen. 3. Stalemate is a mate which does not
win a double stake. 12 4. If a player omits to announce check, the opponent
can disregard it. If the first player calls attention to it before he plays again,
tkie opponent must recall his move, and remedy the check. If he omits to do
tliis, that check has no effect, and the opponent may even move along the line
of attack of the checking piece to remedy a later check from another piece.
5. If the odds of the transposed King are given (Khl, Rel), that King cannot
leap, unless it is expressly stated in the conditions that he may do so. 6. The
player who gives the odds of KBP cannot leap with his King, unless it is
expressly arranged so. 7. The touched piece must be played, even if there
is no stake, unless it would leave the King in check, when the King must be
moved. If the player touches a square with the piece, he must move to
that square.
8. It is advantageous always to play with men of one colour, viz. the
black. If the opponent insists on having the black men, give the board
a half-turn, and you will still have your King on the left of the Queen.
9. If you play at night, place the candle on your left-hand side, if by day,
18 The win by Bare King ( robado ) is not mentioned here, but a remark at the end of
Luc. 25 (see p. 734), that when robado and mate occur on the same move the mate counts,
and not the robado , shows that this Ending still existed.
mo 3 D
Digitized by Google
784
C
z~^i:wk
?ae: :
result is the position arrived
side, but in*Gott. it takes tier
From this double move the
Paris f. allem. 107, which rc
and xi , shortens the first by
the two moves of the older w<
The Gdttingen MS. ana;
ments of games, but is an att •
way. The four commenceme
(XII), were all probably sug<_
game. To each of the last tv
(IX is a Queen 9 * Gambit accept
eight rules, in all of which the
to the King* 8 Bishop's Opening <
various Openings beginning 1
the so-called Lamiano Gambit (
the first to the advantage of tl
2 . . , Ktc6, which the author
tinues the game as a Guioco B
Bc5) and as a Staunton (VII).
I deal with the 30 problem ^
' Lucena’s work is a broad o
first 73 are occupied by a poem
chess, and need not detain us.
Lucena hijo del muy sapientb
remirez de Lucena emb&xador y cl
enel preclarissimo studio dela muy
and his work was probably prin
rarity. 11 The exact nature of hi
to have filled an official position
son had travelled in Italy and
University of Salamanca.
Lucena* s Arte de axedres ope?
in which the author makes a c<
names of classical writers. He th
tion of 150 problems from 2 to
{del viejo) and the new ( dela dav
The first Rule treats of the rules <
each of which is illustrated by j.
10 I adopt the ordinary names of thc>
day ; they are generally quite modern, a
earliest authority to call attention to
attempt to change the present well-estal
u Copies are known to exist in the f<n
Escorial, Siena. Rio de Janeiros ; and in
C.S.A.\ Mr. J. Rimington Wilson (Bro
York), Mr. E. B. Cook ^Hoboken, U.S.A
T — w«se for your opposes
* 1 1 UTinir iselr. During a gi&
-i *iz 3 BC de thought of it nai
- ’o. de Queen's wing, ne?er ct
dun lie Opaings that folk?
•xuf and jJI limlj-. in France aa:
~ iiflm saw* * r tvtiT i rnrilv
i/ii-ed ksw«e& tike old and ts*
- ’?*ean* foe lias forgotten th
- -iil ’the nfv Queen fan spoil r?
Iombm had written his bod
~T?n - of sewr UBe
flf wifiA tfoe- first seva (II
aiming Srmr TX- XTT ) to &
- IfS^. cnrioosly otmr*
1 hand, foe two Opening
In tfoe beginning
- the Combre C^mmUr G*ml
- Bishops Opemimg (XI begb?
r Openings mtZmhtd are th
‘ f (V), the Ghmm Pi*mo (HI
-j- ^ specimens of Lacem
bird, and his twelfth Roles.
3 Kg8
i Bk2
Pc6
BxB
3 Pc3
P65
B Ph6
i Be*
P«€
! Qe7
5 Pi 4
Pfo
Be6
6 FVj
Pgt>
aBd8
7 Pf4
Ktfio
Pd5
8 Ktr3
Bc7
I’ KtxP
9 Ril
Bb7
Kt B x Kt
I0£gl
P»o
Kt («)
11 Kt±2
Ktd7
■>:ena regia
12 Pb4
PJS
Pd5
13 Kt^5
(f)
> also analysed. >' CK^riooLi:
ies venios conla ji» |i nyli
« 1 a vos sabiendo qui&r el Jwgo.’
irhl dela dam a qne si ^
y sobre el roqae A jlsss segu jesxk
nie in Chapter X ; those of
’*ry little influence at anv
ems from it, and there is
♦ s, which bears the date
1. ff. 134-61), which also
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
787
contains a translation of Ruy Lopez* chess work ; but otherwise, W. Lewis
was the first writer to give an account of the work from the point of view of
chess, in his Letters on Chess from C. F, Vogt , translated by U. Ewell , 1848, pp. 3-7.
Very different was the popularity of the first Italian work on the new
game, which made its first appearance in the beginning of the 16th c. This
was Damiano*s Qvesto libro e da imparare giocare a scachi el de li par fit i, which
was printed in Rome in 1512 13 by Stephen Gaillireti and Hercules Nani, and
was dedicated to Sr. Joangeorgio Caesarino Romano. This work ran through
eight editions in the 16th c., was reprinted in the 17th c. (1606 problems
only, 1607) by Antonio Porto, 1 gentilhomo di Corte dell* Alt. Ser. Duca di
Sauoia ’, and (1618) by Donato Rascioti, each of whom tried to pass off the
work as his own ; was translated into French by Claude Gruget of Paris, and
published after his death in 1560, whence into English by James Rowbothum
(editions of 1562 and 1569), and also into German. The last version was
never printed, but it exists in MS. Nat. Lib. Paris, f. allem., 107. 14
All that we know of Damiano himself is that he was a native of Odemira
in the south of Portugal, and that he was an apothecary by profession. He
subscribes himself to the dedication of the 1512 edition (the only edition
which contains a dedication), ‘ Damiano portugese S.P>D.’
His work contains ten chapters, the contents of which are thus given in
the 1512 edition :
El primo capitulo deli uome deli scachi, e del sito dessi & dele regule uniuersale.
El secundo capitulo de lo primo modo de Jocare. Et terzo capitulo del secundo
modo da Jocare. El quarto capitulo del modo de iocare quando se dara una pedona.
El quinto capitulo del modo de iocare quando se dara lo pedona e lo trato. El sexto
capitulo come se debe iocare quando se dara lo caualo per la pedona. El septimo
capitulo come se debe iocare quando se dara lo caualo francho. El octaua capitulo
deli trati sutili che se dicano in uulgare Spagnolo se dicano primore. El nono
capitulo deli ioci deli parti ti. El ultimo capitulo del arte del iocare ala mente.
To the eighth and ninth chapters there is both an Italian and a Spanish text.
The problems (72 in number) are called jochi deli partiti ala rabiosa in the
Italian, joegos de partidos de la dam(m)a in the Spanish text.
The description of the moves of the pieces (Re, donna, delphino che vole
dire principe , cauallo che e tanto come caualiere , rocho, 16 pedona) is accompanied
by rough woodcuts of the chessmen. In the earlier editions the Bishop and
18 The 1512 edition is said to be 1 nouiter impressum '. For this reason Mr. Ross Pinsent
{BCM., 1906, 232) has suggested that there must have been an earlier edition. The library
catalogue of Bologna University mentions (A. V. cap. 136, 16) an edition, Roma, Stefano
Guillireti, 1502, but the work is unfortunately no longer in the library, so that it is im-
possible to say whether the date 1502 is, as seems most likely, an error of the catalogue for
1512, or not. Mr. Pinsent ( BCM ., 1907, 98, ‘ Damiano and Carreras*) has shown that there
are many references in Carrera's work to Damiano which do not apply to any of the existing
editions. The same is true of some at least of the references in Salvio, e.g. the 1634 edition,
p. 14, refers to a move of Damiano’s in the Ruy Lopez Opening, and this Opening is not
contained in any of the editions.
14 The bibliography of the editions of Damiano presents many difficulties. It was first
worked out by v. d. Linde, i. 357. A valuable discussion on the matter, with many illustra-
tions from the different editions, by Mr. Pinsent, will be found in the BCM,, 1906, 231, 285.
See also Mr. J. G. White’s criticism of these articles, BCM,, 1906, 423.
15 The Italian MS. WD makes some additions to this chapter : of importance in this
connexion is the note ‘ Rocco quasi dicat forteea ouero Rocca *, and the variant 1 Delfino ouero Arfilo \
3 d 2
Digitized by Google
788
CHESS IN EUROPE
put i
Rook have their mediaeval forms, but the fifth and following editions substite
new woodcuts, and the Rook is replaced by a Tower or Castle. The
important passages are those relating to the moves of the King* and Paw*.
El Re ... ha liberta de saltare tre case come lui vole a sal to di cauaUo o c*
donna anchors che non liabia la via mentre che sta in casa sua che non se sia mo*
del suo locho per benche in Italia se vsa saltare el re tutto el tauogliero h&ueai
la via & anchors mouere vna pedona & metre il re in la casa dels pedona & ha ques*
liberta se non ha hauuto schaco & quests vsanza non mi pare bona, perche alantio
el re non salts se non tre case la prima volts & cosi si vsa in Spagna et in Portogsl
de donde vsiti li grandi giocatori.
... El mouimento dela pedona e la prima volta andare tre case se vole . . . ru
pedona non puo passare bataglia de altra pedona quando se da scacho al re per b
coprire con essa altro modo puo passar se vole el contrario & se non puo piglhr
in la via anchors che meglio saria non potere passar bataglia. 18 !
The rules which Damiano gives in this chapter are in the main only oft: |
nature of advice : No move should be played aimlessly ; do not commit over-
sights (Sp. cegera , blindnesses) ; do not play fast ; when you have a good movt
look for a better ; when receiving odds exchange whenever possible except f
a loss ; with a winning advantage do not be tempted to disarrange your game
merely to win a Pawn ; use the King’s leap to place it on a good square ; do no:
move the Paw ns which stand in front of your King after its leap ; spread oc
your pieces ; try and maintain KP and QP, and if possible the two BPs od
their 4th squares. But it is worth noting that the rule that the board is to k
placed so that the square hi is white is definitely stated for the first time. J
Damiano’s analysis is shorter than that of either of his predecessors, and L I
declares that there are only two ways of commencing the game, 1 Pe4, whicfc '
is the better, and 1 Pd4. Under the first method he includes variations of
the Petroff, the gambit now called after him, and the Guioco Piano . The |
second method is the Queens Gambit accejded . Damiano adds some example
of games at odds, the inclusion of which shows that the game had gaind |
ground since Lucena’s time. Judged by his Openings, of which I give two
specimens, Damiano must have been a mediocre player; but his reputation
during the three hundred years following his death rested, not on his analyst,
but upon his collection of problems, of which we now’ know r that hardlv
a single one was his own creation!
Altra 1
r ia.
12
PxQ
&c.
10
Pg5
Ktdo
White gives QKt
I
Pte4
Pe5
11
B x cP
Ktf4
1
Pe4
Pe5
s>
Ktf3
KtcG
White gives KBP.
12
Qf3
BxP
2
Ktf3
Ktc6
3
Rc4
Bc5
1
Pe4
Pe5
13
Qx Kt
BxB
3
Be 4
Bco
4
IV 3
Ktf6
2
Ktf3
Pf5
14
Rgl
Bd3 +
4
Pc3
Bb6
3
IMS
Pd6
3
Px P
Pd5
15
Kf2
Qe2 -f
5
Pd4
Pd3
t\
Kfl
Bg6
4
Pg4
Pe4
16
Kg3
Qe6
6
Ph3
Ktf6
Kta5
5
Qe2
Qe7
17
Qg4
Bd6 +
7
Bg5
Ph6
p x p4-
Kf8
6
Ktd4
Pc5
18
Kh4
Bf5
8
Bb4
Pg5
vk
Pc6
7
Ktb5
Pd 4
19
Qf3
Rf8
9
Kt x F
> PxKt
K x B
8
Bg2
Pa6
20
Q~
Qe4 +
10
BxP
Rg«
> %
A \
^ v Kt
9
Kta3
Ktf6
11
Ph4, &c.
v to the account of the Rook’s move the rules respecting ca $Uing which
* > * .n Italy c. 1620 : * la prima uolta che’l se muoue puol saltar nella casa del
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
789
The concluding chapter of Damiano’s book gives some hints on blindfold
play which are mainly concerned with notation, and are certainly of very little
vise to the would-be blindfold player. The latter is recommended to master
a notation in which the squares are numbered from 1 to 64 !
Two MSS. based upon Damiano’s work are of interest. The first of these
( = WD) has already been used in Chapter X as one of my authorities for the
mediaeval problem. It is now in Mr. J. G. White's library. It consists of
125 leaves, not all filled, and the text (Italian) is in a hand of c. 1620. The
MS. bears the same title as Damiano’s work, and it incorporates the whole of
the printed text, but the account of the moves has been brought up to date,
and an account of the rules of the older game, presumably forgotten in 1620,
is added. The collection of subtleties (19) and problems (129, and 26 of the
older game) includes Damiano's collection, but appears to have been made
independently. There is no acknowledgement of indebtedness to Damiano,
and the writer probably intended his readers to believe that the book was an
original work. Since the author makes a careful distinction between Turks
and Moors, it has been supposed that the MS. may have been the work of
Paolo Boi : this opinion has nothing to recommend it, and I reject it as quite
improbable. Damiano’s work was antiquated even in Boi’s day, and the
analysis which Boi would have written would have been very different.
The other MS. is the 16th c. German translation which I have already
mentioned (Nat. Lib. Paris, f. allem. 107). This paper MS. of 90 leaves
contains Damiano’s Openings, Subtleties, and Problems. The games are
given in a contracted form, the two sides are distinguished by the use of
black and red ink, and the successive moves of each player are written
on separate lines. The names of the chessmen (in the problem solutions
Rung ; frow \ alte y in the verses narr ; ritter % in the verses knecht ; roch ; and
fendet) are replaced by astronomical symbols. The problems end regularly
with a line of verse, which hits off some striking feature of the problem.
Damiano’s work ends on f. 61 b, but ff. 70 a-87 b contain other chess entries, 17
of which the most important is a collection of 14 Openings, each of which
is attributed to Lucene. This collection is based upon the games in the
Gottingen MS., but the analysis has been brought up to date by the substitu-
tion of castling for the older King’s leap.
The new game was not long in finding its poet, and both Marcus (Antonius) ,
Hieronymus Vida (B. at Cremona 1490, D. 1566), Bishop of Alba (1532), and :
Francisco Bernardino Caldogno (B. c. 1497), wrote Latin poems on chess. The I
seruendo el He de la sua per saluarlo, non hauendo pero il He auuto scaco ne essendosi mosso
prima perche non si potria permutare.’
17 On f. 70 a is a half Knight’s-tour, furor mQitis , which is almost identical with the tour
in Gianuzio ; 70 b is a key to the numerical notation of the Board ; 71 a, an end-game (Wh.
Kc6, Ba6, Ktb4 ; Bl., Ka7 or a8) without solution ; 71 b, a problem (Wh. Kc6, Be3, Ktb6,
Pb6 ; Bl., Kc8, Pe4) in III, solved by 1 Bg5 ; 2 Ktd6 ; 8 Pb7 m. ; 72 b has 8 lines of verse;
73a-84 a, Lucena’s games ; 84 b, Regula (a solution of the ending K, B, and Kt r. K) ; 85 a,
Alia Regula. A game : 1 Pe4, Pe6 ; 2 Ktf8, Qf6 ; 8 Pc8, Bc5 ; 4 Pd4, Bb6 ; 5 Be3 (or 5 Pli8,
Ph6; 6 KtxeP, Pd6 ; 7 KtfS), Pd6 ; 6 PxeP, PxeP; 7 Bg5, Qg6 ; 8 Qd8m. ; and the
beginning of a solution of a Knight’s tour (furor militis ) ; 86 b-87 b, a poem which seems
intended to assist one to remember the sequence of the 72 problems.
.
Digitized by vj
°°gi
790
CHESS IN EUROPE
pait i:
former poem attained a great popularity in the 16th c. : it was repeatedly
printed, and translations or imitations exist in most of the European lan-
guages. The latter poem remains in a single MS. in the Bartolina Library
Vicenza.
Vida wrote his poem on chess in his youth, but he only printed it unde:
the title of Scacchia , Ludus in 1527, in a volume of his collected poems, of whiA
some copies are dedicated to Francis the dauphin of France (D. 1536), aad
others to Henry, son of Henry, King of England (Henry VIII’s natural see
Henry, Duke of Richmond, B. 1517, D. 1536). The poem had been in dr*
culation in MS. for some time, and an unauthorized edition, the pages c
which are headed Scacchorum Liber , had been printed without the author'
name in 1525, probably in Florence. This edition, of which only a rin?ir
copy in the Wolfenbiittel library is known, begins with an epistle addressee '
to John Taylor, Archdeacon of Buckingham and Derby, and signed Hilary
Berthulph. Taylor’s presence on the Continent is explained by the fact that
he had been sent by Henry VIII to negotiate a peace with the Queen Mother
of France after the battle of Pavia. 18 In this epistle Berthulph narrates bow
the poem had been sent him in Basel by his friend John Hone, and had been
strongly approved ( vehementer probatuni) by ever}" one who read it, and specially
by Erasmus, with whom he used to play chess. 19 It is possible that tb*
publication of this unauthorized edition may have led to the authorized
edition of 1527.
The two texts prove, when compared, to differ to a remarkable extent. Ij
The text of the edition of 1527 has been revised throughout, and the poem is
reduced as a result from 742 to 658 lines.* All references to Vida’s con-
temporaries have been removed, and the nomenclature adopted for the chess-
men has been systematically changed. With this, all the internal evidence
for the date of the poem has disappeared, with the exception of that contained
in the concluding lines :
Omnia quae puero quondam mihi ferre solebant
Seriades, patrii canerem dum ad flumina Serii.
The text of the 1525 edition, accordingly, becomes of great importance in
connexion with the history of the poem. The older text was also printed in
Paris in 1529, and a MS. copy of c. 1540 exists in the British Museum (MS.
Harl. 6518). In the opening lines Vida tells how he has written this poem,
on a subject never before attempted by the poets, at the instance of (Federigo)
Fregoso (B. at Genoa c. 1480, Cardinal 1539, D. 1541), and he expresses the
hope that it may afford some relaxation to (Giuliano) de Medici in the heary
task which he and his brother (Giovanni, later Pope Leo X, a keen chess-
1S I owe this and other bibliographical notes on the 1525 edition to v. d. Lasa, who
the first to discover the existence of the two texts. He devotes the greater part of ch. viii
of the Forschungen to the older text of Vida’s poem.
19 Erasmus did not take his chess very seriously. The epistle describes him as standing
to play, and as carrying on a conversation both of wit (jpurissimi sales) and wisdom (cottoyw*
maxims seria ) the whole time.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
791
player) 20 had undertaken in repelling the French invaders of Italy. V. d. |
Xiasa (190) has shown that the allusions to Italian events point definitely /
t> o the early summ er of 1513 as t he date of the popm. Vida was then ^
aged twenty-three.
The aim of the poem i9 to describe in Virgilian Latin a game of chess
played between Apollo and Mercury in the presence of the other Gods. This
involves a description of the pieces and their moves. Vida apparently
experienced some difficulty in deciding on a suitable classical nomenclature for
the Bishop and Rook. In the earlier version the Bishops are represented as
xagittiferi centauri , Centaurs with bows and arrows ; in the later version the
Centaurs have disappeared and the Bishop is an Archer (sagittifer j uvenis) . In
the earlier version the Rooks are represented as Cyclops, 21 and their place on
the board is thus described
Extremis bini, referant qui vasta Cyclopum
Corpora, considunt in sulcis agmina vtrinque
Claudentes sua quisque, altis proque arcibus astant.
In the later version the Rooks appear as warring towers borne upon the backs
of elephants :
Turn geminae, velut extremis in cornibus, arces
Hinc atque hinc altis stant propugnacula muris,
Quas dorso immanes gestant in bella elephanti.
Elsewhere in the poem the name Elephas is used, generally, however, with an
allusion to the tower it is supposed to carry on its back.
I do not think that any chess motive lies behind any of Vida's attempts to
find a name for the Bishop and Rook. The mediaeval names were probably
meaningless to him, and a fastidious sense refused to let him use such un-
classical terms as alfinus and rochus in his poem. He simply ran over the
possibilities which his classical studies suggested, and adopted those that
pleased him best. He found the elephant with the tower on its back in
Livy.
The extraordinary thing is that Vida's choice of names should have caught
the popular fancy. All three terms — Archer for the Bishop, Elephant and
Tower ( Castle ) for the Rook — were adopted by players in different parts of
Western Europe. Even the term Amazon , which he used occasionally for the
Queen, was tried by the writers of chess books. 22 No one remembered that
Archer had once been used by a mediaeval poet for the Pawn, or that the
Elephant was already on the chessboard as the Aufin or Bishop.
The term Archer first appeared in France, where Gruget introduced it in
20 Cf. P. Jovius, Ep. Nucerinus, Devita Leonis X, iv. 86 * Latrunculos autem adeo subtilitor
et acute vel cum exercitatissimis colludebat, ut nemo ei vel peritia vel celeritate committendi
conficiendique proelii aequari posse videretur/
II B. Mommeianus of Toulouse in his Ludi Latrunculorum brevis description Paris, 1560, an
imitation of Vida’s poem, uses Cyclops for the Bishop, Centaurus for the Rook.
** Gruget uses Amazon instead of Dame (1560) in French ; Beale and Randle Holme give
it as an alternative for Queen in English ; Uflacker has it as an alternative for Konigin
in German.
Digitized by Google
792
CHESS IN EUROPE
?ASI t
his translation of Damiano, Le plaisant leu dee Eschecs , Paris, 1560, and use-
it regularly throughout the book. Although Rabelais used the same nam t h
his account of living chess in the Fifth Book of his Pantaffruel , first- priste
after the author’s death in 1564, it never became usual, and the older T\
soon regained its former position. When Rowbothum translated Grcge
book (1562) he gave Archer as alternative with Bishop, alleging* that it v*
the older name. Later writers, in dealing with chess, e. g. Beale (1656) r
Randle Holme (1688), continued to mention the name Archer , but it never v* ,
really used by English players. In Germany, on the other hand, the ws: u
Schiitze passed into regular use, displacing the older Alte in the latter pr '
of the 16th c., and continuing in use (Wielius, 1606 ; Selenus, 1616 ; Uflacfe .
1799) until the existing term lAufer took its place in the course of tk '
18th c. 28
The history of the chess term Elephant is very similar. It hardly tooefed
French (Gruget has Lee Roce eont tllSfane ) and English (Rowbothum h
The Rockee eome call Elephants ), but occurs repeatedly in 17th and 18th
German chess-books as an alternative name of the Rook (e. g. in Wkln*
1606; Selenus, 1616; Piazza Univereelle , 1641; Uflacker, 1799), in Danis
in Swedish, and in Icelandic. A modern Icelandic Spilabdk (Akurevri, 185?
still gives Fill (= elephant) as an alternative for Hrikur . The name &
however, no longer used by players in any part of Europe.
The third of Vida’s names, Tower or Castle , has taken its place in &
nomenclature of chess in every European country except England as: i
Iceland. In England, Castle is used almost as widely as the older Rod' j
This result has been doubtless assisted considerably by the modern ship
of the piece, which lends itself more readily to manufacture than eitbtf
the Archer or Elephant. Notwithstanding this, the new name was
in making its way. Rocco was still the ordinary term in Italy in t be
middle of the 18th c., although Lolli (1763) mentions Torre as an alternate
name. 25 In French, Pasquier uses Tour in his Recherchee de la France , 156*1
but Roc remained the ordinary term for another century, and the 1669 edition
of Greco is probably the earliest chess work to use Tour exclusively, h
England, Rowbothum has Rooke or Tower in his list of the pieces, but R>c
only in his analysis. The earliest instance of the term Castle which I h*v<
found occurs in a letter of William Drummond of Hawthomden (Works , 1655
253), based upon Pasquier’s work, which was written about 1632. In tii
he speaks of 4 Rooks, Fortresses or Castles,* ‘ Rooks or Towers,’ 4 Towers cr
Castles.* Beale (1656) does not use Castle for the piece, but has the vrf
* to castle ’. In Germany Wielius and Selenus give Thurm as an alternatin'
uame for the Rook, but Thurm did not become the ordinary name of the pi»
23 Gallitalo’s Dutch translation of Rabelais (Amsterdam, 1682) has SchuUer for the
24 The name Castle is, perhaps, losing ground in England. It seems to have reached *
greatest popularity in the 18th c., when Joseph Thurston wrote on chess (Poems, 1737 :
Thus, tho* called Rooks (as vulgar wits will err)
Yet Castles always is their Nom de Guerre.
28 Minsheu, Guide into Tongues (2nd ed., 1627) has 4 Rooke, F. Roc, tour. It. r;cca.
Sp. roque, L. rupts, turn's scaccaria. 1
3HAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
793
mtil the end of the 18th c., and lioch only became obsolete in the early
19th c. The Dutch Kasteel (now obsolete) and Toren , the Swedish Torn y and
the Danish Taam all date from the 18th c., the Spanish and Portuguese Torre
and Castillo belong apparently to the 19th c.
The alteration in the shape of the Rook, and the new idea that the piece
was a Tower, gave an opportunity to the amateur etymologist which he was
not long in seizing. The Italian name of the chessman, rocco , was associated
with a similar, but totally distinct word, rocca , a rock or fortress, and the
Tower was explained as the figure of a Rocca, this being assumed to be the
true spelling of the name of the chessman. We find this explanation suggested
in various Italian MSS. of the early 17th c., e. g. in WD and some of the
Greco MSS., and still earlier in Rowbothum. The idea that rocco and rocca
were in some way connected may even have been in Colonna’s mind when —
before the Rook had been carved as a Tower — he described the Rooks in his
Hypnerotomach ia Poliphili (written 1467) as 4 dui custodi della rocha o uero
arce \
As the means of the introduction of the Castle into chess, Vida’s poem has
bad a more lasting influence on the game than its author could ever have
anticipated. 26
Caldogno’s poem, Be ludo scacAomm , of 178 lines is less ambitious, and aims
at giving a number of hints more or less useful to chess-players. Among these
are the following :
Do not be in too great haste to use the King’s leap : it is best to use it to leap to
one of the two wings, by which the King is brought to a place of safety and the
Rook is liberated (two moves, 1 Rfl or dl ; 2 Kgl or cl accordingly, are intended):
some players think that the King is safer on his own square : do not bring your
Queen out too early : do not exchange Knight or Bishop for two Pawns (a piece
of advice repeated by Ruy Lopez; in the older game it was generally sound to
exchange the Bishop for two Pawns): the sacrifice of a piece to expose the King
after his leap is often good play : double your Rooks : do not obstruct the range
of your Bishops : in the end-game, when your opponent has a single Bishop left,
place your King on a square of the other colour to that of the Bishop : do not try to
win a drawn ( tabulatus ) game : with the worse game, try for a draw. The poem
ends with the lines —
Quisnam sit melior, Equus an Alphilus ?
Tunc laudatur Equus si lusor sit mediocris ;
Si bonus est lusor, Alphilus clarior extat :
Sic fuit a quodam responsio facta perito.
Altogether, the poem gives one a very favourable opinion of Caldogno’s know-
ledge of chess.
Egenolff, when reprinting Kobel’s edition of Mennel’s Schackzabel (Frank-
fort, 1536), added a chapter on the new game which had just reached
Germany. The text of this chapter will be found in the Appendix to this
26 Vida’s description of the moves and rules, and the game (a Queen’s Gambit), contain
nothing of material importance. The name Scacchis, which Vida bestowed upon the nymph
who was the means of teaching chess to mankind, has not commended itself to players, and
CaUsay the creation of Sir William Jones (1763), has supplanted it entirely.
Digitized by Google
794
CHESS IN EUROPE
FART II
chapter. Its main interest lies in the use of the adjective i c else A, i. e. Italian,
to describe the new game.
I now turn to the problems of the reformed chess which are contained in
the Gdttingen MS., Lucena, Damiano and the MSS. based upon this work,
and in the three other problem-collections of the earlier half of the sixteenth
century which add some problems of the new game to their more extensive
collection of problems of the older game. A few of these problems are based
upon older material : in these cases I add an asterisk to the reference to the
older position. In many cases the condition is that mate shall be given by
one Pawn, the move following immediately upon a check from another Pawn :
this condition I have, for the sake of brevity, condensed into ‘mate with
two Pawns.’
I begin with the positions from the Gottingen MS. :
Gott. 5. Gott. 7. Gott. 8.
Mate in II exactly. Mate with Pawn in III Mate with Fb6 in III
exactly. exactly. The Black Ps
are immovable.
Gott. 9. Gott. 11. Gott. 12.
Mate with two Pawns in Mate with two Pawns Mate with Pawn in IV
IV exactly. The Wh. K in IV exactly. exactly,
is immovable.
Gott. 18. Gott. 14. Gott. 15.
Mate with Pawn in IV Mate with two Pawns in Mate with Pawn in V
exactly. All the Black V exactly. The Bl. Q is exactly,
pieces are fidated. fidated.
CHAP. XT
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
795
Gott. 16.
Gott. 17.
Gott. 18.
Mate with two Pawns
Mate with Pawn in VI
Mate with two Pawns
in V exactly.
exactly.
in VI exactly.
Gott. 19.
Gott. 20.
Gott. 22.
Mate with Pawn in VI
exactly. The Bl. P is
fidated.
Gott. 28.
Mate with Pawn in VI
exactly.
Gott. 24.
Mate with Pawn in VI
or less. The Hook is
immovable.
Gott. 26.
M;it< with Pawn in VII
exactly.
Gott. 29.
Mate with two Pawns
in VIII exactly.
Mate with two Pawns
in IX exactly.
Mate with Pawn in IX
exactly.
Googl
Mate with two Pawns
in VI exactly.
Gott. 27.
Mate with two Pawns
in VII exactly.
Gott. 28.
796
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
SOLUTIONS
Gott. 1. Var. of F 303* (Wh. Kb6, Ra3, b7, Kta5, Pb4, c4 ; Bl. Ka8, Rc8, e8,
Pe2). In II ex. Uns. If 1 Pb5, Pel = Q. Other eolations as in F.
2. Var. of F. 320* (Wh. Kf6, Ra8, h2, Ktd8, e5, Ph7 ; Bl. Kf8, Rh8, Be6, g4).
In II ex. 1 Re2.
3. Var. of F 303* (Wh. Kg6, Qc2, Rg7, Kth6, Pe6; Bl. Kh8, Rd8, h4). In
II ex. 1 Qh2.
4. Var. of CB 1* (Wh. Kc6, Ra7, Ktd5, e6; Bl. Ke8, Ktf7, g8). In IT ex.,
the Kts fidated, and Wh. K immovable. 1 Kt(d5)c7 + ; 2 Kt(c7)e8 m.
5. 1 Qb7 ; 2 Qd5 m.
6. Var. of CB 47* (Wh. Rc3, e5, Ktd3, d5 ; Bl. Kd4, Pg6). In III ex. Et
quia omnis subtilitas depend* t a pedone, si fuerit interrogatum quomodo ambulat
pedo, dicetis quod si ipse dat vobis albos quod ambulat versus vos, si niqros versus
ilium.
7. 1 Qh8 + ; 2 Q x Kt ; 3 Pd3 m.
8. 1 Pa7, Rh6 ; 2 Qe6, &c. Or 1 . . , R x B ; 2 Ke2, &c. Or 1 ... R on 8th
line ; 2 Qg8, &c.
9. 1 Rh4, Rg8 or a3 (or Kb8 ; 2 Rh8 + , &c.) ; 2 Ra4 + , &c.
10. Var. of CB 114* (Wh. Kd6, Rhl, Ktd4, Pd5, d7 ; Bl. Kd8, Rf8, Qg8). In
IV with P. Uns. 1 Kte6 +, Q x Kt + ; 2 P x Q, Rh8.
11. 1 Qc7 + ; 2 Qe4 + ; 3 Pd7 + ; 4 Pf6 m.
12. 1 Bd4 + ; 2 Kc7 + ; 3 Qb7 + ; 4 P x Q m.
13. 1 Ra4 + ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 Ra7 + ; 4 Pb7 m.
14. 1 Rh5 + ; 2 Rg3 + ; 3 Qg7 + ; 4Pf7 + ; 5PxRm.
15. 1 Qc7 + ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Ktd7 + ; 4 P x Kt + ; 5 Pb7 m.
16. 1 Re8 + ; 2 Ba8; 3 Pc5 + ; 4 Pe6 + ; 5 Pa5 m.
17. 1 Rd4 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Ktb5 + ; 4 Rd3 ; 5 Ra3 + ; 6 Pc3 m.
18. 1 Ktg4 ; 2 Ktf6 ; 3 Ra8 + ; 4 Rg8 ; 5 Pg6 + ; 6 Pd6 m.
19. 1 Ktd7 ; 2 Rb3 ; 3 Rb4 ; 4 Rh4 ; 5 Rh8 + ; 6 Pb7 m.
20. 1 Bdl + ; 2 Qd7 + ; 3 Qd3 ; 4 PxP + ; 5 PxP + ; 6 Pc5 m.
21. Cf. Gott. 15 (omit QeS). In VI with P. ex. 1 Ktd7 + , Ktb6 + ; 2 Kc7,
Pb4 ; 3 Rb7 + ; 4 Ra7 ; 5 P x Kt + ; 6 Pb7 m.
22. 1 Pb4, P x P ! ; 2 Ktc8, Pb3 ; 3 Pa5, Pb2 ; 4 Ktb6 + ; 5 Pa6 ; 6 Pa7 m.
23. 1 Ktb6 ; 2 Qh2 ; 3 Qd6 ; 4 Qc5 ; 5 P+ ; 6 P m.
24. 1 Kd7 ; 2 Kte5 ; 3 Ktc4 ; 4 Kta5 ; 5 Bd4 ; 6 P+ ; 7 P m.
25. 1 Kbl ; 2 Kal ; 3 Rcl ; 4 Qc5 + ; 5 Rc2 ; 6 Ka2 ; 7 Pb3 m.
26. Var. of C 48* (Wh. Kc6, Ktb5, d5, Pa5, c5 ; Bl. Ka8). In VTI ex. with
two Ps. 1 Kt(d5)c7 + ; 2 Ktd6 ; 3 Ktc8 + ; 4 Kd7 ; 5 Pa6 + ; 6 Pa7 + ; 7 Pc6 m.
27. 1 Rf8 + ; 2 Qf7 + ; 3 Qg8 ; 4 Rf7 ; 5 Qg7 + ; 6 Rf3 ; 7 Pg4 + ; 8 Pg3 m.
28. 1 Rd4; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Bal ; 4 Rd7 ; 5 Bd3, Kb4; 6 Rb7 + ; 7 Ra7 + ;
8 Pc3 + ; 9 Pc2 m.
29. 1 R(a7)b7 ; 2 Bh2 ; 3 Rf6 ; 4 bRb6 ; 5 Bgl + ; 6 Rf2 ; 7 Re2 + ; 8 Bd4 ;
9 Pd3 m.
30. Var. of WD 164* (Wh. Kc5, Qd7, Re5, Pa6, b5 ; Bl. Ka8). In X with Pb5.
Same solution, except 4 Qc7 + .
Since practically the whole of these thirty problems are repeated in the
works of Lucena and Damiano, I give a table showing the common material
of these three collections.
G
Luc.
D
WD
G
Luc.
D
WD
G
Luc.
D
WD
G
Luc.
D
WD
G
Luc.
D
WD
1
1
1
3
7
72
10
5
18
90
80
88
19
124
54
103
25
186
62
112
2
8
4
17
8
76
12
127
14
106
41
72
20
127
57
88
26
188
64
114
8
5
6
4
9
81
22
10
15
109
48
76
21
128
58
90
27
141
66
117
4
6
7
11
10
82
28
128
16
99
85
77
22
129
59
92
28
148
68
120
5
8
2
13
11
88
24
20
17
122
52
99
23
181
61
96
29
149
71
123
6
70
14
6
12
89
27
27
18
123
51
98
24
135
—
—
30
150
72
125
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
797
A careful comparison of the three works, Gott., Luc., and Dam., gives,
however, no support to the idea that any one of these works is based upon any
other. It is probable that collections of problems of the reformed game
were made at an early date, and the extent of the material common to
these works may be due to the fact that all used an early manuscript collec-
tion of problems.
Altogether, there are 75 positions of the modern game in Lueena’s work.
Luc. 7. Luc. 16. Luc. 69.
Mate in II exactly. The Mate in III exactly. Bh5 Mate in III exactly.
Black pieces are fidated. may not play first move.
Luc. 98. Luc. 98 fold !). Luc. 100.
Mate with Pawn in IV Mate with two Pawns Mate with two Pawns
exactly. The Black men in V exactly. in V exactly.
are fidated.
Luc. 108. Luc. 105. Luc. 108.
Mate in V. The Black
Mate with two Pawns in
Mate with Pawn in V
men are fidated.
V exactly. Qg7 is im-
exactly. The Black men
movable.
are fidated.
Luc. 117.
Luc. 125.
Luc. 126 (corr.).
Mate with two Pawns
in VI exactly.
Mate with two Pawns
in VI.
Mate with Pawn in VI
exactly.
Digitized by CjOO^Ic
798
CHESS IN EUROPE
?±n :
Loc. iso.
Mate on d5 with Fawn
in VI exactly.
Lae. 157.
fl ■
*
a a s
■
■ 9
-• B
■
■
fiSU
■ ■
13 fl 0 I
fl ■
■ ■
■ ■ 3
■
Mate with two Pawns
in VI exactly.
Lwe. 14&.
el 9 ■
■ ■ ■ ■
l^a^a
a ■ ■ ■
■ in
1 i 1
Kale with two Piwm
in IX
SOLUTIONS
The remaining positions are as follows :
Luc. 4 = CB3*. 9 = F303*. 17 = 55. 68 Cf. Gott. 6. 73 = 44. 74 = CB 5^*.
75 = 32. 77 Cf. CB 46*. 84 = CB 106*. 86 Cf. CB 47. 87 = CB 99. 88 =
CB 102. 91 = 38. 92 = 34. 104 Var. of 100. 107 Cf. 100. 115 = CB 158.
118 Cf. CB 143. 119 = CB 154. 120 = CB 149. 121 Cf. 98. 133 C£ CB
168. 134 = CB 173. 140 Cf. C 7.
Luc. 2 (corr.). Cf F 311 (Wh. Kb6, Ba5, c8, Kta7, b7 ; Bl. Ka8, Rc5). In
II ex. Unsound.
7. 1 Pc7, &c.
16. 1 Bf6, PxB; 2 Bg6 ; 3 R x B m.
69. 1 Kd3 + , Kf4 for Kd5 ; 2 Qe4 + ; 3 Qc4 m.) ; 2 Qf3 + ; 3 R or Q m. acc.
71. Wh. Kf7, Qel, Bb8 ; Bl. Ka8, Pb7 going to b8. In III ex. 1 Q*5 + :
2 Ke7, Kb8 ; 3 Qd8 m.
85. Wh. Kf6, Bc5, Pg5 ; Bl. Kh8. In IV ex. with P. 1 Kf7 ; 2 Bf8 ; 3 Bg7 + ;
4 Pg6 m.
93. 1 Qc8 + ; 2 Be5, Pa5 (or Pb5 ; 3 Ktc6 ; 4 Pa5 m.) ; 3 Qb8 + ; 4 Pbo m.
98. 1 Qh7 + ; 2 Rb7 + ; 3 Qb6 + ; 4P+; 5 P m.
100. 1 Qd6 + ; 2 Rg3 ; 3 Qd4 ; 4 P+ ; 5 P m.
103. 1 Qe6 + , Kh8 ; 2 Ktf7 + ; 3 Kth6 + ; 4 Qg8 + ; 5 Ktf7 m. The so-called
Philidor’s legacy 1
105. 1 Rf8 + ; 2 Bd5 + ; 3 Kta6 + ; 4 Pb7 + ; 5 Pe7 m.
108. 1 Ktd5+ ; 2 Rb8 + ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 Bh4 + ; 5 Pe7 m.
116. Wh. Ke5, Ra7, b7, Pe6 ; Bl. Ke8. In VI ex. with P. 1 aRd7 ; 2 Kd6:
3 Kc7 ; 4 Kd8 ; 5 dRg7 + ; 6 Pe7 m.
117. 1 Ktf7 ; 2 Ra8 + ; 3 Rh8 ; 4 Pf5 + ; 5 Pf6 + ; 6 Ph5 m.
125. 1 Kte6 + ; Kc8 ; 2 Rb6 ; 3 Rb8 ; 4 Rf8 : 5 P+ ; 6 P m.
126. 1 Ktc3 ; 2 Rd8; 3 Bc5 ; 4 Rb7 ; 5 Rd6 + ; 6 Pb4 m.
130. 1 Rc6 ; 2 Ktc8 ; 3 Kte7 + ; 4 Be3 ; 5 Qf5 + ; 6PxPm.
137. 1 Bf3 ; 2 Be4; 3 Ktg4 ; 4 Kte5 ; 5 Kt(e5)f7 + ; 6 Ph7 + ; 7 Pf6 m.
Var. Kh8 on g8. Uns.
142. Wh. Ke5, Ral, fl, Pe6; Bl. Kh8, Pf2. In VXII ex. with P. 1 Ra7;
2 Rf7 ; 3 Kd6 ; 4 Kd7 ; 5 Rhl + ; 6 R(hl)h7 ; 7 R(f7)g7 + ; 8 Pe7 m.
147. Wh. Kf4, Bel, fl, Pc5, f 5 ; BL Ke8. In IX ex. with 2 Ps. 1 cRdl ;
2 Rgl ; 3 Rg8 ; 4 dRd8 ; 5 Ke5 ; 6 Rc8 ; 7 gRf8 ; 8 P+ ; 9 P m. (The order of
moves 2 to 8 depends on Black’s play.)
148. 1 Qa6 + ; 2 Rg3 ; 3 Re3 ; 4 Rb3 + ; 5 Qa7 + ; 6 Rh8 + ; 7 Qb7 + ; 8 Pc7 + ;
9 Pf7 m.
It was Damiano’s intention to confine his problems to those of the reformed
game, and it was quite an accident that one position of the older game (Dam.
V
Digitized by boogie
Rill Hi J MR Hi
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
799
20 = WD 147) was included. Of his 71 other problems, all but one (Dam. 9)
are found either in Lncena or in the Gottingen MS., if not in both.
Damiano prefixes to his collection of problems a small collection of happy
pieces of play, the like of which might easily occur to any player. These he
calls subtleties, It. tratti sutili , Sp. primore , Ger. (Paris, f. allem. 107) list.
Dam. S. 8.
Dam . S. 9.
Dam. S. 10.
Black plays and White
wins.
Mate in III.
White wins the Rook.
Dam. S. 11. Dam. S. 12. Dam. S. 18.
Black plays and White (Bl.) White wins,
mates in V. Device to exchange
Queens.
Digitized by boogie
800
CHESS IN EUROPE
pajtt n
Dam. S. 15.
Dam. S. 16.
Device to queen the
Pawn.
Dam. 9.
Mate in II without
making a capture.
SOLUTIONS
I. Subtleties.
1. 1 . . , 11 x P ; 2 RxB + , KxR; 3 Ktf4 + i\
2. Wh. Kd4, Pf5 (playing to fl) ; Bl. Kb4, Pa4. Wh. plays and wins.
1-4 P to fl = Q, P to a8 = Q ; 5 Qbl + , Ka5 ; 6 Qal + .
3. If 1 . . , Pg7 ; 2 H x P, Pg8 = Q ; 3 Rg2 + .
4. I QxP + ; 2 Ktf7 m.
5. 1 Rh8 + ; 2 Rhl + ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 Qhl + ; 5 Qh7 m.
6. 1 Q x P + ; 2 Ra2 + .
7. 1 Bf5 + , Bd7 ; 2 R x B, R x R ; 3 Rdl, Rg7 ; 4 Ktc5 wins a piece.
8. 1 . . , Q x Kt ; 2 Ktf7 + r.
9. 1 Q x R, R x Q ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 R x R m.
10. 1 Rd8 + , Ka7 ; 2 R x R.
11. 1 . . , Ka8 ; 2 Ktc7 + ; 3 Kta6 + ; 4 Qb8 ; 5 Ktc7 m.
12. 1 QxR+; 2 PxQ.
13. 1 Ktf6 and the mate cannot be saved.
14. Wh. Kal, Qa5, Bf3 ; Bl. Ka8, Pa6, b7. Mate in II. 1 Q x P + ; 2 Q x P m.
15. 1 Rx Kt + , K x R; 2 Ra6 + ; 3 R x R.
16. 1 Ktd4 + , Kt x Kt ; 2 Pb8 = Q.
II. Problems.
The following positions in Damiano occur in Lucena. I add the references
to the problems which also occur in MS. WD.
D
WD
L
D
WD
L
D
WD
L
D
WD
L
D
WD
L
D
WD
L
8
15
7
17
16
73
29
87
86
38
88
100
47
91
117
60
94
180
5
2
4
18
18
74
31
39
93
39
—
105
48
98
118
63
113
137
8
2
19
19
75
82
40
85
40
81
103
49
95
119
65
116
140
11
9
69
21
28
77
88
73
104
42
74
108
50
97
126
67
118
142
18
7
17
25
41
84
34
80
107
44
78
110
53
101
121
69
121
147
15
8
71
26
42
92
36
—
98
45
87
115
55
86
125
70
122
148
16
14
16
28
28
88
87
79
97
46
89
116
56
—
120
Dam. 9. 1 Qa7 + ; 2 Ra6 m.
Mr. White’s Italian MS., based upon the work of Damiano (= WD),
contains 19 subtleties and 129 problems of the reformed game. While the
majority of those in Damiano are repeated, the collection is really independent,
and contains a number of other positions. These now follow :
Digitized by Google
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
Mate in IV exactly
with Pawn.
Mate in IV exactly
Mate in II.
WD 84.
Mate in IV exactly
with Bishop.
WD 54.
M M
**a m
j§| Hi
m m
i m
22 m
m a
r " : m ij a
'5/ Wh
m W:
W, M \
Mate in III exactly.
WD 66.
Mate in III.
WD 69. WD 107. WD 110.
Mate in III exactly Mate in VI exactly Mate in VI exactly
with Pawn. with Pawn. with Pawn.
SOLUTIONS
I. Subtleties.
1. Wh. Kel, Pe2 ; Bl. Ke8. Black plays.
2. Wh. Kc3, Rf3, Ph3 (going to hi) ; Bl. Ka4, Pa2, h2. Wh. wins, although the
Bl. are fidated. Wh. drives the Bl. K to a8 and confines him there while he
sacrifices the R on g3.
3 = CB 250. 4-19 are Damiano’s Subtleties 1-16.
II. Problems.
(The remaining problems in WD will be found as follows: 1 = CB 41. 12 =
Dam. 9. 26 - CB 99. 30 = CB 116. 31 = 25. 32 - CB 96. 35 = CB 108.
36 var. CB 53 in IY. 43 = CB 112. 44 = CB 57. 45 var. CB 5. 47 cf. CB 1.
48 = CB 110. 49 var. CB 1. 50 = CB 59. 51 cf. CB 15. 52 = CB 264. 56 =
CB 81. 58 = Luc. 86. 59 = CB 89. 60 = Sens. 10. 61 « CB 92. 63 - CB
65 (Luc. 24). 67 = CB 76. 68 cf. CB 80. 70 = Luc. 27. 71 = 1. 75, no
diagram. 82 = CB 135. 100 = WD 158*. 102 = WD 158*. 104 var. Gott. 17.
1270 3 E
i
Digitized by boogie
802
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
105 van CB 147. 1 08 Tar. CB 149*. 109 var. CB 158. 115 = CB 164. 1 19 cf.
CB 188*. 124 cf. F 297. 126 = CB 207.)
21. 1 Ktb5 + ; 2 dKtc7 m. Or 1 Ktc7 + ; 2 aKtb5 m.
22. Wh. Kal, Rdl, Ktc4, d3, d5, e4 ; Bl. Kd4. In IV ex. 1 Kt<d3)e5 + ;
2 Kt(d5)e3 ; 3 Rgl ; 4 Rg4 m.
24. Wh. Kb4, Rdl, Ktd3, d5, Bb8, Pf2; Bl. Kd4. In IV ex. 1 Kte5 ;
2 Kte3 ; 3 Rgl ; 4 Rg4 m.
25. 1 Kth6 + ; 2 Pg7 + ; 3 Pg6 + ; 4 Bf4 m.
29. 1 Rg2 ; 2 Kd6, Kf7 (or Pal = Q; 3 Ktf6 + ; 4 Pe6 m.) ; 3 Kd7 ; 4 Pe6 m.
33. Wh. Kd6, Be7, Pa6, b6, c6 ; BL Ka8. In IV ex. with 2 Ps. 1 Kd7 ;
2 Bc5 ; 3 Pb7 + ; 4 P m.
34. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Pf6 + ; 3 Re4 + ; 4 B m.
46. Wh. Kel, Rb7, d7, Ktc6, Bc4, Pc5, d6 ; Bl. Kc8, Ra7, h2. In II ex.
1 Rb8 + ; 2 Kte5 m. Cf. Fn 52.
53. Wh. Kf4, Ra7, h6, Kte6, g6 ; Bl. Kf6. In HI ex. with Kt. 1 Kte" ;
2 Ktd5 + ; 3 KtfB m.
54. 1 Rc8 + ; 2 Re8 + ; 3 Re6 m.
55. Wh. Kfl, Qel, Ra3, Kta4 ; Bl. Ka8, Ba8. In III ex. 1 Ktc5 + ; 2 Qe5 + :
3 Ra8 m.
57. Wh. Kd6, Be7, Ktc7, e5 ; Bl. Kd8. In III ex. 1 Kte6 + ; 2 Rc7 + ;
3 Ktc6 m.
62. Wh. Ka3, Rh8, Kte8, Pa4 ; Bl. Ka8. In III ex. 1 Ktd6 + ; 2 Pa5 ;
3 Ra8 m.
64. Wh. Kc5, Rh6, Ktd5, Bg5 ; Bl. Ke5. In III ex. 1 Kte7 ; 2 Rh3 ; 3 Re3 m.
Cf. 65.
65. Wh. Kel, Rh3, Ktd5, Pe2, e3 ; Bl. Ke4. In III ex. 1 Kte7 ; 2 Rh6 ;
3 Re6 m. Cf. 64.
66. 1 Rg7 + ; B or Kt x R (or Kf8 ; 2 Rf7 + ; 3 Ph7 m.) ; 2 Ph7 + ; 3 Ktg6 m.
69. 1 Re3 + ; 2 Be7 ; 3 Pg4 m.
84. Wh. Kc6, Rc5 ; Bl. Ka8. In V ex. without moving the K. 1 Rb5 ; 2 Rd5,
Ka6 (or 3 Rd8 + ; 4 Rc8 ; 5 Ra8m.); 3 Rd7; 4 Rd4; 5 Ra4 m.
85. Wh. Ke6, Ra7, Ktb4, Pg4; Bl. Kh8. In V ex. with P. 1 Ktd5 ; 2 KtfB;
3 Ra8 ; 4 Rg8+; 5 Pg5 m.
106. Wh. Kc6, Bb5, Ktc5; Bl. Ka8. In VI ex. 1 Kc7; 2 Kta6; 3 Ktb8;
4 Ba6 ; 5 Ba7 + ; 6 Ktc6 m.
107. 1 Rd5 ; 2 Rd8 + ; 3 Re8 ; 4 Re7 ; 5 Rg7 + ; 6 Pe3 m.
110. 1 Ktg6 ; 2 Rh8 + ; 3 Ktd5 + ; 4 Rb6 + ; 5 Rc8 + ; 6 Pe3 m.
111. Wh. Kf6, Bhl, h2 ; BL Kh8. In VI ex. 1 Kf7 ; 2 Bf4 ; 3 Bh6 ; 4 Bf8 ;
5 Bg7 + ; 6 Be4 ra.
129. Wh. Kd8, Qc3, Rbl, b2, Bc4, Pa6, c6 ; BL Ka7, Rel, fl, Ba8. In VI
or less with 2 Ps. 1 Qg7 + , Rf7 ; 2 Q x R + , Re7 (or Bb7 ; 3 Qf2, &c.) ; 3 Q x R + ,
Bb7 ; 4 Qc5 + ; 5cPxB + ; 6Pa7m.
We have already seen that three of the MSS. of mediaeval problems also
include positions composed under the rules of the new game. The Cm*
Bononiae MS. Leon contains a single position of this kind on p. 106 old (now
p. 64), introduced without anything to show that it differs from the other
problems in the MS. The text of the solution runs :
‘ Nigri dicunt se uelle mactare rubeos in IX tractus cum pedona pungente, et
primo ludunt rubei ludendo pedonam quia nil aliud possunt ludere, et quia esset
tabula; et ludunt pedonam quousque euaserit mulier, et cum facta fuerit mulier,
nigri dabunt ei scac de rocco in A (d5). Necesse est ut rubei se cooperiant cum
muliere in B (d4), et nigri dabunt scacch de muliere in C (d2). Rubei accipient
cum muliere sua dando ei scacch, et ipsi se cooperient cum pedone dicendo scacch
Digitized by t^oosle
CHAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
803
cum pedone suo regi. Et rex rubeus debet se dimonere, et ire in D (el) . . .
accipiendo cum pedone mulierem rubeam, et dicendo scacch, et alio tractu erit mact
de pedone in E (g2).’
That is, l..,Ph4; 2-5 P to g3, P to h8 = Q; 6Rd5 + ; 7Qd2 + ; 8Pc2 + ;
9PxQ+; 10 Pg2m. The vocabulary of this solution is unusual, and quite
different from that of the rest of the MS.
The Florence Italian Bonus Socins , MS. It., begins with a collection of 53
problems, the text of each of which commences with the words a la rabiosa .
Another position without solution occurs at the conclusion of the BS text.
These problems of new chess are almost entirely unique to this MS., and show
a great partiality for symmetrical arrangements ; see for example Nos. 8, 10,
21, 22, 25, 29, 35, 44. The problems now follow :
Leon 64 (corr.).
8S
H, iii a
i 1 B
&
M
ffl
M
H B M
m s m
n s n
m m m&
. n
White plays and Black
mates in IX with Pg7.
It. 5.
It. 9 - 81.
Mate in II exactly.
It. 1.
Mate in III exactly
with Bishop.
It. 7.
It. 11 (con*.).
3 E 2
It. 8 (corr.).
Mate in III exactly
with Bishop.
It. 8.
Mate in II exactly.
It. 16.
Mate in II exactly.
Digitized by Google
804
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAET II
It. 17. It. 20. It. 21.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in VII or less. Mate in III exactly.
It. 22. It. 23. It: 24.
Mate in II exactly.
Mate in II exactly.
(Bl.)
Mate in III exactly
with Bishop.
It. 25 fcorr.).
It. 26.
It. 28.
Mate in III exactly. Mate in IV exactly Mate in II exactly.
with two Kts.
It. 80. It. 38. It. 34.
Mate in II exactly. Mate in III exactly. ^Bl.)
Mate in II exactly.
Digitized by boogie
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
.89.
Mate in 111 exactly.
Mate in III exactly,
Mate in 11 exaetl}
Mate in II exactly
It. 55 (corr. ).
Mate in VI with three
Pawns.
(Bl.)
Mato with two Pawns
in XII
Mate in IV exactly.
81
It, 41.
^Bl.) Mate in II exactly. Mate with two Pawns.
Mate in IV exactly.
806
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART n
SOLUTIONS
It. 1. 1 Kt x Q; 2 Rd8 (or f8); 3 Bh4 m.
2. Wh. Qe6, Ra6, Ktc2 ; Bl. Kc5. In II ex. 1 Qe4 ; 2 Qc6 m.
3. 1 Qd4 + ; 2 Kt x P + ; 3 B x Q m.
4. Wh. Ke3, Qc4, Rf8, Bh4, Kte2 ; BL Kd7. In IV ex. with Kt. 1 Bd8 ;
2 Hf7 ; 3 Qc7 + ; 4 Ktf4 m.
5. 1 Qd6 + ; 2 Qf6 m.
6 (corr.). Position of It. 4. In III ex. 1 Bd8 ; 2 Qc7 + ; 3 Ktf4 m.
7. 1 Qd7 + ; 2 Qd6 m.
8. 1 Qf6 + , Ke8 (or Kc7; 2 Qb6 m.) ; 2 Ktd6 m.
9. 1 Qe6 + , Kf4 (or Kd3 ; 2 Ktb4 m.) ; 2 Qg4 m.
10. Wh. Rb2, f6, Bd2, d6, Ktb6, f2 ; Bl. Kd4. In II ex. 1 either B + ; 2 the
other B mates accordingly.
11. 1 Bfl + , Ka7 (or R in ; 2 Qb5 + ; 3 Qb6 m.); 2 Qc5 + ; 3 Q x R m.
12. Cf. 11 (Rb8 on a8, Ka6 on b7, Bf4 on b6, add Wh. Ktb4). In II ex.
1 Kth4 + , R x B (or Bf3 ; 2 B x B m.) ; 2 Qd5 m.
13. Wh. Kf8, Qe3, Pe2 going to el ; BL Kel. In II. 1 Qe4 ; 2 Pel = Q m.
14. Position of It. 1, omitting Bg3. In III ex. 1 Ktg6 + ; 2 Kdl (or fl) ;
3 Rf8 m.
15. Wh. Qd6, Kta2, b6; BL Kb5. In II. 1 Ktb4; 2 Qc5 m.
16. 1 RxKt + ; 2 Pg4 m.
17. 1 Qb4 + ; 2 Rb6 m.
18. Cf. 11 (Rb8 on a8, Ka6 on b7, add Wh. Bf2). In II ex. 1 Kth4 + ;
2 B x B m.
19. Wh. Kal, Pe5, 15, g5, li5 ; BL Ka8, Bh6, eight Ps on seventh row. Wh.
wins. 1 Pg6.
20. 1 Kg6 ; 2 Kh6 ; 3 Bd7 ; 4 Re8 + ; 5 Pg6 + ; 6 Pe5 m.
21. 1 Re6 + ; 2 Qg8 + ; 3 Q x Kt m.
22. 1 R x R(e6) + ; 2 R(e6) x R m.
23. 1 Ph 5 ; 2 Qb6 or d5 m. accordingly.
24. 1 Rb3 + ; 2 Qb8 + ; 3 Bb5 m.
25. 1 Bf6 + ; 2 Bf5 + ; 3fRd4m.
26. 1 Qc6; 2 Qh6; 3 Ktd7 + ; 4 Kte7 m.
27. Wh. Ke6, Bf5, Pd6, f6 ; Bl. Ke8. In III ex. 1 Be4, Kf8 ; 2 Pd7 ;
3 Pd8 = Q m.
28. 1 Qd6, &c.
29. Wh. Rcl, fl, Bd8, e8 ; Bl. Kd6. In VI ex. with two Bs. 1 fRel ; 2 Bc7 ;
3 Bf7 ; 4 Bb6 ; 5 Be3 + ; 6 Bg6 m.
30. 1 BxQ; 2 Re3 m. 31 - 9.
32. Wh. Kf6, Qg4, Bgl, Ktb8; BL Kd6. In II ex. 1 Qc8 ; 2 Qc6 m.
33. 1 Ktb5 + ; 2 Rc6 + ; 3 Re6 m. The idea is that of CB 73 (Ar. 53).
34. 1 Qb5 + ; 2 cRb6 m.
35. Wh. Kc6, Ral, h8 ; Bl. Ka8, Qb2, Ba6, c8. In II ex. Unsound.
36. Wh. Kg6, Qfl, Bgl, Ktb8 ; Bl. Kg8. In VI ex. 1 Qh3 ; 2 Qh8 + ; 3 Qc8 ;
4 Kf6 ; 5 Qg4 ; 6 Qd7 m.
37. Wh. Rdl, gl, Bd6, Kte4; Bl. Ke8, Ktb3. In III ex. 1 Rg7, Kd8 (or
Kt~ ; 2 Ktf6 + ; 3 Rg8 m.) ; 2 Bc7 + ; 3 Ktd6 or Rd8 m. accordingly.
38. Wh. Kal, Qc8, Be8, Pbl going to hi ; Bl. Ka3, Pci. Self-mate in HI.
1 Qc5 + ; 2 Qd4 ; 3 Qb2 + , P x Q m.
39. 1 Bg5 + ; 2 Rf8 + ; 3 Rc8 or e8 m. accordingly.
40. 1 Rd7 + ; 2 Bh4 + ; 3 Rh8 + ; 4 Rc8 m.
41. 1 Qd5 + ; 2 Pc6 + ; 3 Qg8 m.
42. 1 Pc7 + ; 2 Ktc5 + ; 3 R x Q m.
43. 1 Qg7 ; 2 Q x B(d7) or Kt(f6) m. accordingly.
44. 1 R(e7)d 7 + ; 2 Rd8 m.
45. 1 BH + ; 2 Pc2 + ; 3 Ral + ; 4 R x R m.
46. Wh. Kd2, Qa8, Rg8, Bhl ; BL Ke5. In II. 1 Rg6 ; 2 Qe4, or d5 m.
accordingly.
Digitized by
Google .
'HAP. XI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
807
47. = Gott. 9.
48. 1 Rd8 + ; 2 Rc8 or Kte6 m.
49. Wh. Ke5, Qa2, Kta7, c4, Pf2 ; Bl. Kd8. In IH ex. 1 Kd6; 2 Kte5 ;
1 Qf7 or g8 m. accordingly.
55. Wh. first confines the Bl. K to a8 and only liberates by playing Q(gl)hl
tnd Pg3 + d. After Pg4, he confines the K to h8, and by a sacrifice on g3 makes
vay for his Ph3 to advance.
56. A Kt’s tour on the half-board which can be completed as a re-entrant tour.
57. 1 Qb7 ; 2 Rd7 ; 3 Rd6 + ; 4 Pc5 + ; 5 Pd5 + ; 6 Pe5 m.
58. 1 Q x Kt + , Ke7 (or Ke5 ; 2Rd6 + ; 3R(d5)d3+; 4 Qd5 m.); 2Qc7 + ,
£e6 (or Ke8 ; 3 Rd8 + ; 4 Qf7 m.) ; 3 Qf7 + ; 4 Qd5 m.
298. (No text or solution ; I solve :) 1 Qf7 + ; 2 Rdl + ; 3 Qd7 + ; 4 Qa7 + ;
5 Qa6 + ; 6 Rd4 ; 7 Rb4 + ; 8 Qa7 + ; 9 Rh8 + ; 10 Qb7 + ; 11 Pc7 + ; 12 Pf7 m.
The third of these MSS. with problems of the reformed chess is the work
>f Chachi, in the Casanatense Library, Rome — MS. C. * In this MS. the
hird section, AT. 74b-79b, is devoted to problems Bela B(onna ) ; partiti ala
• abiosa . Another problem, C 12, has been inserted in a previous section in
jrror, but Chachi has corrected his mistake by adding the heading j vartito,
ila rabiosa .
C 12. C 151. C 152.
Hat© in V exactly with Mate in III with two Mate in XI with two
5 awn g6. Pe4 isfidated, Pawns. Pawns. The Bl. Pawn is
ind BaS must take if it fidated.
is moved.
C 153 (corr.). C 154 (corr.). C 155.
Mate (in XXIV) with Mate in XXI with Mate in XVI with
two Pawns. two Pawns. two Pawns.
C 156 (corr.). C 157. C 158.
k
Digitized by
Google
808
CHESS IN EUROPE
past n
SOLUTIONS
C 12 = 148. 1 Ph7 ; 2 Rc2 ; 3 Rc3 ; 4 Rc8 + ; 5 Pg7 m.
149. Wh. Kf3, Rg2, Pa3 going to a8 ; Bl. Kh3, Pa2, h2. Kate in XXT1 with
promoted P on h8 ; Pa2 is fidated. (Secure the position — Wh. Kf8, Rc7 ; BL Kh8.
Ph6 ; now 19 Rb7, Ph7 ; 20 Rb3, PxR; 21 Pa2 ; 22 Pal = Q m.)
150. Luc. 71 .
151. 1 QxP; 2 P+ ; 3 Pm.
152. 1 Qc7 ; 2Qc8 + ; 3Qd7 + ; 4Pb6; 5Ktb5; 6Qc7 + ; 7Qe5; 8 Qd4 ;
9 Pa6 ; 10 P+; IIP m.
153. (The MS. solution is very loose. 1 solve:) 1 Ktb6; 2 Ktd7 ; 3 Kteo ;
4 Ktc6 + , Ke8 ; 5 Ral ; 6 Kc2 ; 7 Rcl ; 8 Ktc3, Pal = Q ; 9 Rel + ; 10 Be4 + ;
11 Qh8 + ; 12 P x Q ; Wh. now obtains the position — Wh. Kd6, Qh8, Ktc3, d4, Peo,
h4 ; Bl. Kf7 or g6, Pc4 ; 20 Kt(c3)e2 ; 21 Ktgl ; 22 Kt(gl)f3 ; 23 P + ; 24 P m.
154. 1 Rh2; 2Qe7; 3-6 K to bl ; 7 Rf2 ; 8Qf7 + ; 9Rb2; 10Qf6 + r Kh7!;
11-16 P to a8 = Q+; 17Q(a8)f3; 18Qh5; 19Q(f6)e5; 20Ph7 + ; 21 Pe7 m.
155. 1 Kg5 ; 2 Kf5 ; 3 Ke5 ; 4 Kd5 ; 5 Kd4 ; 6 Qa3; 7 Qb3 + ; 8 Qa2 + ;
9 Qbl + ; lOPxP; 11 Kc4; 12 Kc5; 13Kd4; 14Qa2 + ; 15Pc4 + ; 16 Pc3 m.
156. 1 Kt(e4)c3 ; 2 Qg3 ; 3 Qg5; 4 Qd5 + ; 5 PxQ; 6 Pd4 m.
157. 1 Qf8, QxQ+ (or Kh7 ; 2 Qh6 + ; 3 Bf6 m.); 2 Bf6 + ; 3 Rh8 m.
158. 1 Kte4, Qd8 ! ; 2 Qd6 + ; 3 Rg5 m. Yar. Ktc6 on b5 ; Uns., for 2 . . ,
Kt x Q ; 3 . . , Q x R is now possible.
APPENDICES
I. EXTRACT FROM LUCENA.
(A, f. i b ) La primera regia es a dotrinar alos que no saben nada en este juego :
porque no caresca mi obra de principle, en lo qual sabiendo como jaega cada pieza
se conoscera la differencia que es entre el juego que agora jugamos que se dize dela
dama : y el viejo que antes se vsaua : la qual declaracion aprouechara assi mesmo
para entenderla diuersitad delos juegos de partido que son ciento y cincuenta como
rosario complido : el qual bien sabido aprouechara para saber mucho jugar de peones :
los quales puestos todos arreo en la segunda barra del tablero teniendo casa blanca
a man (A, f. ii) derecha assentareys los roques en las vltimas casas de cada parte en
la barra primera : y cabe ellos los cauallos : luego los arfiles : despues rey bianco en
casa negra : y rey negro en casa blanca : y junto con elles las damas : y assi bien
entablado vuestro juego conuiene sepays como se muda y prende cada pieza. Lo§
peones primeramente pueden el primer lance jagar a vna casa o a dos despues a vna
siempre y por barra y prenden por esquina : y pueden passar batalla que quiere dezir
que estando el peon del otro en contrario podeys passar vuestro peon otra casa mas
adelante dela casa del encuentro quedando enla eleccion del otro dexar lo passar
o prender lo. Item que allegando a la barra del rey de su contrario tiene fuerza de
dama y da xaque sin trasponer: y no solo como dama pero si vuestras mercedes
quisieren al juego que yo vso que por aquella vez que entra dama y el primer lance
que della iugare que prenda y de xaque como dama y cauallo por lo mucho que alas
mugeres se les deue : y de alii adelante por barra : o por esquina solamente al juego
viejo el primer lance que iuega puede saltar tres casas por barra o por esquina : mas
no puede prender : y puede saltar sobre otra pieza qualquiera que sea de aqui ade-
lante de asa en casa y por esquina el rey assi mesmo el primer lance puede saltar
V
Digitized by
Google
AP. TCI
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN CHESS
809
ercera casa como quisiere saluo con xaque sino fuere de cauallo por euitar el mate
os desesperados que Uaman : mas que no traspongu sobre xaque no que no pueda
.spoiler si le ban dado xaque que bien puede si no se ha mud ado mas que no salta
>re la barra en la qual si quisiesse entrar no pudiesse por xaque. Los arfiles van
r esquina de parte a parte saluo que al iuego vieio siempre van de tres en tree
sas y tanbien por esquina ; y puede saltar y tomar sobre otra pieza si quiere : los
aallos iuegan de tercera en tercera casa no iugando por esquina: ni por barra.
>s roques siempre por barra y no por esquina ni como cauallos. Resta agora
clarar algunas dubdas que muchas vezes entre los que poco saben comunmente
aescen : y es que si digo daros be mate de peon que se entiende con peon y no
ique de vno y mate de otro si no lo especifican. Item que si digo : yos dare mate
»n este peon sefialando lo que si lo bazeys dama y le days mate conella vale,
emque mate abogado es mate no para ganar doblado como dando xaque y mate el
ual me paresce buen iuego : & no se deue vsar de otra manera por que (A, f. ii b ) os
eapierta y haze alcanzar mucbos lanzes assi mesrao acaesce que el otro os da xaque y
ilia lo y vos no viendo lo jugays otra cosa que si el otro despues de bauer vos jugado
ntes que toca pieza dize sallid de xaque que se torne lo que jugastes & salgays de
aque en otra manera aviendo vos jugado y el tocado pieza que no salgays porque
ada vez se lo harie quienquiera porque podrie hombre jugar de vn cauallo : o de
tra pieza sobre vuestra dama : o sobre otra qualquiera pieza y dezir sallid de xaque :
r despues lleuaros la por cuya causa no solamente no haueys de sallir de xaque pero
i con otra pieza os diesse xaque podeys entrar en la mesma barra del xaque callado :
laluo si conla mesma pieza no os diesse otra vez xaque. Assi mesmo aprouecha
nucbo vsar jugar siempre con vnos juegos special con los negros : y quando assi los
buuiessedes en vso y el otro no quisiesse jugar si no conellos boluelde el tablero : y
assi es todo vna cosa porque siempre os viene el rey a man ysquierda. Si jugaredes
de noche con vna sola candela hazed si pudieredes que este siempre a man ysquierda
porque no turba tanto la vista y si jugaredes de dia que agays astentar al otro en
derecbo de la luz que es vna grande vantaja : quiere tanbien este juego tomar al otro
sobre bauer comido y beuido : aunque para hauer de jugar mucbo tiempo aprouecha
bauer comido algo liuianamente porque no se desuanesca la cabeza el beuer sea agua
y no vino en ninguna manera : y el que fuere estudiante crebame porque se que es
que si quiere que le aproueche assi para el ingenio como para la memoria que juegue
pqco tiempo y el precio sea tan poco que perdido no le pese : porque desta manera
alterarie el ingenio y turbaria la memoria. Item si vos me days el rey traspuesto se
entiende que vos no podeys trasponer Baluo si por pacto no lo sacassedes. Item que
quien da el peon del arfil del rey no se traspone sino lo saca assi mesmo por partido.
Item que aunque no se ponga jugando precio en tocando pieza ha de jugar della saluo
si fuere dela encubierta que entonces ha de iugar del rey. Item que avnque tocada
la pieza haya de iugar della que no por esso aunque toque casa la de assentar euella
por euitar bozes. Finalmente conuiene ordenar bien vuestro juego enlo qual consiste
la perfecion desta sciencia : y despues saber a cometer quando es tiempo y quando
no estar quedo. y la manera del romper es siempre por la parte de la dama : y no
por la parte del rey : baziendos alii fuerte hasta el tiem (A, f. iij) po dela mayor neces-
sitad: porque alas vezes y por la mayor parte descubriendo vuestro rey podeys
perder el juego : y assi teniendo vuestro rey en saluo podeys sin miedo con la otra
gente darle guerra que de necessitad no puede hazer sino deffender se quedando vos
r
Digitized by Google
810
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
sefior del campo para lo quel de que suerte se ha de platicar entiendo escrinir tod*
los meiores iuegos que yo en Roma & por toda Italia y Francia y E span a lie viste
iugar a iugadores : y yo he podido por mi mesmo alcanzar.
II. EXTRACT FROM EGENOLFF.
(E, f. ij b ) Ein ander art das Schachspil zu ziehen / so mann nennet Current cdtr
das welsch Schach spiel.
Das Currennt Schachspill ist vast einerlei mit dem rechtem Schachspil / alleia
das in etzlichen steinenn einn vnderschiedt ist der geng halber/das dieselbiger_s
einn besonder art vnnd gerechtigkeit habenn im Current hin vnd wider / hindersiets
vnd fiirsich zulauffen / daher dann disem spil der zunamen gebenn wordenn / das es
Current genant wirt. Nun sein der itzt angezogenen stein so in disem spil jre
besondere lauff haben / nur drei / nemlich die Kunigin / . die beide Altenn / solcbs
verstehe zu gleich vff beiden seitten odder theilen.
Die Kdnigin im Current hat die grdst freiheit vnd her (E, f. iij) tigkeit das sie die
zwergks vnnd breite / iiber eck vnnd wie sie wil / nahet odder fern (so jr doch sunst
niemandt im weg steht) alles jres gefallens lauffen mag / Vnnd ist in dem so vitl
besser dann die Each / das sie nit allein die leng vnd breitte / Bonder auch die
zwergk oder iiber eck (das dann die Each nit thun dorffen) lauffen mag / vnnd was
jr fiirkompt rauben vnnd nemen.
Die Alten haben diese art im Current / das sie nit allein auff das drit veldt jrer
farb (wie oben im andern spill bemeldet) sonder auch nechst vor jnenn / das vierdt
fiinfft / sechst &c. vnnd also fiirthers bisz an die spang hinan/hindersich vnd ftirsicli
(doch alles der richt nach vnd iiber eck) lauffen vnd rauben / auch also wo sie stabs
zu alien seittenn iiber eck als fern odder nahe jre art vnd gelegenheit erfordert /
hinausz wischen mogenn.
Sunst so habenn die iibrigenn stein alle jre alte vnnd gewonliche des gemeinen
Schachspils / ordenung / vnnd wirt mit allem ziehenn / rauben / Schach vnnd
Matten in aller weisz hierin gehalten wie es sunst mit dem gemeinen Schachspil
gehalten wirt / Doch so bedarff es weithers vnnd fleissigers vffisehens wie dann solicbe
die iibung am besten gibt vnd leret.
CHAPTER XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
e great chess activity of Southern Europe during the second half of the sixteenth
century. — Huy Lopez. — Leonardo and Paolo Boi. — Polerio. — Salvio and Carrera. —
Greco. — The introduction of castling and other changes in the game. — The
problem.
No new chess work was published for nearly fifty years after the appearance
Damiano’ s small book of 1512. This was certainly not due to any decline
i the popularity of chess ; the fact that no less than seven editions of Damiano
ere published in Rome before 1560 is sufficient evidence for the keenness of
le chess life in that city. But this period was essentially one in which
layers were learning the possibilities of the new game and feeling their way
>wards new methods of development. By 1560 Damiano’s book can have
►een of little use to any one but a mere beginner at chess. It is noteworthy
hat no Roman publisher thought it worth his while to bring out a new
dition of Damiano after the middle of the century, although in less advanced
>arts of Italy the work was still sufficiently useful to justify a Venetian
eprint in 1564. In Rome itself, the chief centre of chess in Italy, 1 the time
.vas ripe for the appearance of a work that was more up to date, and the
leading players felt themselves ready to try their skill against the players
of other countries, and specially those of Spain and Portugal, those countries
from which Damiano had told them that the greatest masters of the game
proceeded. The opportunity was not long denied them.
But there were difficulties in the way of an even contest. J ust as was the
case with the mediaeval game, the rules of the new chess — now chess with no
distinguishing epithet — varied from place to place, and the player who visited
foreign lands found himself compelled to play with different rules from those
to which he was accustomed. There were not only the differences handed
down from the old game; each country was developing new rules and dis-
carding old ones in the new game, and the variations were fast becoming
1 There were good players in Sicily during this period (1520-1555). Carrera (88) mentions
Arimini and Branci of Palermo, and Don Matteo li Genchi of Termine, who wrote some
verseaon the laws of chess which were no longer in existence when Carrera wrote in 1617.
Digitized by Google
812
CHESS IN EUROPE
PATT
considerable. Thus about 1560, the points of difference between tlie ches
Spain, France, and Italy, the only countries of which we have define
information, were somewhat as follows :
1. In Spain, the player who robbed his opponent of all his pieces, or w;
stalemated his opponent’s King, won half his stakes — an inferior form
victory. Elsewhere, these games were only drawn.
2. In Spain and Portugal the Pawn could be taken in pa$*ing 9 in I&l
it could not be so taken. If a player was in check and could remedy t:
check by advancing a Pawn two squares, and so passing the attack of a hosn>
Pawn, this move was forbidden in Italy, but permitted elsewhere, e. g*. in til-
position — Wh. Ka3, Ra2, Pb2 ; Bl. Kc2, Bc5, Pa4, b5 ( Handbuch , 1843, 1C
White was mate in Italy: elsewhere, he could play 1 Pb4+, and win t:
game.
3. In Spain, the unmoved King, if not in check, could leap to any un-
occupied third square (e. g. from el to cl, c2, c3, d3, e3, f3, gl, g2, g3) provide
he did not cross the line of attack of a hostile piece. In France he cou
do the same, and in addition, if the squares between the King and a
were unoccupied, the player could play Kgl (cl) and Rel all in one move 1
In Italy the rule was different in different places. In some places the Spanish
rule was followed ; in others the King was allowed a more extended leap, and
could also move a Pawn one square forward to make room for the King oe
the same move ; in others a form of castling was allowed in which the Kimr
could leap as far as the R sq. and the Rook as far as K sq. ; in others,
the only form of castling permitted was the modern one, K-K Kt sq. (or
Q B sq.) and R-K B sq. (or Q sq.) ; in others again, the King could not leap
at all. 3
4. After a check had been given to the King, although the check wa?
remedied without the King moving, the power of leaping was lost in some
parts of Italy ; in other parts of Italy and in Spain and Portugal the King
retained the power of leaping so long as he remained unmoved.
We know nothing of the position of chess in Spain during the first half
8 Gruget says: ‘Et en France nous luy faisons faire deux pas le long de sa frontiers,
pourvu qu’il n'y ait plus de pieces entre luy et la Tour et mettez la Tour en la place du Boy.’
Rabelais says : * A la premiere desmarche, si leur filtere estoyt trouvde vuide d*aultres ofliciers,
fors lea Custodes (i. e. the Rooks), ils les peuvent mettre en leur sifege, et k cost£ de luy se
retirer.’ Pasquier, Les Recherches de la France , Paris, 1660, says of the King : ‘sa conseruation
luy permet de faire vn saut extraordinaire de sa cellule en celle de la Tour.*
* For this summary I rely on (1) the extract quoted from Damiano*s book on p. 788;
(2) the following passage from Ruy Lopez (1661, f. 16 a) : ‘La libertad de podar de la primers
vez andar tres casas, del modo que quisiere, 6 como peon, b como cauallo, b como Roque,
b arfil, b dama, para andelante : b qualquiera delos lados por su linea : b como cauallo por
qualquiera delas otras dos lineas, despues de la suya, b esquinado como arfil por encima de
pie$a, b peon suyo, b ageno, 6 como quisiere. Toda esta libertad le vino de serRey. La qual
a ninguna otra pieqa es concedida. Advierta se que en algunas partes de Italia se usa sal tar
el Rey del primer salto toda su linea, desde su casa hasta la postrera del Roque : y juntar el
Rocque a el para hazar el salto todo de un lanze : y en otras partes no mas de tres casas desde
la suia hasta la del cavallo, y por la parte dela dama, desde la suia hasta el arfil, y esto
Uegando qualquiera delos roques junto el mismo rey todo de vn lanze : y en otras se usa,
de mas de esto, de un lanze mover un peon, qualquisieren, de la secunda linia, y meter el
Rey en la casa que antes estava el peon, pero todos estos usos no son buenos, ni consonantes
ala razon:* (3) the Sicilian rule as given by Carrera (1617), see below. (4) Actius, De ludo
scacchonwi (1583), Quaest. vii.
IP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
813
the century. In the end of the year 1559, the accession of a new pope
us IV, of the family of Medici) brought a number of foreign clergy to
me on ecclesiastical business. Among others there came a Spanish priest,
iy Lopez, an inhabitant of Zafra, a small town in Estremadura, some
fcy miles to the S.W. of Badajoz, and a native of Segura, a small town to
} south of Zaira, who had the reputation of being one of the first chess-
yers of Spain. While in Rome, Ruy Lopez employed his leisure time in
ying chess with the Roman players. All that we know for certain of this
it is contained in a single sentence in the chess work which Lopez published
his return to Spain, 4 but it is pretty clear that he convinced the Roman
yers that they had still much to learn before they would be the equals
the master-players of Spain. It is also clear that Lopez made his
}uaintance with Damiano’ s book at this time, and that he formed a very
>r opinion of its worth.
Among the opponents whom Lopez met at this time was one who called
nself ‘ the boy of Rome \ This player was in all probability Giovanni
onardo di Bona, a young law student from Cutri in Calabria, who was
own as c II Puttino * (the youth, or the small) and was destined to take
ry high rank among chess-players. On this occasion he played a variety of
l gambito de Damian * (to adopt the name which Lopez gives to this weak
>ening) which is not mentioned in Damiano’s analysis, and the game took
s form :
1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, Pf6 ; 3 Kt x P, P x Kt (apparently the Italians did
t know that 3 . . , Qe7 avoided most of the difficulties of this defence,
lugh the Spanish players had known it since the time of Lucena) ; 4 Qh5 + ,
*6 ; 5 Q x eP + , Qe7 ; 6 Q x R, Ktf6 (the move on which the Italians relied
keep the White Queen out of play : this had been discovered since Damiano) ;
Pd4, Kf7 ; 8 Bc4 + , Pd5 ; 9 BxP + , KtxB, and Lopez won eventually.
Another result of this visit was that Lopez learnt a slang (originally
wrestling) term of the Italian players, and was afterwards instrumental in
ring the word an international currency. This is the word gambit , of which
>pez tells us in his chess work (108 a) :
It is derived from the Italian gamba , a leg, and gambitare means to set traps,
>m which a gambit game means a game of traps and snares, and it is used to
scribe this Opening because of all the Openings which Damiano gave, this is the
wst brilliant and trappy. 5
Ruy Lopez had, I think, been for some time in the habit of noting down
penings in which he was interested, and the discovery that Damiano had
4 f. 102 b. ‘Ninguna cosa de aquestas toco Damian, siendo juego quo lo hazen algunos
^adores prinoipalmente con los no saben mucho ; y aun conmigo mesmo lo jugo algunos
ses un estremado Jugador que se hazia llamar el muchacho de Roma ; y esto estando en
®a al principio del pontificado del papa Pio 4 en el anno de 1560.’
5 ‘ Quanto a lo vltimo que en este capitulo pro metimos declarar : conuiene saber que este
cablo gambito deciende propriamente de la lengua Italians : porque a cerca delos Italianos
nba, quiere dezir pierma en Espanol, y gambitare quiere dezir en nuestro Castellano ormar
i cadiUa, y de aqui juego del gambito quiere dezir juego de lazos y yancadillas : porque en
L
Digitized by
Google
814
CHESS IN EUROPE
TAXI
published a book fired him with the intention of writing a book of hi* ov
He carried out this intention with dangerous rapidity — dangerous because
resulted in a list 8 pages long of misprints and other errors — and bis book
published not long after his return to Spain in the spring of 1561 f:L
privilege is dated the last day of February, 1561). The title-page runs :
Libro de la invencion liberal y arte del juego del Axedrez, muy vtil y prouecb:*,
assi para los que de nueuo quisieren deprender a jugarlo, como para los que lo sa>
jugar. Compuesta aora nueuamente por Ruylopez de Sigura clerigo, vezino «3kj
villa Cafra. Dirigida al muy illustre seiior don Garcia de Toledo, ayo y mAyordfl&
mayor del Serenissimo Principe don Carlos nuestro sefior. En Alcala, en cmsa
Andres de Angulo. 1561. Con privilegio. Esta tassado k cinco blancas
pliego.
The volume is a quarto of 8 unnumbered and 150 numbered leaves. It l
divided into four books, of which the first is divided into 27 chapters, tb
second into 29, the third into 24, and the fourth into 15 chapters. The fir
book treats of the origin and utility of chess, with many quotations free
Cessolis, Reyna’s Spanish translation of which had appeared as recently u
1549, and includes general advice to players and a code of laws for the gan*
The second book contains a miscellaneous collection of Openings, and im-
probably in MS. before the visit to Italy. The third book is a severe criticise
of Damiano’s analysis of games without odds, and the fourth book a similar
criticism of his games at odds. In both books Lopez adds new Openings, an
endeavours to correct what he considered to be faulty in Damiano.
The advice to players in the first book is divided into 86 paragraphs
There is very little that is really new in the first 18 of these : in the main
they are taken (without acknowledgement) from Damiano. The advice to
place your opponent with the sun in his eyes if you play by day, and with the
candle at his right hand if you play by night, is in Lucena, and was probably
a trick well known to Spanish players. The advice not to sacrifice Knight
or Bishop for two Pawns, unless you can see a certain victory as a result,
is in Caldogno’s poem. The next group of 8 paragraphs deals with certain
End-games, and brings out very clearly the differences which the Spani§&
todos las juego 8 que Damian compuso ni ordeno otro juego de mas primor, ni de mas \szos
que este dicho juego.*
The term gambit was thus originally applied to the Damiano Gambit, and although Lopez
includes many other Openings which are now called gambits (King's Gambit , King's Bishop'*
Gambit , Queen’s Gambit ), he never uses the term in connexion with any of them. The name*
Qambitto del Re, del Cavallo , dell Aljxero , della Donna, Pedina del Gambitto , are first used in the
Regale (see p. 822) and, together with contragambitto in the Polerio MSS. : they were generally
current by 1600.
The first copies printed of Tarsia’s translation of Lopez (elsewhere the form gambito is
regularly used) have in two places on p. 183 the form gomito ( = elbow). In the later copi«
this misprint is corrected to gombito. Later Italian books and MSS. vary between gambitto
and gambetto, the latter being the spelling at the present day. Polerio has generally -tte
(very rarely - etto ), Gianuzio has -etto , the Regole - itto and -ito, the Boncompagni tracts •itto,
rarely -etto, Salvio - itto , Carrera -itto, -ito, and gomito (from Tarsia), Greco -etto, -eto (often
ganbetto), Piacenza -etto (and sgambetio ), Ponziano and Lolli •itto (although Ponziani (1782, 7)
say s that the form in -etto is really more correct. He also has Gomito di Damiano from Tania),
Cozio -t'tto.
The term was introduced into France and England by Greco. The Mountstephsn Greco
(1623) has, f. 78a, * As y e first of Joachimo’s Gambetto’s*.
Digitized by Google
!LP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
815
as by Bare King ( robado ) and Stalemate (mate ahogado) made in the
me. 6 In such endings as Kt and 2 Ps v. Kt and 2 Ps ; and R, Kt, and 2 Ps
El, Kt, and 2 Ps, it was always worth the Spanish players while to sacrifice
3 Knight for the two Pawns.
The concluding paragraphs are of less interest. They deal, in the main,
ith. the exact value of certain odds, in which Lopez held opinions different
am those generally held in his time.
The code of laws deals with the following points : the penalty for false
oves (1) and captures (2), the touched piece must be played (3), the penalties
»r capturing (4) or moving (5) with a pinned piece, an unannounced check is
> he ignored (6), the odds-giver has the move unless otherwise arranged (7),
le meaning of ‘ mate with a Pawn 1 (8), whether the King could leap when
be odds of the castled King were given (9), taking in passing (10), the
talian habit of moving King and Rook or Pawn on the same move is
orbidden (11), the meaning of ‘mate on a particular square* (12), of ‘check
,nd mate with a Pawn* (13), of a fidated piece (14), a fidated Pawn is no
onger fidated if it be queened (15), the odds-receiver is responsible for seeing
hat the odds are given (16), the 50 moves rule in the Ending (17), the player
may not touch other squares with the piece in his hand than the square to
which he means to play it (18).
In his second book Lopez treats of the following Openings : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ;
2 Pc3 (i-iii) ; King’s Bishop’s Opening (iv-vii) ; Lopez Gambit (viii-xii) ;
1 Pe4, Pd5 (xxix) ; and the King’s Gambit (declined 2 . . , KtfB, xix-xx ;
2 . . , Pd6, xxi ; 2 . . , Bc5, xxvi ; accepted 3 Ktf3 and continued 3 . . , Ktf6,
xiii-xv, or 3 . . , Kte7, xvi ; accepted 3 Bc4 and continued 3 . . , KtfB, xvii-
xviii, or 3 . . , Qh4 + , xxii-xxv, or 3 . . , Pc6, xxvii, or 3 . . , Pf5, xxviii). In
his third book Lopez takes Damiano’s analysis as his text, and submits it to
a close and hostile examination. In the course of this he attacks Damiano’s
statement that there are three replies to 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, which defend the
£-Pawn, and asserts that there are five — 2 . . , Pf6 ; 2 . . , Pd6 ; 2 . . , Ktc6 ;
2 . . , Bd6 ; and 2 . . , Qe7, — forgetting in his turn that 2 . . , Qf6, is a sixth
reply of this kind. He also attacks Damiano’s opinion that the best reply is
3 . . , Ktc6, endeavouring to prove that the Buy Lopez game gives White the
superior game. I quote this attempt as a specimen of Lopez’s analysis. He
claims that 3 . . , Pd6, the Philidor , is the best defence, quite forgetting that
this move confines the King’s Bishop, which only five chapters before he had
said should not be done. At the end of this book he mentions six Openings,
often played by beginners, as being so bad that no player of any skill
would adopt them. They are 1 Ktf3, 1 Ktc3, 1 Pc4, 1 Pf4, 1 Pg3, and
1 Pb3. Since Lopez’s day all of these have taken their places among the
recognized Openings.
• Thus R v. Kt was everywhere drawn unless the Kt could be separated from the K, when
the Spaniard won by robado, the Italian by mate : R and B v. R was won by robado in Spain,
by mate in Italy ; R v. B was won by robado in Spain, but was drawn in Italy : a single
Pawn could always win in Spain, either by stalemate or mate : RP and B not commanding
the queening square was a draw in Italy, a win by robado or stalemate in Spain.
/
Digitized by Google
816
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART
IX
Pe4_
Pe5
Ktf3
Ktc6
Bb5
XI
XII
XIII
xn
Pd6
, BxKt‘
Bc5
B x Kt
' dPxB
Kt x P
BxP +
, KxB
1 Qd4 + b
. Pc3
4 Pd6
gKt©7
Pd4
Pd4
6
Qd4
5 PxP 1
Ktg4 —
Q x P +
Ktd3
°QxeP +
PxP
b Bb4 +
PxP
6 Bb4 +
6
Kte8
7 BxKt
„ Qe2
' QxQ +
_ KtcS
7 Bd7
„ KtcS
7 Pd5
7
f P x B c
Q*gP
„KxQ
8 BbO
8 Bg6
KtlG
PxP
8 Q x P g
8
9 Rfl
9 Bg4*
9 p °e
J Bf5
9 QdS
Qe7
9
Kt e l
Ktftt
,o Ktd2 -
B x Kt
10
11 ? d3
PxB"
11
12
Be3
hRe8
13 Kd ?-
BxB
14
15
16
PxB
aRd8
Ktc3 0
Ktg4
Ktdl
Kte5
Bb6
Pd5
Kt(c6)b8
Ktc3 h
Rf8
Ktg5
Ph6
KtfS
Pc6
Ba4
PdG 6
10
11
12
Qe7
R ru
> Ktl6
Knl
’ Ktxf
Pd4
PxP
PxP
Bb€
Bel
Pdo
KtcS
Bet
Kt xi
Pxfc
RxP
aBd*
**£-
14
or
Notes. — a And Bl. obtains a doubled Pawn. b And wins Kt with better game. All
this is Gott. YI. 0 Or 8 dP x P, Q x gP ; 9 Rfl, Bh3. 4 With better game. * Or
15 Ke2, Ktg4 ; 16 Pe4, BxeP; 17 PxB. RxP+ and mates shortly. f Or 5 . . , Bb6:
6 Pd5. g With good game. Or 8 Pe5, Bg4. h Or 8 Pd6, PxP; 9 Q x P, Qc7 ; 10 Q xQ.
k With good game. 1 Or 5 B x Kt, dP x B, and the doubled Pawn is no disadvantage.
That Lopez deals with a wider range of Openings than any of his pre-
decessors, and, unlike them, pays no attention to the problem, is probably the
reason why v. d. Lasa and others have described him as ‘ the great personality
with whom the theory of the Openings of the modern chess commences’.
Apart from this, later writers have not allowed him any great merit as an
analyst. Ponziani, generally a sound critic, says of him (1801, 37), ‘This
writer makes but little advance on Damiano ; like the latter, he has only
a few Openings, which are both inconclusive and unmethodical, so that he
affords but little assistance to the student. He was an unfruitful genius, and
entirely devoid of the enthusiasm so necessary for the successful conduct of
the attack in this game.* This judgement, however, is certainly too severe,
V
Digitized by
Google
HAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
817
>nt the Modenese masters were hardly likely to do justice to Lopez's services
o chess. Living before the great rival schools of chess which divided the
>layers of the 18th and early 19th cc. had arisen, Lopez yet belongs
essentially to that school of chess which we are accustomed to associate with
;he name of Pbilidor. In his analysis, and specially in the games in his
second book, we may trace the genesis of that theory of Pawn-play which
Philidor reduced to a system two centuries later. His most typical Openings
ire his Pawn game, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pc3 ; the King's Bishop's Opening, and the
Philidor. He attached great importance to the retention of the liberty to
advance the King's Bishop’s Pawn at an early period of the game, and the
discovery of the King’s Gambit was probably the result of an experiment to
see how early in the game that advance could safely be made : in his hands
the King’s Gambit is not an attacking game, and he devoted more attention
to the safer Bishop's Gambit than to the Knight's Gambit. In the latter his
defences have all been long obsolete. In all his analysis he refrained from
playing Pd4 until he had prepared the way by Pc3, and even then he was
more disposed to play Pd3 than to venture on Pd4. In all this he probably
only reflects the attitude of the earlier Spanish players towards the game.
Strength in analysis does not always accompany strength in play, and
whatever may be the final judgement on Lopez as an analyst, the fact remains
that for nearly twenty years he was the first player in Spain. His nearest
rivals were Alfonso Ceron (Zerone or Girone) of Granada, to whom the
authorship of a work on chess has been attributed, 7 and Medrano. All three
players were noted for their skill in blindfold play, and Lopez and Ceron, at
least, played chess before Philip II of Spain (1556-98), and were liberally
rewarded for their skill. Lopez was presented by the king with a golden
chain for his neck, from which was suspended a Rook, and obtained preferment
to a rich benefice. 8
Philip II was not the only monarch of his time who patronized chess-
players, and the royal examples were widely followed. The patronage of good
players by the wealthier nobles and clergy was a great feature of the chess-life
of the period, and many allusions are made to the custom in the pages of
Salvio and Carrera, the two writers to whom we owe a great deal of our
knowledge of the chess history of the years 1560-1630. Throughout the
greater part of this period Giacomo Buoncompagno, the Duke of Sora
(B. 1538, D. 1612), stands out as the Maecenas of Italian chess, and most
of the great players of the period played in his palace and were liberally
rewarded for doing so. 9 Thus he rewarded Ruy Lopez with a benefice of 2,000
7 Carrera, 95 ; and Bibl. Uisp. Nova (1783, i. 17, and ii. 666), * Alphonsus Ceron libello egit :
Do Juego del Axedrez , sive de Latrunculorum ludo, quem exactissime comprehenderat 1 (v. d.
Linde, 16 Jrh. f 53).
8 But not the bishopric to which some writers of the 19th c., e. g. George Walker ( 4 Ruy
Lopez, the chess bishop 1 , Fraser's Magazine , 1841, 168), have raised him.
* Giacomo Buoncompagno was the natural son of Pope Gregory XIII (Ugo Buoncompagno
ot Bologna) for whom Gregory accepted in 1578 the offer of the crown of Ireland. His
yearly income was estimated at 120,000 crowns. The family (now Boncompagni-Ludovisi)
still possess two composite MSS. of chess treatises which were collected by Giacomo and his
son Francisco (see below, pp. 821-3 and 828).
mo 3 F
Digitized by Goc 1 le
818
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
crowns a year (Carrera, 64). It was to this nobleman that Giovanni Domenico
Tarsia dedicated in 1584 his Italian translation of Ruy Lopez's book. 10
The two leading Italian players of the early part of this period were
Paolo Boi, surnamed ‘ il Siracusano’, of Syracuse in Sicily (B. 1528, D. 1598),
and the already-mentioned Giovanni Leonardo, surnamed ‘ il Puttino of Cutri
in Calabria (B. c . 1542, D. c. 1587, aged 45), both of whom excelled in
blindfold play, Boi playing three games in this way at the same time. Boi
was a fast player, whose play was famed for its brilliance ; Leonardo a slow
player, whose play was noted for its accuracy. Both Salvio and Carrera had
known Boi in the last years of his life, and both give the main facts of his
chess career — Carrera in simple outline, while Salvio tells the story of the
lives of Leonardo and Boi, * veramente lumi e splendori di questa professione
in the form of a romance. Much of the detail of this work, Il Puttino , is
clearly unhistorical, and it is not easy to distinguish the basis of truth from
the superstructure of fable, 11 but the facts appear to have been somewhat as
follows :
1560. Leonardo, then a young student of law in Rome, played Ruy Lopez
and was beaten (Lopez).
1566-72. Boi. after having defeated all his opponents at home, resolved
to travel in search of opponents. His intention was to go ultimately to
Spain, ‘ where he heard that there were very famous players who were
honoured and rewarded, not only by certain nobles, but by the King (Philip II)
himself, who took no small delight in the game \ He travelled throughout
Italy, playing the greater players, including Leonardo, and was honoured by
many princes, specially by the Duke of Urbino and Pope Pius V, who would
have given him a rich benefice if he had been willing to take orders. Leonardo
and he proved of equal strength in chess (Carrera). 12
10 11 Qtuoco degli Scacchi di Rui Lopez Spagnuolo, nuouamente tradotto in lingua Itali&na da
M. Gio. Domenico Tarsia . . In Venetia, presso Cornelio Arriuabene, 1684. Two variants of
this edition are known (see p. 814 n.). Tarsia's translation is the source of all later editions
of Lopez, of which there were several French editions (1609, 1616, 1686, 1665, 1674), and also
of Selenus’s German translation (see p. 852).
11 Salvio’s motive is the glorification of Leonardo at the expense of Boi. He gives as his
authorities Boi and Rosces, but has treated his material very freely. His chronology is
particularly weak.
11 Salvio, who omits all reference to Lopez’s visit in 1560, speaks instead of a visit which
Lopez paid to Rome in the year 1572, the first year of the papacy of Gregory XIII (Ugo
Buoncompagno), when Lopez beat Leonardo, who was then a young student. He goes on
to say that Leonardo retired to Naples and devoted himself exclusively to chess for two years.
During these years, Boi, a young man, came from Sicily and played against Leonardo.
Finally, at the end of this period, Leonardo set out for Spain in search of Lopez, intending
to have his revenge at chess.
There are difficulties in the chronology of this ; neither Boi nor Leonardo can be fairly
described as young men in 1572, and it does not harmonize with Carrera’s account of Boi's
life, an account which involves no difficulties regarding dates. It would seem inconceivable
that Boi could have been in Italy, and especially in Rome, in 1566-72 without meeting
Leonardo. I believe that Salvio has simply transferred Lopez’s visit of 1560 from the
commencement of the papacy of Pius IV to that of Gregory XIII, and has in consequence
crowded the events of the years 1560-72 into the two years 1672-4. The only difficulty
which I see in this explanation is the statement in Carrera that Giacomo Buoncompagno
gave Lopez a benefice of the yearly value of 2,000 crowns. In 1561 Buoncompagno was only
18 years of age, and it looks as if Lopez must have been in Italy again to meet this prince.
Carrera may, however, be wrong in this statement, for he has everywhere made two people
out of Ruy Lopez and ‘ il chierico di Zafra \
:hap. xii
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
819
In 1574-5 Leonardo, accompanied by Giulio Cesare Polerio, of Lanciano,
and Tomaso Caputo, surnamed Rosces, visited Spain and defeated Ruy Lopez
and Ceron, the contest taking place in the presence of Philip II. A little
later Boi arrived in Madrid and in his turn defeated the same two Spanish
p>layers. Philip II rewarded both players liberally, granting Boi certain
official appointments in Sicily producing an income of 500 crowns a year.
He also gave Boi a letter recommending him to his brother, Don John of
Austria, the text of which, dated Madrid, August 22, 1575, Carrera has
Happily preserved. Both players also visited Lisbon, and played with the
chess-loving King Sebastian of Portugal (B. 1554, D. 1578). This monarch
gave Leonardo the name of il Cavalier o err ante.
1582-5. During the viceroyalty of the Duke d’Ossuna, Leonardo and
Boi played frequently together in his palace. Leonardo held the position of
Agent to the Prince of Bisignano, and was finally poisoned at this Prince’s
palace by a jealous rival, c. 1587. Boi, who had been captured by Algerian
pirates when returning from Spain, but had obtained his freedom by means
of his knowledge of chess, resided when in Naples in the palace of the
Duke of Urbino, who allowed him 300 crowns a year. He seemed unable
to settle for long in one place, and after a while he resumed his travels. For
a time he was agent to a lady of the name of Squarciafico in Genoa, and
we hear of him in Milan, and Venice, and as travelling in Hungary, where he
played chess with the Turks while riding on horseback. Finally he returned
to Sicily after nearly 20 years’ absence, in 1597, but he had no settled
residence, travelling from one town to another in order to play chess.
1598. Boi was invited to return to Naples. Not long after his arrival he
died in his lodgings, as a result of poison. Only three days before his death
he had played chess with Salvio. In this game Boi had made a five-move
combination, by which he won Salvio’s Queen. Salvio had, however, looked
two moves further ahead, and had seen that he would win Boi’s Queen and
the game. ‘Youth can more than age; you are in the prime of life, and
I am seventy years old’, was the veteran’s comment. He had found chess
a profitable occupation; Carrera (65) estimated his chess gains, excluding
presents and the income from his appointment, at 30,000 crowns.
Salvio and Carrera give the names of many other chess-players of Southern
Italy and Sicily, both of contemporaries of Paolo Boi and of the following
generation, and Carrera took great trouble to ascertain the relative strengths
of the players whom he names. A few may be named here as of greater
importance or skill :
The Sicilian Barons, del Biscari (D. 1614) and di Siculiana (who played
with Boi at the odds of the Pawn in 1597), were two liberal patrons of
Sicilian players ; other Sicilian players of the first rank were Clariano Rosso
(D. 1604, Carrera’s master), D. Salvatore Albino, surnamed ‘il Beneventano ’,
a priest of Benevento, Alonso Ortega (a Spaniard who was in Palermo in
1611 and excelled as a blindfold player), D. Girolamo (Geronimo) Cascio,
a priest from Piazza, of whom more below, and D. Mariano Marano ; a priest
3f2
Digitize
JlGoogle
820
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
of Sortino. To Italy generally belonged il Raguseo and his opponents
D. Giovanni Marignano, a professor of Ravenna, and Giovanni di Castro,
Archbishop of Tarento ; to Rome, Giulio Cesare Polerio, of whom anon ; to
Naples, Roscio (Leonardo’s other travelling companion), Michele di Mauro
(Salvio’s master, who retired on the money he gained in chess from the Prince
Gesualdo), Giovanni Domenico di Leonardis, who secured an annual pension
of 200 crowns from Philip III of Spain (1598-1621) by his chess, and
Dr. Alessandro Salvio.
Many of the players of this period kept note-books in which they recorded
the openings of games for reference or later use. The keen chess-life of
the time led to so rapid a development of the science of the Openings, that
the existing text-books soon became obsolete, and it was imperative that the
player who desired to excel should have more up-to-date information. Among
those who are said to have written MSS. of this kind are the Spanish players
Ceron, Avalos (resident in Naples in 1590 or thereabouts), and Busnardo, the
Portuguese player Santa Maria (perhaps the author of the Portuguese book
from which Salvio obtained some of the Openings in his work of 1634), and
the Italian players Boi, Leonardo, Michele di Mauro, and Polerio. None of
these players felt disposed to print his collection of Openings ; the high stakes
for which players played made it desirable to keep information as to new
Openings private, but a wealthy patron could always obtain a copy from the
players whom he included in his retinue. In this way the surviving MSS.
of this class have for the most part escaped destruction. Most active of
all in the multiplication of copies would seem to have been Polerio.
Giulio Cesare Polerio, sumamed ‘ 1* Apruzzese ’, of Lanciano, near the
Adriatic coast, first appears as the servant (criato) of Leonardo on his journey to
Spain. After his return to Italy, he settled in Rome and became a member of
the household of Giacomo Buoncompagno, Duke of Sora, who gave him a rental
in Giantro of the annual value of 300 crowns. He was esteemed the first
player of Rome in 1606, when D. Girolamo Cascio came from Piazza in Sicily
in search of the wealth which skill in chess promised in those days. Cascio
and Polerio played in the Duke’s palace, and Cascio proved the victor. He
became the ‘ favourite * of the Duke, and gained for himself an income of
250 crowns a year, and for his brother the presentation to a canonry.
We possess some six MSS. written by, or emanating from, Polerio :
(1) MS. Nat. Lib. Paris, f. it. 955 : a folio note-book written in several
hands, of 78 leaves, not all filled, which was in the possession of a chess-
player in the retinue of the King of Spain on August 7, 1584, as appears
from a loose sheet of paper now pasted in the MS. This player may
have been Polerio himself, as v. d. Linde thought. At any rate, the MS.
was in his possession later, for it bears the title, 4 Questo libro & di Giulio
Polerio Lancianese ’, and contains Polerio’s rough draft of the dedication of
the Boncompagni MS. (No. 2). The MS. is just a rough note-book in which
games were entered as they came into the writer’s possession. On the rectos
of the leaves 9-17 is the beginning of a translation of the games in the
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
821
second book of Ruy Lopez’s work. The versos of these leaves contain other
Openings. The compiler seems to have had access to the MSS. kept by Santa
Maria, Avalos, Busnardo, and Leonardo. He has also noted down 67 problem
positions, of which 53 are derived from Lucena.
(2) MS. Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Rome, N. 3, contains ff. 333-481 (sepa-
rately foliated 1-152, the last 3 leaves blank), a holograph collection of
98 Openings, 12 Subtleties, and 38 Problems, dedicated by Polerio to his
patron Jacomo Buoncompagno, Duca di Sora, which he had been preparing
for 3£ years. This MS. can hardly be later than 1590.
(3) MS. J. A. Leon, London. This MS. was discovered by Mr. Leon,
bound up with a copy of Tarsia’s Lopez and Barozzi’s Rythmomachia (Venice,
1572). It consists of 32 pages, and is in the same hand as many annota-
tions and corrections in the Tarsia ; the handwriting is believed to be that
of Polerio. The MS. is unfinished, but its 46 Openings are identical with,
and follow in the same order as, those of the earlier part of the preceding MS.
It contains no dedication, title, or problems. (See Mr. Leon’s account, ‘ Notes
on a recently discovered Polerio MS.*, BCM 1894, 317-36.)
(4) MS. Toulouse, 766 : ‘ Ordini di giuochi degli scacchi in diuersi modi,
cosi di mano, come sot to mano, cio h in offenza e difenza, con altri bellissimi
partiti, sono di G. Cesare Polerio, alias l’Apruzzese, cio h giocandosi del pari.’
A holograph MS. of 56 quarto leaves, containing 49 Openings and 40 Problems.
It is practically identical with the following MS., but must have been written
first. This puts its date a . 1594.
(5) MS. Nat. Lib. Paris, f. it. 948 : a small quarto MS. of 56 leaves, with
the same title as the Toulouse MS. on f. 3 a, but with a dedication to an
unnamed patron on ff. la-2 a, which is dated Roma, 31 July, 1594, and
refers to the work which he had written for the Duke of Sora a few years
previously. This MS. is an improved and corrected copy of the Toulouse MS.,
and, like it, is in Polerio’s handwriting.
(6) An Italian MS., in Florence until 1827, and later in the possession
of M. Doazan of Paris, since whose death it has been lost sight of. Its
contents were fortunately copied (rearranged in a tabular form) by v. d. Lasa
in 1855, and several lithographed copies of the transcript were distributed
by v. d. Lasa. The Doazan MS. was a quarto MS., which was divided into
four books — Giuochi piani di diversi valentissimi giuocatori , 33 chapters;
Giuochi sotto mano di divert 13 chapters ; G ambit ti, 35 chapters ; Giuochi di
Giulio Cesare Polerio Lancianese y 42 chapters ; and Partiti diversi (problems)
6 chapters.
Many of the Openings prove on examination to be common to this MS.
and Paris 955, and, from certain indications in the latter MS., I believe that
it was one of the sources used by the writer of the Doazan MS. This MS.,
however, in addition, contains 19 games which are attributed to Giovanni
Domenico d’Arminio, whom Salvio (1634) names as the leading player in
the chess academy which met in Naples in 1634 in the house of Alessandro
Rovito, Judge of the Gran Corte della Vicaria, and Advocate Fiscal of the
Digitized by Google
822
CHESS IN EUROPE
part II
province of Cosenza in Calabria. Another game is ascribed to D. Antonio
Mancino, another member of the same academy, and the MS. includes other
games in the Neapolitan manner ; I think, therefore, that we cannot put the
MS. earlier than 1630-40, and that it is the work of a Neapolitan player who
had obtained access to Paris 955.
[(7) Caze (1706), in his Livre sur les parties de gambit (1706), includes
a number of games from a MS. in the library of M. le President de Thou,
which were there attributed to il Calabrese, Domingo (i.e. Domenico), and
Leon (i.e. Leonardo). This MS. must belong to a rather later date than MS.
Doazan.]
A more ambitious work, in essence an Italian version of Ruy Lopez, with
the addition of some Italian games of the style contained in the Polerio MSS.,
exists in two MSS. which, however, exhibit some small differences in their
contents. These MSS. are —
(8) MS. Florence XIX. 7, 65 : a MS. of 151 leaves which has lost its first
leaf. The present front leaf has the title, L'eleganzia , sottilita , verita della
virtuosissima professione dei scacchi .
(9) MS. J. G. White, Cleveland, U.S.A. : a MS. of 171 leaves (14 unnum-
bered, 161 foliated, 6 unnumbered), with the Ranozzi coat of arms and the
title (probably more modern) Regole per il Giuoco de Scacchi . On f. 1 a of
this MS. is the title of the Florence MS. In the Florence MS. chapters 48-
79, and in the Regole chapters 48-80, do not belong to the Lopez work. 13
V. d. Linde (16. Jrh. t 77) identified the author of this translation of Lopez
with Polerio, with whose handwriting that of the MS. has many resemblances.
Although Mr. Leon ( BCM ., 1894, 318) has pointed out that the chapters
in the Tarsia which was bound up with his Polerio MS. have been renumbered
to agree with the Florence MS., v. d. Lasa rejects the Polerio authorship on
the ground that the MS. contains inconsistencies which a player of Polerio’s
ability would have certainly removed. I think that he lays too great stress
upon these ; a change of plan in the course of writing the work may prove
an adequate explanation.
In addition to these MSS., there is a number of smaller MSS. in the
two composite manuscript volumes N. 2 and N. 3 in the Boncompagni-
Ludovisi Library. I also add a brief description of the remaining chess MSS.
of this period which are known to me :
(10) MS. Bone. N. 2, ff. 1-24 : a poem in 36 verses of 8 lines each, and
a collection of 24 problems, by Rotilio Graeco, with dedication to Jacomo
Buoncompagno, Duca di Sora, written between 1572 and 1584 (as appears
from the list of the Duke’s titles). The poem describes in detail a game
played before the Duke by Cesare (i. e. Polerio) and Don Lorenzo. 14
15 FI. cap. 1-70 = Regole 1-70 ; FI. 71-8 are not in Regole ; FI. 74, 75 = Regole 71, 72;
Regole 78-6 are not in FI. ; FI. 76- end * Regole 77-end. On a blank page at the end of
Regole has been added in another hand a ‘ gambito di Giuglio Cesare i. e. of Polerio. Neither
MS. contains any problems.
14 The poem is not without interest. Two stanzas are devoted to a description of the
board and pieces. Polerio offers Lorenzo the choice of men by letting him choose between
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
823
(11) MS. Bone. N. 2, ff. 71-121 = £o?ic. 2 : a collection of 108 problems,
■fcwo to each recto, the versos blank, with solutions in the numerical notation
which Polerio always employed in the solutions of problems. This MS. may
very well be by Polerio.
(12) MS. Bone. N. 3, ff. 37-62: an anonymous treatise on Openings of
ehess with 44 general remarks. This MS. has, so far as the contents of the
earlier part go, a remarkable resemblance to some of the earlier MSS. of Greco.
(13) MS. Bone. N. 3, ff. 73-6 : 16 problems of modem chess, two columns
to the page.
(14) MS. Bone. N. 3, ff. 325-8 : the rough draft of an attempt to arrange
the defences to the King’s Knight’s Opening in an orderly way. 15
(15) MS. British Museum, Add. 28710: a Spanish MS. of the late
16th c., contains on ff. 352 b-373 a, an incomplete treatise on certain Endings
of chess, with some definitions and rules ; the latter are of interest.
(16) MS. Paris, Arsenal, 2891, ff. 493-6 b: the second volume of a port-
folio which belonged to Philibert de la Marche, contains a French treatise
on chess, Remarques sur le ieu des eschets , which contains some valuable notes
upon the differences between chess as played in France, Italy, and Spain.
The importance of the Italian MSS. in this list which contain Openings
is, from the historical point of view, very great. They date from the time
when Italian players were most active in exploring new lines of play, and we
see in them the successive steps by which the new Openings took a standard
form. They provide a most valuable picture of Roman chess before the
Roman players yielded to the influence of the Neapolitan players and adopted
their rules, which we can set against the pictures of Spanish, Neapolitan, and
Sicilian chess which we possess in the works of Lopez, Salvio, and Carrera
respectively. Four of the MSS. give interesting details about the origin
of many of the games, which enable us to add life to the bald lists of players
in the pages of Salvio and Carrera, and also preserve the names of other
players of high excellence whom these writers omit to mention. But most
important of all, from the standpoint of the history of the development of the
theory of chess, the games are sufficient in number, and often carried sufficiently
far into the middle game, for us to compare the tactics of the Italian players of
1570-1600 with those of their predecessors, and specially with those exhibited
in Lopez’s analysis.
To turn from the pages of Ruy Lopez to those of the Polerio games (for
instance, in v. d. Linde’s 16. Jrh.) is, according to v. d. Lasa, ‘to step from
darkness into light, for the earlier treatment of the game, meritorious as it
his two hands, one of which contains a white Pawn, the other a red. Lorenzo chooses the
white, and Polerio thus secures the right to begin. The game ran as follows : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ;
2 Ktf3, Ktc6 ; 3 Bc4, Bc5 ; 4 Pc3, Qe7 ; 5 0-0, Pd6 ; 6 Pd4, Bb6 ; 7 Bg5, Ktf6 ; 8 Pa4, Pa6 ;
9 Bd5, Ktb8 ; 10 bKtd2, Pc6; 11 Ba2, Bg4 ; 12 Qb8, Ba7; 13 Qdl, Pg6; 14 PxP, PxP;
15 B x P + , Kd8 ; 16 Kt x eP, Q x Kt ; 17BxKt + ,Kc8; 18QxB + ,Ktd7; 19BxR,QxB;
20 Be6, Qe8 ; 21 Ktc4, Kc7; 22Qf4 + ,Kd8; 28Qd6,Bb8; 24 QxKt + , QxQ; 25BxQ,KxB;
26 Ktb6 + , Kd6 ; 27KtxR,Ba7; 28fRdl + ,Kc5; 29 Bd4, Pa5 ; 80aRdl,Pb6; 81Pb4 + ,
P x P ; 32 P x P mate.
18 In addition to these larger works there are still a few odd notes of Openings or Problems
on odd pages in these two MSS.
Digitized by Google
824
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
was for its time, was placed very much in the shadow by the lively and
brilliant combinations of the aspiring Italian school/ The first thing that
strikes the reader is the great advance in the number of Openings, and in the
grasp of the intention and possibilities of each line of play. To the already
known Openings in the older writers these MSS. add the Queen’s Gambit
declined (by 2 . . , Pc6 only) ; the Fianchetto defences, the Caro-Kann, the
Sicilian, 1 Pe4, Ktc6, and 1 Pe4, Pd6 ; all the known varieties of the King’s
Gambits excepting the Allgaier (5 Ktg5) and the Cunningham 16 ; the Centre
Gambit (one game beginning 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pd4, P x P ; 3 Bc4, Ktc6 ; 4 KtfB,
Bc5, transposes into a position in the Scotch Game) ; the Calabrese Counter
Gambit, Berlin Defence, and Boden-Kieseritzky Gambit in the Bishop’s Open-
ings ; the Greco Counter Gambit, the Two Knights* Defence, and the Four
Knights* Game in the King’s Knight’s Opening.
The majority of these Openings are attacking ones, in which the aim is to
develop the major pieces as rapidly as possible to the places where they can
exert their greatest pressure on the opponent. The formation of a centre is
a secondary, not the main, consideration. These principles of development are
quite different from those which lie behind Lopez’s method of play, and lead
naturally to the preference for other Openings than those which he favoured.
The typical Openings of these MSS. are the Giuoco Piano, and the King’s
Knight’s Gambits. The defence often takes the form of a counter-gambit,
and this term dates from this time. Thus the less lively Bishop’s Gambit is
met by Count Annibale Romeo of Ferrara’s Contro-gambitto, 1 Pe4, Pe5;
2 Pf4, PxP; 3 Bc4, Pf5, and the dull Bishop’s Opening by Leonardos
counter-attack, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Bc4, Pf5. In the match at Madrid between
Leonardo and Lopez two schools of play met, and youth w r as on the side of
the player of the more open and attacking game. Little wonder is it that
Lopez was defeated. 17
16 One variety, said to be a favourite in Spain, is given its Spanish name of Guzpatarra
(lit. a boys* game). It began : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4, P x P ; 3 Pd4, Qh4 + ; 4 PgS, P x P ; 6 Kg2.
Salvio tells how Gio. Domenico d’Arminio and he had played it, Salvio winning by 2-1, with
one draw (stalemate).
17 It may be of interest to give the three games from these MSS. which were played
between the leading Italian and Spanish masters :
Leonardo v. Lopez ( Vscita contra la Donna auanti al Re che principi'o il Calabrese contra Ruy Lopes ,
compilataperme G. C.P. , MS. Bone., f. 47) : 1 Pe4, Pe6 ; 2 KtfB, Ktc6 ; 8 Bc4, Bc5 ; 4 Pc3, Qe7 ;
5 Pb4, Bb6 ; 6 Pa4, Pa6 ; 7 Ba3, Pd6 ; 8 Pd8, Ktf6 ; 9 Qe2, Bg4 ; 10 bKtd2.
Leonardo v. Lopez (Gioco quando se haura la mano e Valtra uole rompere per la pedona di Re, efu'
contra il Clerico e Gio. Leonardo in Ispagna ; MS. 955, f. 16a) : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ;-2 KtfB, Pd6 ; 8 Bc4,
Pf5 ; 4 Pd3, Be7 ; 5 Qe2, Pc6; 6 Ph8, Pf4 ; 7 PgS, PxP; 8 PxP, Kc7; 9 Ktc3,KtfB; 10 Pb4,
following with Pa4 and Kg 2, e restera co li pezm liberi et il gioco del nero mal potto.
Scovara v. Paolo Boi (Gioco che giocava il Siracusano con un areato dell* Archivescoro di Siviglia,
primo giocator di Spagna , Bone. f. 84b ; Vscita che usaua Scouara gran giocator di Spagna contra il
Siracusano , MS. 955, f. 81b) : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Bc4, Bc6 ; 8 KtfB, Ktc6 ; 4 PcB, Qe7 ; 5 Pd4, PxP;
6 PxP,QxP + ; 7 BeB, Bb4 + ; 8 Ktc8, Pd5 ; 9 Bd3, Qe7 ; 10 Ph3, Ktf6 ; 11 Kgl, Rf8 ; 12 Pg4,
Kg8 ; 18 Rh2, Bd6 ; 14 Rg2, e cost ritrouandosi il gioco in questa postura o simile secondo alcana uolta
si uariava qualche tratto per il piu uenceva il Spagnuolo ancorche tenesse una pedona mono , e ueramente
ogni giocatoie ne restava meravigliato di un gioco cost rotto doll a parte del Re con una pedona meno.
Polerio examines this Opening under the Roman rules ( Gioco simile alia Italiana, rompendo con
la pedona di Donna prima che si salta di Re, Bone., f. 86), playing 10 0-0 ( salta in parte di Re alt
ordinario ), B x Kt ; 11 P x B, Bg4 ; 12 Rel, Be6 ; 13 Qb8, Ktd8 ; 14 Bg5, Ktf6 ; 15 Kt©5, 0-0 ;
16 Pf4, e cost ancorche tenga una pedona meno resta con buonissima postura di uencere il gioco forzata-
mente. Under the Neapolitan rules, White could not i leap’ on move 10, because the check
on move 6 deprived him of the liberty to leap at all.
w
Digitized by
Google,
HAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
825
That these principles of play were characteristic of Italian players generally,
nd not of the Roman players only, is evident from an examination of the
nalysis in the works of Gianutio and Salvio, which were published during
his period in other parts of Italy.
Horatio Gianutio of Mantia published his Libro nel quale si tratta della
Uaniera di giocar ’ a Scacchi^ in Turin, in 1597, dedicating it to Count
Francesco Martinengo di Malpaga. This work, now of some rarity, is a quarto
>f 57 (51 numbered, 47 and 48 being each repeated) leaves, with a few
Dpeningfs with and without odds, and 11 Problems. Its main interest for us
consists in the passage dealing with the King’s move :
II R& ha podestii di saltare la prima volta tre case se vuole b la a salto di Cauallo
5 di Donna : & questo men tre non se si a mosso della sua prima casa, & se auertischa,
che saltando il R& dalla sua banda, il Rocco si deue mettere a casa d’Alfiero, & il R&
a casa di Cauallo, & se dalla banda della Donna, il Rfe a casa d’Alfiero, et il Rocco
a casa di Donna, & questo s'osserua per tutta la Spagna, et molte parti d’ltalia,
ma non generalmente. Il salto d’ltalia si h non passar con il Rocco la casa deH’Alfieri
6 mettere il Rfe doue meglio piace k giuocatori, & di questa maniera di saltare si
8erueremo in tutti li giuochi di questa nostra opereta.
And, as a matter of fact, Gianutio uses the following ‘ leaps’ ; Kg2 by itself,
Khl and Rfl ; Kal and Rcl (very frequent) ; Kbl and Rcl.
Gianutio only deals with six Openings, all of which are to be found in
earlier writers. He devotes most space to the Two Knights’ Defence, which
had come into fashion among Italian players about 1585, but there is very
. little of importance in any of Gianutio’s analysis. He was weaker than the
leading Roman or Neapolitan players.
Dr. Alessandro Salvio has been mentioned already as one of the leading
Neapolitan players from 1595 onwards, and considerable use has been made of
the historical parts of his chess books. These are three in number :
1. Trattato dell Inventione et arte liberale del gioco di scacchi , Naples, 1604 :
a quarto of 8 + 186 + 2 pages, dedicated to Fulvio di Costanzo, Marchese di
Corleto, which contains 31 chapters with Openings, 11 with games at odds,
and 21 gioc/ii di partiti or problems, some being supplied from actual play.
2. La Scaccaide, Naples, 1612 and 1618 (< JT ., 2234-5) : a chess tragedy,
of which no copies are known to exist. From some quotations in Carrera, it
appears that the prologue gave some historical information about Italian
players. Salvio himself refers to it in his work of 1634 in the table of
contents of the Fourth Book (the reprint of his 1604 work), ‘ Cap. 4. quello
ch’fe descritto nella tragedia although the chapter itself does not mention it.
3. Il Putlino , altramente deito , il cavaliero errante del Salvio , Sopra il gioco
de Scacchi con la sua Apologia contra il Carrera . . , Naples, 1634, quarto, 8 + 72
pages, bound up with Trattato delV Invention . . . Seconda Impressione , Naples,
1634, quarto, 16 + 64 pages. 18 The II Puttino is dedicated to Pietro Giordano
Ursino, the Trattato to Mario di Bologna, 4 mio padrone ’. The former work
11 In some copies the Trattato , which is called Libro Quarto in the table of contents, is placed
before II Puttino .
Digitized by Google
826
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
contains the romance based on the career of Leonardo, large extracts from
Cessolis, 13 chapters containing gambitti , 7 containing giochi piani (by which
Salvio and his contemporaries meant all games that were not gambits), and 13
containing problems. The Tratlato is practically a reprint of the games and
problems of the 1604 edition. The section Usanza del giocare in diuerse parti
is also brought up to date ; I shall make use of this later in dealing with the
development of castling.
Although Salvio followed the roles of Neapolitan chess in his analysis, and
uses the so-called free castling , he is generally careful in other points to note
that certain moves are played alia Napolitana , especially where this might
escape a foreigner’s attention. These points usually have to do with the rule
that the King forfeited his right to castle after receiving a check, which often
made play to give or avoid an early check advisable that would otherwise
appear without purpose. Some Neapolitan players, he tells us in cap. xl of
the 1604 work, would sooner lose a piece than the right to castle. Thus,
1604, viii, he plays 1 Pe4, Pd5 ; 2PxP, QxP; 3 Kte2 alia Napolitana , to
preserve the power of castling, and 1604, xxxvi, at odds of Pawn and move,
1 Pe4, Pe6 ; 2 Pd4, Pd5 ; 3 Pe5, Pc5 ; 4Pc3,PxP; 5PxP,Qa4 + ; 6 Ktc3,
Ktc6 ; 7 Qh5 + , giocandosi alia Napolitana , &c., ma non giocandosi alia Napoli -
iana ... non accadeua dare scacco. More subtle is the difference in 1634,
Gambitto V, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4, P x P ; 3 Ktf3, Pg5 ; 4 Ph4, Pg4 ; 5 Kte5,
Qe7 ; 6 Pd4, Pf5 ; 7 B x fP, Pd6 ; 8 Bg5, Ktf6 ; 9 Ktc3, Pc6 ; 10 B x Kt,
QxB; 11 Ktc4, Pb5 ; 12 Kt-, se si giocara alia Spagnola potra perdere le Ped.
del Be nero (Black has played first in this game) con la ped. dell 9 Alf., ma se-
giocarassi alia Napolitana , non premia, ma spinga la Ped. dell 9 Alf. di Be
nn 9 ultra casa.
I may, perhaps, quote two other games which have some interest of their
own. 1634, Gambitto xxi, begins with the note that this is another form of
the gambit which had never been thought of, 19 when Sr. Mutio of Alessandro
(a third-class player in the Naples Academy) saw it played between D.
Geronimo Cascio and another player. Owing to Sarratt’s blunder in trans-
lating this passage, this Opening has received the name of the Muzio Gambit
(Sarratt, Damiano , Bug Lopez, and Salvio , 1813, 209) ! The Opening runs
1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4, PxP; 3Ktf3,Pg5; 4Bc4, Pg4; 5 Khl and Rfl, P x Kt ;
6 QxP, Qe7 ; 7QxP,Kth6; 8QxcP,Ktc6; 9Ktc3,Qd6; 10 Ktd5 and
must win. 1634, Gioco Piano ii, was played between Gio. Domenico de
Leonardis and Salvio, and is called Gioco Piano. It runs 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pd3,
Bc5 ; 3 Be2, Ktf6; 4 Pf4, PxP; 5BxP, Pc6; 6 Ktf3, Qb6; 7 Q or B
guards bP, Ktg5.
19 In tliis Salvio is in error, The Opening occurs, but without analysis, in both the
Boncompagni and the Leon Polerio MSS. of c. 1590, and there is another earlier example
(unfortunately faulty) in the Mountstephen Greco MS. of 1628, f. 78 a; 1-5 as in Salvio
(5 Khl and Rfl al modo Italiano ) ; 6 QxP, Bh6 ; 7 Pd4, QlB ; 8 Pe5, Qc6 ; 9 Qb8, Qg6 ;
iOBxP, BxB; 11 RxB, Kth6; 12 Ktd2, Kh8 and Rg8 (a! modo Italiano) ; 18 Qf8, Ktc6 ;
14 Pc8, Kta5 ; 15 Rf6. The remainder is defective.
The variety 5 B x P + is in the Polerio MSS. from the play of Carlos Avalos, a Spaniard
resident in Naples about 1590, who, after Leonardo’s death, inherited the jewels which
Philip II had bestowed on that master.
Digitized by Google
AP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
827
Although Salvio only adds this last Opening to those of the Polerio MSS.,
s analysis is quite independent, though on similar lines of development,
fcter writers, e. g. Ponziani and Lewis, have justly given high praise to his
ork. For his time, he was an analyst of exceptional ability.
Between the dates of Salvio’s two works on the practical game, D. Pietro
arrera (B. 1571 at Militello in the valley of Noto, Sicily ; D. 1647 at
lessina), priest of Militello and the author of some works on the history of
icily, published his 11 Gioco degli ScaccAi, Militello, 1617, a bulky quarto of
40 pages all told. This is a far more methodical work than either of Salvio’s,
nd in all departments excepting the analysis is a valuable work, containing
mcb of importance from the point of view of the historian. In his analysis
e follows the Sicilian rules under which the King had no power at all of
eaping. This deprives him entirely of the possibility of the brilliancy of
day which is characteristic of the Roman MSS. and Salvio, but, in addition,
Barrera was devoid of any analytical ability and his work is full of blunders,
[n his section on the Damiano Gambit he twice misses a mate on the move.
His work has an archaic character, and, like the Gottingen MS., he divides
:he possible Openings into four (1 Pe4, *1 Pd4, 1 Pf4, and 1 Pc4). His con-
tribution to the theory of the Openings is limited to three feeble varieties of
the King’s Gambit (3 Qg4, 3 Qh5 *f , and 3 Ph4). His methodical tendencies
are shown in the full discussion of all varieties of odds, and by the forty-one
chapters which he devotes to the problem, in Sicilian called tralto posticco.
In his last book he describes a new variety of chess of his own invention on
a 10 x 8 board, with four extra pieces on each side, viz., two Pawns, a Centauro
(bl, b8) with the moves of Rook and Knight, and a Camjrione (il, i8) with
the moves of Bishop and Knight. The game never got beyond the book
stage.
In this work Carrera (422) ventures on a single occasion to criticize a move
in a Queen’s Gambit in Salvio’s work of 1604, and in this way incurred the
wrath of the Neapolitan master, already vexed because Carrera had not
recognized tha,t a blindfold player mentioned in the prologue to La Scaccaule
was Salvio himself. Salvio devoted the Third Book of his 1634 work to
a bitter attack on Carrera under the title Apologia contra il Carrera . The
warfare did not end here, for Valentino Vespajo, a friend of Carrera (who had
abandoned chess before 1634), replied to Salvio in a still more bitter pamphlet,
now of great rarity, 20 Biposta in difesa di 1). Pietro Carrera contra T Apologia di
Almandro Salvio , Catania, 1685. Vespajo accuses Salvio of ignoring the fact
that Carrera wrote under the Sicilian rules of chess, and goes' on to point out
inaccuracies in Salvio’s historical statements, concluding with the sweeping
assertion, ‘ Il Salvio non merita d’esser creduto in nulla’ (52). One of these
misstatements refers to the last great Italian player of this period, Gioachino
Greco.
Greco, surnamed ‘Cusentino’, and more frequently * il Calabrese’, was a man
10 Only three copies are known : in the Bibl. do l’Arsenal, Paris, and the Catania and
Palermo Libraries.
/■
Digitized by Google
828
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
of poor parentage and no education, a native of Celico near Cosenza in
Calabria, the same province of the kingdom of Naples which had produced
the masters Giovanni Leonardo and Michele di Mauro. He learnt his chess
from the works of Ruy Lopez and Salvio (1604), and when we first meet with
him he was living in Rome under the patronage of a number of wealthy
prelates, Cardinal Savelli, Monsr. Corsini of Casa Minutoli Tegrimi, Monsr.
Francesco Buoncompagno (a son of the Duke of Sora who inherited his
father s interest in chess : he was born 1596, made Cardinal April 19, 1621, and
Archbishop of Naples in 1626, and died 1641), and others. For these patrons
he made extracts from a manuscript collection of games which he seems to
have commenced to keep in 1619, prefixing to the copies much introductory
matter relating to chess. 21 He soon left Rome in search of the fortune which
was supposed to await chess-players in foreign lands, and in 1621 he was at
the court of the Duke of Lorraine in Nancy, to whom he gave a splendidly
executed copy of his MS., which is dated July 5, 1621. From Nancy he pro-
ceeded to Paris, where the leading players were the Duke of Nemours,
M. Arnault le Carabin, and M. Chaumont de la Salle, and in a very short
time he gained 5,000 crowns by his play. In 1622 he crossed to England
and had the misfortune to fall in with thieves on his way to London, who
robbed him of all his money. In London he played with all the leading
players, and two at least of these, Sir Francis Godolphin and Nicholas Mount-
stephen, secured copies of his MS., the copy made for the latter containing, in
addition to Greco’s own games, extracts from Ruy Lopez and the 1604 Salvio,
81 In its fullest form, this matter includes (in addition to the dedication (1), a section
Ai lettori (2), and a sonnet (8)) sections entitled Del gioco de scacchi (4), dealing with the
invention of chess, the moves of the pieces, check, and mate ; Leggi del Qioco (5) ; Vsanea che
nel gioco si osserva in diversi parti (6), giving the rules of different countries ; Astutie de giocatori (7) ;
Jiegole da tenersi per imparar a giocare di memoria all ’ nobilissimo gioco de scacchi ( 8).
The bibliography of the Greco MSS. has been unsatisfactory in the past. V. d. Linde
(16. Jrh 94), ignoring the clear statement of the Boncompagni MS. N. 8 (f. 1), dates the
Boncompagni MS. post 1626 , and did not discover that the MS. is not one work but two.
To Greco’s Roman period belong :
1. Trattaio del Qioco de Scacchi di Qioachino Qreco Cusentino. Diuiso in Sbaratti & Pariiti.
Dedication to Monsr. Corsini di Casa Minutoli Tegrimi, dated Rome, Feb. 12, 1620. Contains
§§ 1, 2, 8 ; now in v. d. Lasa's library.
2. Trattato del nobilissimo Gioco de Scacchi, il quale e ritratto di Guerra A di Ragion di Stato .
Diuiso in Sbaratti , Pariiti, & Gambetti , Qiochi modemi , Con bellissimi Tratti occulti tutti diuersi .
Di Gioacchino Greco Calabrese. V Anno MDCXX. Dedication to an unnamed Cardinal of Casa
Orsina. Contains §§ 1, 2, 8, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 ; now in the Corsini library, Rome (MS. Cors. 669).
8. Without title, commencing Primo modo di giochare a scachi , and ending with a reference
to the other MS. which he gave to Monsr. Buoncompagno (No. 4) as ‘ libro magore \ and
a brief recommendation to his patron signed gioachimo greco. Now bound in MS. Boncompagni*
Ludovisi, N. 8, ff. 77 (text begins 79)-160.
4. Libretto di giochare a schachi conposto da giochimo greco Calabrese di la tera di celico. Gioachino
Greco prattica in Casa del Cardinal Sauelli , et Monsr. Boncompagno. Contains § 1. Bound in MS.
Boncompagni-Ludovisi, N. 8, ff. 161 (text 168)-822 (text ends 820). Since Francisco Buon-
compagno is described as Monsr. and not as Cardinal, this MS. was written before April, 1621.
From the similarity of its contents, we may add to these MSS. :
6. The Lorraine MS., with the same title (except for date mdcxix) as No. 2 above.
Dedication to Henry, Duke of Lorraine, dated Nansi, July 6, 1621. Contains §§ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, 7, 8. This MS. now belongs to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and is presumably at Salzburg
in Austria. Our knowledge of this MS. is derived from the copy which Sr. Fantacci made
for Staunton in 1864.
6. A French translation of the last MS., made by Guillaume Polydore Ancel, Nancy, 1622,
is now in the Dresden Library, MS. 0. 60.
Digitized by Google
KP. Xll
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
829
1, I think, also from an Italian MS. of the Polerio group. 22 Greco returned
[Paris in 1624, and during this stay in France he regained a portion at least
his fortune, and rearranged his MS., eliminating the longer and less
tractive games, and adding many brilliancies. We possess a number of
SS. (or copies of MSS.) which he made for French patrons during this
jond visit to Paris, 1624-6. 23 He next made his way to Madrid, where he
ayed at the court of Philip IV, defeating all opponents. 24 Finally he was
duced to accompany a Spanish nobleman to the West Indies, where he died
*fore 1634, leaving all his fortune to the Jesuits. He never revisited Italy
‘ter 1621, and his reputation was made after that year. This explains the
ct that his influence has never extended to his native country.
In his earlier MSS. there is little to show that Greco was a player of
tore than moderate skill. He follows older works closely ; the games in the
IS. which he wrote for Monsr. Corsini are little more than an extract from
iuy Lopez ; and he makes no attempt to adapt his material to the rules
urrent in Italy. None of the games from Lopez is brought up to date by
he introduction of castling. In the few remaining games (derived in part
w To the English visit belong :
7. The Booke of The ordinary games at Chestes. Composed by Joachino Greco an Italian , Borne in
'alabria : written for Nicholas Mountstephen dweUinge at Ludgate in London : Anno Domini 1628°.
Cext in Italian. M8. Bodl. Lib. Oxford, Add. A. 277. This contains games from Lopez in
iddition.
8. A MS. with the same title (ending Mount-Stephen. 1628.) and Italian text, now in
Mr. J. G. White's library. This MS. adds games from Salvio.
9. A MS. with the same title (ending at the word Calabria), and Italian text, Brit. Mus.,
MS. Sloan 1937. The text is almost identical with that of No. 7.
10. A MS. with the same title as No. 9, in v. d. Lasa's library, which omits the Lopez
games in No. 7.
These MSS. are— so far as the Greco games are concerned — practically identical. Nos. 7,
9, and 10 use red ink for the White moves, and black ink for the Black moves. From a less
complete MS. of this group Beale obtained the games which he included in his Royall Game
of Cheese-Play : The study qf Bioachimo, the famous Italian , London, 1666.
B To the second French visit belong :
11. Trattato sopra la nobilta del Gioco di Scacchi dove in esso contiene vn vero ritratio di Guerra et
govemo di stato diviso in sbaratti et partiti et gambetti et giochi or dinar ii con tratti diversi belissimi .
Composto per Gioacchino Greco Italiano Calavrese. The date Parigi, 1624, occurs on ft 6a and 146a.
MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, f. it., 962.
12. Trattato del Nobilissimo et Militare Essercitio de Scacchi nel quale si contengono molti bellissimi
tratti et la rera Sciema di esso gioco. Composto da Gioachino Greco Calabrese. Contains §§ 1, 4.
In Mr. J. G. White's library.
18. A MS. with the same title as No. 11, containing §§ 1, 2, 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, and on f. 168 a
the date Parigi, 1625. Now in v. d. Lasa’s library.
14. A MS. without title, but with dedication to an unnamed Signor, and with the date,
parigi 1624, on f. 8 a. MS. Grenoble 2008.
15. Tl nobillissimo Gioco delli Scacchi. MS. Orleans 481.
16. A MS. with the same title as No. 12, containing §§ 1,4,5, and the date 1626 on f. 22a.
Bibl. Nat. Paris, f. it. 1878. A shortened text.
17. A MS. with the same title as No. 12, containing §§ 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and the same
text of the games as No. 16. Formerly in the possession of Mr. A Samuels, now in Mr. J. G.
White's library.
18. Le leu des Eschecs de loachim Grez Calabrois. A French translation of c. 1660, containing
§§ 4 and 5. The date, Paris 1626, on p. 186, is taken from the Italian original. Now in
Mr. J. G. White's library.
19. Jeu deschets de Mr. Talon medicin 1560 (read 1660), MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, f. it. 1879, is an
extract from a Greco MS. (MS. Bibl. Nat. Paris, f. fr. 14886, is a copy of the printed French
edition.)
20. Primo mode de Gioco de partito composto per Gioachimo Greco Calabrese , MS. Nat. Lib. Lisbon,
H. 1. 31, contains problems only.
u So Vespajo (50), correcting Salvio’s statement that Marano had defeated Greco at the
Spanish court. He quotes evidence to prove that Marano never played at this Court at all.
Digitized by
Google
830
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
from Salvio) he uses the free castling which had become usual in Rome
shortly before his time. The MSS. of his Roman period are in the main
collections of Openings, not Games. In his English MSS. he begins to adapt
his play to the rules of the country in which he was writing. Thus in one
game (Bodl. Add. A. 277, f. 49 b) he takes a Pawn in passing, but in most
of the games he still uses the free castling (in this MS. called al modo Italiano ).
It is only after the revision of 1624-5 that we find the normal non-Italian
rules of castling (called for long in Italy arroccamento alia Calabrista , after
Greeo) adopted in his games throughout.
The Greco MSS. of the English and the second French visits are no longer
collections of Openings only, but are collections of games in which the play
is continued until the mate is reached or in sight. The concluding combina-
tions are often extraordinarily brilliant and suggestive, although it must be
admitted that they are often only possible as the result of weak moves on the
opponent’s part. A complete game appeals to a larger public than does
analysis, however accurate, and it is to this novel feature of Greco’s work that
its instant and lasting popularity was due. The early MSS. of his games
were treasured by their owners and their friends (in England the games
were in the 1 Delights * of King Charles I), and Francis Beale anticipated
their displeasure when he published a selection of Gambetts from a MS., the
fruit of Greco’s English visit. The rearranged work of 1624-5 remained in
MS. until 1669, when a French translation was published in Paris which has
served as the original of all later editions, of which forty-one are known, in
French, English, German, Dutch, Danish, and Italian. 25
Greco’s games are naturally based upon the favourite Italian Openings
of his day, and it is hardly to be expected that he should have made any
considerable addition to the large number of Openings that were then
known. He is, however, our oldest authority for the Cunningham Gambit
(approached in MS. Bone. N. 3, f. 126 b, by 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4, PxP;
3 Bc4, Be7 ; 4 Ktf3, Bh4 + ), and for 1 Pf4, Pe5 ; 2 PxP, Qh4+ (the
Lorraine MS.). With the exception of these and a very few other games,
Greco’s later MSS. are made up from the traps in the Openings which were
familiar to most Italian players, and from the Openings in the Polerio and
other Roman MSS. These last he has continued to the mate by adding his
unsound continuations and brilliant conclusions. Greoo’s great service to
chess lies in the fact that he made this material known to a wider circle
of players than Polerio and his contemporaries ever reached. In this way
his MSS. became one of the most important productions in the literature of
chess.
Both Salvio and Greco record with care the different local rules of chess
existing in their day, and make it possible to continue the history of castling
from the point at which I left it on p. 812.
,e An excellent bibliography will be found in Prof. Hoffmann's Games of Greco t London,
1900, from the pen of Mr. J. A. Leon, a great authority on the early history and bibliography
of the modern game.
Digitized by v^ooole
P. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
831
In Rome the modern form of castling (Kgl and Rfl ; Kcl and Rdl) had
le into ordinary use by 1585. In the Roman MSS. of 1585-95 this move
described as sal tare (vb., salto, n.) in parte di Re (Donna) come s'usa or
ordinario , or simply saltare (salto). Soon after 1600, possibly through
scio’s influence, the Roman players adopted the free castling , which per-
tted the Rook to be played to any square up to and including the K sq.,
1 the King to be placed on any square on the other side of the Rook up
and including R sq. This form of castling is employed in all Greco’s MSS.
his Roman period. The old power of leap to 1 the third square * as Knight
Aufin or Rook survived alongside of the combined move, and the privilege
leaping 1 or castling remained so long as the King was unmoved.
In Naples, Calabria, and Florence, the old leap of the King had been
placed (with the single exception that the unmoved King could leap once
ong the hack row by himself after the Rook had moved by itself) by the
ee castling, with the additional limitation that a check deprived him of the
ower of castling at all. The usual term is saltare (salto) , but Salvio (1604)
Iso uses arroccare .
In Sicily and Genoa the King had no power of leaping (or castling) at
ill. Salvio (1634) adds that some Sicilian players were beginning to allow
he King the Knight’s leap for his first move.
In Milan, Turin, and Bologna, the Roman rule was followed, with the
exception that the King’s solitary leap was abandoned. In other parts of
Italy the Roman rule was followed in its entirety.
The general tendency in Italy after Salvio’s day was towards uniformity
in the rules of castling, the free castling of the Roman players displacing the
local variety. This took time: in Venice, players in 1665 were still playing
Khl, Rel, and Pg3 or h3 (cf. p. 812, note 3) as one move (Mortali, Modo
facile , Venice, 1665). In 1683 Dr. Francesco Piacenza (I Campeggiamenti
degli Scacchi , Turin) bemoans the existence of several errors and abuses in
castling which he had seen committed by players : thus in Umbria players
allowed the King in castling to cro^s over an attacked square ; some Neapolitan
players allowed the King to castle after he had been moved provided he had
not received a check, other players allowed the King to leap as a Rook on
the back row over the moved Rook as far as R sq. (see p. 38, Naples, &c.) ;
in other parts players combined the free castling with Pg3 (or 4) or Ph3 (or 4)
as a single move, and others castled in such a way that the Rook gave check
or attacked a piece or Pawn. In the 18th c. the Modenese masters allowed
free castling and also after a check had been received (Cozio says that
this rule did not apply to Rome or Naples), provided the Rook did not as
a result attack any man. 28 Cozio follows the practice of Savoy, castling
as in France, but with the condition that the Rook did not attack any hostile
man. All forbid the moving of a Pawn on the same move. The great
“ That this was not forbidden in Salvio’s day is seen from cap. iv of the 1604 work (the
game which was described in La Scaccaide) : 1 Pe4, PeB ; 2 KtfS, Ktc6 ; 3 Bc4, Ktf6 ; 4 Ktgo,
Pd5; 5 PxP, KtxP; 6 KtxP, KxKt; 7 Qf3 + , Ke6 ; 8 Ktc3, Kte7 ; 9 Khl and Rel
attacking the eP, &c.
832
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
reputation of the Modenese masters led to the general adoption of their rules
in Italy, and free castling survived until the end of the nineteenth century
in remote parts of Italy, although the influence of C. Salvioli and the chess
magazine La nuova Revitla degli Scacchi (1876-1903) had led to the adoption
of all the ordinary European rules in all Italian chess clubs some twenty
years earlier. The Rome Chess Club had made the change in 1877 ( BCM .,
1895, 88).
In Spain, castling was of much later introduction. In all the Spanish
games in the Roman MSS. the old leap is alone used, and the manoeuvre
Rfl and Kgl takes two moves to accomplish. Salvio says in 1604 that
castling was still unknown in Spain, but in 1634 he was able to add that
in some parts players had begun to play Rfl and Kgl or Rdl and Kcl as
a single move. 27
In France and England the modern form of castling was already in
general use among the best players at the time of Greco’s visits, and, although
Greco makes no reference to it, the King’s leap still survived in France, but
not in England. There was in both countries a period during which players
were a little uncertain as to the positions of the King and Rook after
castling ; in France this period came to an end before 1620, but in England
it was prolonged as late as 1640, when Jo. Barbier, in republishing Arthur
Saul’s Famous game of Chesse-play , 28 found it necessary to be more explicit
than Saul had been (‘ the standing of the King in his shifting (or changing)
ought to be certaine, and not as you please to place him as some play it *), and
gave the modern rule exactly. 29 The older solitary leap of the King is given in
27 Gianutio states that castling was general in Spain in 1697, but he was probably
mistaken. I do not consider him so reliable an authority as Salvio.
28 Originally published in 1614, and based on no previous book. The work is more
curious than useful, but its classification of the different mates deserves to be remembered.
‘The Queenes mate, a gracious Mate. The Bishops Mate, a gentle Mate. The Knights Mate,
a gallant Mate. The Hookes Mate, a forcible Mate. The Pawnes Mate, a disgraceful 11 Mate.
The Mate by discovery, the most industrious Mate of all. The Mate in a corner of the Field,
Alexanders Mate. The Mate in the middest of the Field, an unfortunate Mate. The Mate
on the side of the Field, a Cowards Mate. The Blind Mate (a mate which the winner does
not see is mate\ a shamefull Mate. The Stale, a dishonourable Mate. The Mate at two
Draughts a Fooles Mate.* (Barbier, 1640, adds the SchoUars Mate , 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Qh5, Ktc6 :
8 Bc4, Pd6 ; 4 Q x P m. ; * The French calls it Le Mat du Bergier, the Shepherds Mate,
as implying, if Peasants would be Chesse-players, such a Mate might a man soone give
them/)
Saul regularly uses the name Duke in the place of Rooky a usage which was followed by
Beale (‘ Rockes, Rookes or Dukes *) and Randle Holme (‘ The Kooks . . . called also Rocks or
Dukes'). There is an interesting allusion to this in the Induction to Middleton’s Game at
Chess :
Error : Behold there’s the full number of the game,
Kings and their Pawns, Queens, Bishops, Knights, and Dukes.
Ignorance : Dukes? they're called Rooks by some.
Error : Corruptedly ;
Le roc the word, custode de la roche ,
The keepers of the forts, in whom both Kings
Repose such confidence.
22 The verb castle first occurs in Beale (1666). The earlier writers use exchange (Saul),
change (Barbier, Beale), leap (Drummond), or sh\fl (Barbier). Leap is used as an alternative
for castle in Charles Jones’s edition of Hoyle's Games Improved , 1775, and in all subsequent
editions down to 1866, in Kenny’s Chess Grammar , 1817, &c. In most other European lan-
guages a derivative of Rook (rocco, &c.) is used, e. g. Fr. roquor, roque (earlier sauter, saut) ; It.
arroccare, arroccarsi (attorrarsi), arroccamento, arroccatura (attorramento) ; Sp. enrocar(vb.) ;
Pg. rokar-so (vb.); Ger. rochiren, rochade (Ailgaier has also rochen, rochgang) ; Du. rocheeren.
Digitized by
Google
CHAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
833
MS. Paris, Ars. 2891 , f. 494 b, and in La Marinifere’s Maison academique , Paris,
1659, the original of a long succession of manuals or games, which were rarely
brought up to date and were often a hundred years behind the times in their
rules of chess. 80 Here, as in all the French editions of Greco’s games from
1669 onwards, the leap is said to be out of fashion. Its last appearance in
a work of any authority occurs in Asperling’s Traitte dn Jen Royal des tickets^
Lausanne, n. d., towards the end of the 17th c. 31
The remaining points about which there were diversities of rule in different
countries may be stated more briefly.
Taking in passing ( passar or non passar battaglia). Outside Italy the
player had the option of taking a Pawn in passing: in Italy a Pawn could
not be taken in passing. The rule, given on p. 812, that a Pawn could not be
played past the attack of a Pawn on the opponent’s fifth rank to cover a check,
is not mentioned in any later writer, but Asperling does not allow it in his
analysis. 82
Bare King ( robado ). The Spanish rule by which this ending was counted
a half- win is mentioned by Salvio (1634), and apparently also by the Modenese
writers (1760-80), as being still in existence. 8
Stalemate . This was still reckoned as a half- win in Spain as late as 1600,
but the rule became obsolete in the course of the next 150 years. In Italy
and France (MS. Paris, Ars. 2891, f. 494 b, calls it estre au marests) stalemate
was a drawn game. In England during the 17th and 18th cc. the player who
gave stalemate lost the game. This rule appears first in Saul (1614), and was
only abandoned as a result of Sarratt’s influence in the new rules of the
London Chess Club in 1808. It is 4 given in Charles Jones’s HoylJs Games
Improved , London, 1775, and, as the text of the chess portion of this work
was still printed in 1866 with very little alteration, the rule may have been
followed in out-of-the-way places almost to the end of the 19th c. V. d.
Linde ( Leerboek , 274) met an American in 1861 who still claimed that the
stalemated King had won.
Pavm Promotion . In Spain and Italy in Greco’s time the Pawn could
only be promoted to the rank of Queen, and there was no limit to the number
of Queens that a player could have at any moment. In France promotion was
rochade ; Dan. rokkere, rokade ; Sw. rokaden, roquera ; Ic. hrdka (rokkera, hrdkskipta), hrok-
skipti ; Cz. rochdda (sb.) ; Pol. rohuje, roszuje, rokowac ; Croat. rohiiAti, rohada, roftada ; Russ,
rokerovka ; Finnish, rokeerata. Modern Or. text-books give fitrariStaOcu (but Contopoulos,
Lexicon Eng.-Qk. y Athens, 1904, has the noun fioicapi<rpa\ and Hungarian books, elsanczol&s.
80 The account of the King's move is unchanged in all the French editions : it appears in
the English adaptation, Seymour’s Court Gamester , London, 1719, and in subsequent editions ;
and remained in the German versions until the Hamburg edition of 1760 of the Neue K&nig-
liche VEombrt (in the 1791 edition the text was at last rewritten).
81 This work (p. 11) distinguishes between the King's power to leap (sauter) alone, and
to castle ( rocquer ). As examples of its use of the leap I quote ch. xvii : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 KtfS,
Pd6 ; 8 Bc4, Pf5 ; 4 Pd4, fPxP; 6 Ktg5, Pd5 ; 6 dPxP, PxB;7QxQ+,KxQ; 8 Ktf7 + ,
Ke8 ; 9 KtxR, Bf5 ; 10 KeS t &c.
88 Thus ch. i, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 KtfS, Ktc6 ; 8 Bb5, Bd6 ; 4 Pc3, Ktf8 ; 5 Pd4, Kt x eP ;
6 Qe2, Pf5 ; 7PxP, Be7; 8Ktd4,Pg6; 9KtxfP, PxKt; 10Qh5 + ,Kf8; 11 Bh6 + ,Kg8;
12 Bc4 m. Under the modern European rules 12 . . , PdB is possible.
88 Ponziani and Lolli refer to a rule of some French players that a blind mate (see p. 882,
n. 28) only counted as a half-win.
*1210 3 G
Digitized by Google
834
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
both limited and extended at an early date. In Estienne Pasquier’s Les
Recherche s de la France, Paris, 1560, when a Pawn reaches the eighth rank —
En ce cas on les surroge au lieu des pieces d’honneur qui pour avoir este prises
sont iettees hors le tablier. 54
Greco does not mention this rule, but it is in La Mariniere and his successors.
The editions of Greco give the Italian rule, and we meet accordingly in the
later manuals, which have combined the texts of the Greco games with that
of La Marinifere, with the contradiction that one part of the book limits pro-
motion to the rank of Queen and allows the player to have as many Queens
as he can make, while the other part only allows promotion to the rank of
the best piece which has been lost. Philidor, who learnt his chess in the
schools of Lopez and La Marini&re, deplores in L' Analyze (1749) the custom
of the French players who permitted a plurality of Queens.
This French rule was adopted by English players also. Saul apparently
allows promotion to any rank without conditions :
And comming at the last in place
Where Knights and Lords did dwell,
Their King shall give to them like grace,
Because they serv’d him well.
Thus being Bishops Knights or Rookes
Their King they’ll better steed,
The Kings may make of them a Queene,
If they have any need.
but later writers, e. g. Beale, 36 ruled that the promoted Pawn could only take
the place of a captured piece. This rule is repeated in Lambe’s History of
Chess , London, 1764, and in all the later editions of Hoyle , beginning with
Charles Jones’s edition of 1775 ; the latest in which I have seen it is an
edition of 1866. Unrestricted promotion was, however, certainly practised by
English players from the time of Saul onwards. The writer of the Letter to
the Craftsman on the Game of Chess , 1733, gives the rule of Pawn- promotion
54 Pasquier alludes to two forms of odds-giving in the concluding paragraphs of this
account of chess :
‘Bien vous dirai-ie auoir veu vn Lyonnois oster toutes les pieces d’honneur, & ne
retenir que le Roy avec ses Pions, desquels jouant deux fois contre vne, il rapportoit la
victoire contre de tres-bons ioueurs. Je lui ay veu mettre vn anneau sur vn Pion, sous ceste
stipulation qu’il ne pourroit Mater le Roy qu’auecques ce Pion ; vne autre fois passer plus
outre, & mettre encores vn anneau autour d’vn Pion de son aduersaire, a la charge qu'il le
forceroit de la Mater auecquea ceste piece ; & en Pvn & l’autre ieu rapporter victoire de son
opinion, contre vn homme qui n'estoit point mis au rang des petits ioueurs.*
The former game is included in the mediaeval MS. Arch, (see Arch. 28), and both are
given in MS. Per., and are described in Carrera, the first, p. 268, the second, p. 259; whence
in Staunton’s Chess Players Companion (London, 1849), pp. 884 and 388. J. Mendheim of
Berlin (D. 1836) and the Rev. C. E. Ranken (D. 1905) were noted for their skill in playing
the first game.
M Beale says, 4 You may immediately make him a Queen, or what piece you have already
lost, yea in forraigne Countries, and amongst the best players here, you may have two or
three Queens at a time *. Drummond of Hawthornden {Works, 1655, 253) says, 4 When they
can win and ascend the furthest part of the Chesse-bord on the Sunney side, as the first
which mount a breach, in this case they are surrogated in those void Rooms of the pieces of
honour, which because they suffered themselves to be taken, were removed off the Boord.’
This account of chess is simply a free translation of that given by Pasquier, and was pre-
sumably out of date when Drummond appropriated it.
Digitized by Google
3 HAP. XII
FROM LOPEZ TO GRECO
835
in its present form, while the Chess Club at Parsloe’s adopted this rule in
their code which was published in the 1790 edition of Philidor’s Analysis :
Every Pawn which has reached the eighth or last square of the chess-board,
is entitled to make a Queen, or any other Piece that shall be thought proper ; and
this, even when all the Pieces remain on the chess-board.
The London Club adopted the rule in. their code of 1808, re-wording it,
and although Pratt and W. S. Kenny — the latter as late as 1824 (Chess
Grammar , 1817, 1818, 1823, Chess Exercises , 1818, 1824) — refused to recognize
the rule of the chess clubs, they were powerless to prevent its general adoption. 8 ®
In Italy, Piacenza (1683) upholds the older rule limiting promotion to
the rank of the Queen, and includes the practice of some players of promoting
to any rank among the errors and abuses of the game. At a later date the
practice of Italian players changed, and the Modenese masters state the rule
thus : ‘ The Pawn is promoted at the choice of the player to the rank of any
piece that has been lost.* This rule remained in force until the closing years
of the 19th century.
Neither Salvio nor Greco have anything to say about the chess rules of
Germany or Iceland, and I defer all discussion of the special features of these
forms of chess until I deal with the earlier history of the modern games in
these countries.
The fifty years which ended with the death of Greco are not without
importance in the history of the chess problem, though the brilliance of the
game throughout this period tends for us to throw the problem into the back-
ground. That Polerio included a selection of problems in his MSS., and that
the other collections described on pp. 822-3 were made during these fifty
years, shows that the taste for the problem was not entirely dormant. These
collections show, however, that that taste was slowly changing its character.
With the death of the mediaeval game, the bulk of the problems so laboriously
collected by Bonus Socius and Civis Bononiae became obsolete. The attempt
which was made, for instance by the author of Bone. 2, to save the material
which was valid under the reformed rules, or to adapt older problems to the
new rules, 37 was in the main unsuccessful ; the problems which hit the popular
fancy in Italy from 1580 to 1600 were the conditional problems in which the
mate is given by a Pawn after a number of checks had been given by other
Pawns. All but one of Rotilio Gracco’s problems are of this type, and 74
of the 108 in Bone. 2 are of this kind. The more Pawns took part in the
checks, the better was the problem appreciated. This meant a great increase
in the average length of the solution : in Graeco the solutions are in from
5 to 35 moves, and average 15 moves ; in Bone. 2 the average length of the
M An English code of rules of 1862 proposed to allow a player to refuse to promote his
Pawn at all on reaching the eighth rank. This absurdity has been justly condemned by
the common sense of players. It has not the slightest historical justification.
» 7 Such positions in Bone. 2 are 20 (CB 185), 21 (207), 85 (168), 44-51 (114), 52 (96),
57 (125), 61 (127), 62 (128), 64 (136), 66 (156), 68 (158), 72 (58), 7S (164), 74 (96), 75 (99),
76 (102), 78 (103), 80-82 (106-108), 83 (113), 84 (181), 85 (144), 86 (147), 87 (151), 88-90
(142-4), 91-96 (168-178), 97 (175), 98 (179), 99 (181), 100 (188), 101 (195), 103 (203), 104
(206), 105 (208), 106 (279), 107 (25). The sequences are suggestive.
3 g 2
Digitized by Google
836
CHESS IN EUROPE
fin n
solution is 8 moves. The problems of this type are very artificial, and hr*
little value for the practical game. They tend to be monotonous, for tfce
apparent difficulty is commonly enhanced by blocking the advance of ti*
Pawn with which the mate is to be given by an opposing Pawn, which has to-
be compelled to vacate the file by a compulsory capture. The one good senric*
which this type of problem performed was to kill the unsound or wage
problem of the Middle Ages. The deliberately unsound problem disappeared
during this period.
The following problems from Rotilio Graeco may serve as examples c:
the favourite Italian problem from 1580 to 1600.
Graeco 2. Graeco 11. Graeco 20.
Mate in XXI exactly Mate in XX exactly with
with the Pawn, after the two Pawns. Th-
sacrificing all the other Bl. Pawns are fidated.
men.
Solutions. — 2. 1 Ktd5 ; 2 Ktc7 ; 3 Ktc5 ; 4 Ktd7 ; 5 Ktd5 ; 6 Kte7 ; 7 Kfc5;
8 Ktf7; 9 Ktf5 ; 10Ktg7; 11 Ph7 + ; 12Ktf5; 13 Kte7; 14Pg7 + ; 15 KteS:
16 Ktd7 ; 1 7 Pf 7 + ; 18 Ktd5; 19Ktc7; 20Pe7 + ; 2lKtc5; 22 Ktb7; 23Pd7 + :
24 Ktd5 ; 25 Ktc5 ; 26 Pc7 + ; 27 Pb7 + ; 28 Pb6 m.
11. 1 Rc2 + ; 2 Rc8 + ; 3 Qa8 + ; 4 Ktf6 + ; 5 Qd5 + ; 6 Q(e3)e6 + ; 7Q(e6)d6-K
8 Kte7 + ; 9 Qd7 + j 10 Bd6 + ; 1 1 Qa8 + ; 12Qc8 + ; 13Rb5; 14Pa6; 15Ph8=Q;
16 Qh5 ; 17 Qb5 ; 18 Be4 + ; 19 Qd5 + ; 20 Qb7 + ; 21 P x Q m.
20. 1 Bel ; 2 Bh6 ; 3Bg7; 4 Rhl ; 5Qd7 + ; 6Bh8; 7Rh6; 8Ktb4; 9Rf6-K
10 Rf3; 1 1 Kia6 ; 12 Qb7; 13Bg7; 14Bh6; 15 Ktb4; 16Ktc6 + ; 17 KtdJ;
18 Qc8 + ; 19 Pe6 + ; 20 Pe5 m.
This phase in the development of the problem soon lost its exaggerated
character. Although Polerio reserved the superlative 1 bellissimo * for problem?
of this type, they only form a small portion of his material, and none of tie
40 problems in the Toulouse and Paris (It. 948) MSS. are in more than VD
moves. Some of his c Subtleties * were drawn from actual play, and problems
of like origin form the bulk of the new material which Salvio included in hi*
books. Many of these positions are what we should now call End-games,
since only a few pieces are concerned, and the demonstration of the win or
draw, and not a mate in a definite number of moves, is the exercise set the
solver. The important thing is that these players in this way reasserted tie
Muslim convention that the problem must be possible in the sense that it
might have been the termination of a real game. All succeeding problemists
have observed this convention.
Mate in XXVIII exactly
with the Pawn, after
checking with all the
Pawns, five separately,
and three consecutively.
Digitized by boogie
CHAPTER XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
Chess in Italy, 1630-1730. — In France and England, 1550-1700. — Asperling. —
Cunningham. — Caze. — The Coffee-houses. — Bertin. — Stamma. — Hoyle. — Chess
in Germany, 1500-1790. — In Sweden, Denmark, &c. — In Iceland. — Four-handed
chess.
With Salvio the first great creative period in the history of the modern
game came to an end. For the next hundred years we hear comparatively
little of Italian chess, though it would be a mistake to think that this paucity
of information meant that chess was not played as enthusiastically as ever.
The game was probably just as popular with all classes of Italian society,
only no player of outstanding ability arose to take the place of the earlier
masters, and the inventive and literary activities of players had for the time
spent themselves. 1 The small Venetian tract, Modo facile per intendere il vago
e dilettevole Giuoco degli Scacchi ; composto da un* Incognito (probably Valentino
Mortali) per li novizzi del Giuoco , 1665, is on a far lower level than the works
of Salvio, Carrera, or even Tarsia, and the more ambitious work of Dr.
Francesco Piacenza, the already quoted I Campeggiamenii degli Scacchi , o sia
nuova dieciplina d'attachi , difese , e partiti del giuoco degli Scacchi . . , Turin,
1688, does not advance the science of the game in the very least. Piacenza
appears from his own account 2 to have been a strong player, but he only
devotes two chapters to the Openings, and in neither does he carry his
analysis beyond the first three or four moves. He does not even mention
the Openings beginning 1 Pe4, and confines his attention to what he calls the
sgambetto , 1 Pd4, and the fianchetti , 1 Pc4 and 1 Pf4, the last being slightly
inferior. 3 The value of this part of his book may be inferred from his quoting
two sayings with approval, ‘ ante reginam noli movere pedinam * (prompted
* by the dread of losing the right to castle as a result of an early check from the
Queen on a4 (a5)), and 1 chi non s’arroca, perderil sempre \ He also expresses
the opinion that it is safer to castle on the Queen’s wing than on the King’s.
The remainder of Piacenza’s work is taken up with a discussion of various
handicaps which a player may give himself by undertaking to mate with
a particular piece, or on a particular square, or both combined, and by an
1 In Spain the position was far less favourable for chess. We hear nothing of the game
until the nineteenth century, and the humble position which chess fills in Spanish life at
the present time would seem to point to a rapid decline in the popularity of chess after 1650.
* He gives the names of many players whom, to their surprise, he had beaten at different
odds. The most interesting are two German players, Sr. di Casa Hoz of Basel, and Sr. Rain-
bold of Augsburg, with whom he played when in Germany as Secretary to the Spanish
ambassador. He seems to have played chess in most of the Italian towns.
8 The modern use of the term Fianchetto dates from Lolli (621). Ponziani (ed. 1782, 7,
109, 110) still calls every Opening in which a wing Pawn opens, a Fianchetto, e.g. not only
1 Pe4, Pb6 ; but also 1 Pf4 and 1 Pc4.
Digitized by boogie
838
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
account of a new chess of his own invention. This game, to which he gives
the name of arciscacchiere , was to be played on a board of 10 x 10 squares
with the ordinary chessmen (Kfl and fB), and two extra pieces and two extra
Pawns on each side. The pieces were a Centurion (placed on dl, dlO),
leaping to any third sq., e. g. from dl to b3, d3, &c., and a Decurion (placed
on gl, glO), with the original move of the mediaeval Queen.
There was a flourishing chess academy in Naples in the first half of the
18th c., of which Benedetto Rocco ( Ginoco degli Scacchi agli ozioti , Naples,
1783) has preserved some particulars. The leading player was D. Scipione
del Grotto (D. 1723), a priest from Salerno, who turned to chess after losing
a large sum of money at cards and dice, and attained a high level of skill : in
1718 he defeated the English Admiral Byng, who visited Naples after the
destruction of the Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro. Carmine Pagano of Caserta
(D. c. 1733) ; Ludovico Lupinacci of Cosenza (D. 1732), who defeated a boastful
French player in a match of 11 games after deliberately losing the first 5 games ;
D. Luigi Cigliarano, a priest from Cosenza, whose fame was said to have
exceeded that of Greco; and Stefano Battiloro (D. 1754), a Piedmontese player
who was unrivalled in his Pawn-play, may also be named. As usual, the
keenness of the chess life resulted in renewed literary activity. M. Aurelio
Severino published La Filosojia degli Scacchi in 1690, and is said to have had
a share in the reissue of Salvio’s work of 1634, with some additions, 4 in 1723,
while Filippo Marinelli published in II Giuoco degli Scacchi fra Ire , Naples,
1722, an account of a derivative form of chess for three players, which he
had invented. 6
Chess was certainly no less popular in France and England in the second
half of the 16th century than in Italy ; but the general level of play was
lower, because players had to depend almost entirely upon their own personal
4 Viz. (1) Nuova Aggiunta , 139-46 (one game — in Lewis’s Letters on Chess from C , F. Vogt , 44,
attributed in error to Salvio— and five End-games) ; (2) a reprint of the Modo facile, 147-158,
mentioned above ; and (3) Aggiunta fatta da un’ altro incognito , 158-8, who urges that an
unmoved King should be allowed to castle after a check and with an attack, and that no
Pawn should be queened so long as the original Queen was untaken.
6 The arrangement of the board is shown in the diagram. The move passes to the player’s
right, and all play against all. The Yellow Pawns queen on the n-file, the Red on the a-file,
and the Black on the 11th row. If a Yellow or Red Pawn arrived at the Black’s back row.
Digitized by Google
IAP. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
839
:perience for their knowledge of chess tactics. The incomplete translations
t X^amiano’s work can hardly have been very helpful. The game was played
Aguiar ly at both 00011® until the middle of the 17th century at least. In
'ranee, Catherine de* Medici (D. 1589) was a keen player, whose ambition
iccording to Carrera, 94) it was to meet Paolo Boi. Henri IV played chess,
nd Louis XIII had a ‘ board * of wool with spiked pieces made for use when
ravelling (Hyde, ii. 79). So late as 1680, Henri- Jules de Bourbon, the son
f the great Cond6, held a chess academy, and the Cond6 Museum at Chantilly
cmtains three MS. collections of Openings which were prepared for his use.
n England, Queen Elizabeth played with Roger Ascham • and others ; and
ilthough James I used his ponderous wit to decry chess, 7 both his sons
flayed, and the messenger who brought to Charles I the news of his ap-
proaching surrender by the Scots to the Parliament, in 1647, found him
seated at the chessboard. 8 The game was very popular with the nobility
and gentry in these reigns, and was cordially disliked by the Puritans.
Rowbothum dedicated his translation of Gruget to Robert Dudley, Earl of
Leicester, because he was a chess-player; 9 Saul dedicated his Famous game of
Chesse-jplay , which is ‘fit for Princes or any person of quality soever*, to
Lucy, Countess of Bedford ; and Fr. Beale his JRoyall Game of CAesse-PZay to
Montague, Earl of Lindsey, while the printer heads the list of errata with the
or a Black Pawn at the Yellow or Red’s back files, it became dead and could not move, but
.might be captured. When a player was mated (which could only be done by a single
adversary, not by a combined attack), his pieces became also dead, but might be captured.
Marinelli played the game in 1722, and interested Prince Eugene of Savoy in it.
6 Roger Ascham, Works , ed. Bennett, who adds a Life of the author, in which he says that
in the beginning of the Queen’s reign, Ascham acted a9 Latin Secretary, aud * sometimes
played with her at Draughts and Chess ’. Edmund Bohun, Character qf Queen Elizabeth ,
mentions chess among her recreations. (Twiss, Misc., 16.) Elizabeth gave Sir Charles
Blount (afterwards Lord Mountjoy) *a Queen at Chesse of gold richly ennameled’, which he
wore on his arm with a crimson ribbon, as a token of her favour after he had distinguished
himself at tilting (Sir Robert Naunton, Fragmenta Regalia, 1641, 88).
7 * As for the Chesse, 1 think it ouer fond, because it is ouer-wise and Philosophicke
a folly : for where all such light playes are ordained to free mens heades for a time, from the
fashlous thoughts on their affaires ; it by the contrarie filleth and troubleth mens heades,
with as many fashious toyes of the play, as before it was filled with thoughts on his affaires.*
Works (Basilicon Doron), London, 1616. In a speech to Parliament in 1609, he compared the
royal prerogative to the promotion of the Pawn in chess ; Kings * have power to exalt low
things, and abase high things, and make of their subjects like men at Chess ; a Pawne to
take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry up or down any of their subjects/ Lord Bacon, in his
essay on Boldness, has ‘ with bold men, upon like occasion, they stand at a stay, like a stale at
chess, where it is no mate, but yet the game cannot stir 1 ; and in his Apologie, ‘I know at
Chesse a Pawn before the King is ever much plaid upon/
• Charles I's fondness for chess is also shown in a letter from York of Lewis Boyle, quoted
in Fell Smith’s Mary Rich , Countess qf Warwick , * The King when he is neither in the field . . .
nor at the Council, passes most of his time at chess with the Marquis of Winchester. Some
three days since, the King long studying how to play a Bishop, the Marquis of Winchester
blurted out, “ See, Sir, how troublesome these Bishops are in jest and earnestly/’ The King
replied nothing, but looked very grim/
Charles’s elder brother, Prince Henry, ‘ would sometimes play at chesse ’ [in the printed
edition of 1641, 17, printed as obesse— whence as a ghost-word in dictionaries], ‘ at biliors,
and at cards* (Sir Ch. Cornwallis, 2>ts. Pr. Henry , in Archaeologia, xiv. 268), and his wardrobe
accounts contain the entry, * a little box with chessmen, 65/ (. Archaeologies xi. 98).
• In his Epistle dedicatorie he says, ‘ I knowe that bothe your Lordship with diuers other of
y* noble men and gentlemen of this realme can play excellently at this game of y" Cheast,
and haue as deepe knowledge therein as either French men, Italians or Spaniardes haue ’.
‘In Cardiff castle *, says Twiss (Misc., 18), ‘ is a picture painted on wood, with a date, 1562,
representing the family of the Lord Windsor, at that period. The Father and Mother are
playing at chess.'
Digitized by
Google
840
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
request, ‘ Gentlemen, for few else will buy this book, I entreat you to correct
these errors.’ A MS. note in the Ashmolean copy of John Blagrave’s
(D. 1611) Mathematical Jewels London, 1585, commemorates the author’s
brother, Alexander Blagrave, as * the excellent Chess-player in England \ and
a note in the Aubrey Letters , iii. 503, preserves the name of Col. Bishop, who
was reputed to be the best English player in the reign of James I. 10
There are many allusions to chess in the Elizabethan and Stuart drama,
but few show more than a superficial knowledge of chess. 11 The most con-
siderable, perhaps, are to be found in Thomas Middleton’s play, A Game at
Chess, which was performed at the Globe Theatre in 1624, and printed shortly
afterwards. In this play, which was written when all Englishmen were
rejoicing in the breakdown of the negotiations for Prince Charles’s Spanish
marriage, the Church of Rome in general, and Gondemar, the Spanish ambas-
sador, in particular, were satirized, and the play had to be withdrawn after the
ninth performance, as a resalt of Gondemar’s protest. Although it ran for so
short a time, it had drawn crowds, and it was necessary to be at the theatre
two hours before the play commenced in order to gain admission. The receipts
for the nine performances amounted to £1,500, an extraordinary sum for those
days. The players were summoned before the Privy Council, and, according
to one account, Middleton himself was committed to prison for a time.
There are many other references to chess in the polemical literature of
the time, as in Pap with a Hatchet , London, 1589, in the Marprelate con-
troversy :
If a Martin can play at Chestes as well as the nephewe his Ape, he shall knowe
what it is for a Scaddle pawne, to crosse a Bishop in his owne walke. Such
dydoppers must be taken up, els theile not stick to check the King.
And in Harington’s Nugae Antiquae (Park), ii. 243, a work in which chess is
mentioned several times :
The play of chesse . . . may teach that the bishops due place is nearest the king,
and though some knight can leape better over the pawnes heads, yet oft-times he
leaps short, where the bishops powre, if you crosse it, reacheth the length of the
whole province. 13
All this points to a general acquaintance with the main features of chess,
but to little knowledge of its finer features, and Greco’s style of play must
have come as a great revelation to the players who were fortunate enough
to see him play. Unfortunately, however, his collection of games had the
serious drawback that the games were not annotated, and neither the MSS.
10 * Dr. Potter, a good chess-player. Col. Bishop, his contemporary at Trinity (Oxford),
accounted the best in England. I have heard Potter' [mat. Trinity, 8 July 1618, M.A.
26 June 1616, B.D. 8 July 1625, Rector of Kilmington, Somerset, 1626, till death in April
1678] * say they two have played at Trin. Coll. (I think two days together) and neither got
the mastery/
11 Thus in Sir Gyles Qoosecap, iv, occurs : 1 R. Tis time to leave your Chests, ladies, ’tis too
studious an exercise after dinner. T. Why is it called Chests ? H . Therefore they leane
uppon their'chests that play at it. T. I would have it call’d the Btrife of wittes, for tis a game
so wittie that with strife for maisterie wee hunt it eagerly/
ia In the Phoenix Nest, 1598, is a poem of twelve six-lined stanzas on The Game of Chess , by
Nicholas Breton, which deals with the game in a very superficial manner.
Digitized by Google
XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
841
r any of the early printed editions attempted to explain the principles of
ty which the games illustrated. The result was that Greco’s games
peared. to the next few generations of players as brilliant tours de force ,
ih in suggestion for the treatment of certain positions in the Mid-game, but
tea dangerous as a model for the Opening, because the player could not
•asp the intention of the play.
On the whole, the English player was in a worse plight than the French,
be latter had at least abbreviated editions of Lopez (Paris, 1609, 1615, 1636,
574*, and Bruges, 1665), and La Marini&re’s Manual; the Englishman had
aly Saul (1614, 1618, and Barbier’s editions of 1640, 1652, 1672, 1673, 1676),
ho denied the possibility of any theory of the game at all, and confined his
oalysis to the proof that the game 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf 3, Ktf6 ; 3 Kt x P,
LtxP ; 4 Qe2, Ktf6 ; 5 Ktc6 + , winning the Q, was not unpreventible as some
□aintained. 13 Even as late as the end of the century Randle Holme ( Academy
f Armory , 1688, III, v. 263 ; and more fully in the MS. of 1681-2 printed
iy the Roxburghe Club, 1905, II, iii. 66) only deals with the barest elements
y{ the grume, and knows nothing of castling or pawn-promotion. 14
On the other hand, the closing years of the century saw the publication
by the Oxford University Press of Hyde’s Mandragorias seu Hwtoria SJiahUudii
(1694), the first really scientific contribution to the history of chess. A second
volume, with the title Historia Eerdiludii , treated in a similar way of other
Oriental games. The author, Thomas Hyde (B. 1634, D. 1702), was one of
the first Oriental scholars of his age, and was successively Professor of
Hebrew and of Arabic in the University, in addition to filling the position
of Bodley’s Librarian from 1665 until 1701. He used his vast knowledge
of Arabic literature to establish the Indian origin of chess, and, although no
chess-player himself, the careful use which he made of his authorities, and
the copious extracts which he gives, make his work of great value even
at the present time. No greater praise can be given to him than that which
Ndldeke gave when he described him as ‘ der, nicht bloss fur seine Zeit,
wunderbar gelehrte, und dabei sehr verstandig urtheilende Hyde ’ (Per*.
Studien , II, in Sitzungsber . d. k. Ak. d. Wusenscliaften , Vienna, 1892, cxxvi, xii).
That the standard of French chess was improving in the latter part of
the 17th century is clear from the publifcation of the undated Traitte du leu
royal dee Echets . . . par B. A . B. R . G. S., Lausanne, published by David Gentil
somewhere between 1675 and 1700. A MS. note in a contemporary hand
in Mr. J. G. White’s copy of this work solves the riddle of the formidable
array of initials, and shows that they stand for B. Asperling de Raroyne,
Garde Suisse, thus confirming the tradition current at the end of the 18th
century that a M. de Sperlin had published a work on chess at Lausanne
13 He prevents this mate by 1 Pe4, Po5 ; 2 Ktf8, Ktc6 or Qe7. Barbier adds the Scholar’s
Mate, and advises the player to play 1 Pe8 as the safest preparation for inflicting this mate 1
M The 1688 text begins, * Chess is a Koyall Game, and more difficult to be understood then
any other Game whatsoever, and will take vp some time in the Playing; Artists at the
Game, have Played a Fortnight by times before it hath been ended.’ Among the terms
defined are forke or dilemma , stale, blind matey dead game («= a draw), scholar’s mate, and remove
(■» move).
Digitized by Google
842
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
abont 1690. 15 Asperling must have been a strong player, and a remark
on p. 7 of the Traitte shows that he was able to play the game blindfold.
Tfie special feature of his work is that it attempts for the first time to arrange
the analysis of the Openings in an orderly manner, classifying the Openings
in five groups (1) 1 Pd4, (2) irregular defences to 1 Pe4, (3) Openings begin-
ning 1 Pe4, Pe5, in which White does not attack the King's Pawn on the
second move, (4) the Kings Gambits, and (5) the King’s Knight’s Open-
ings. 16 His games —
sont tir6es eu partie du livre Espagnol (i.e. Lopez), en partie de lltalien de
Ioachimo le Calabrois, & la plus part de mon invention.
Asperling, however, overestimates his own work ; about half of his games
are taken direct from Lopez or Greco, and in another quarter his alterations
only relate to the concluding moves. His own contributions to the theory
of the Openings are a new defence to the Queen’s Gambit (1 Pd4, Pd5 ;
2 Pc4, P x P ; 3 Pe3, Qe6 , which Kieseritzky rediscovered in 1846, see Sch.,
1846, 11), some minor variations in the French Defence (1 Pe4, Pe6; 2 Pd4,
Ktf6; 3 Bd3, Ktc6; 4 Ktf3, B64+ or Pg6), the Queen’s Pawn Counter
Gambit (1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, Pd5), a defence to the Ruy Lopez (1 Pe4,
Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, Ktc6 ; 3 Bb5, Bd6), and some considerable additions to the
Philidor Defence, in which he strengthened the attack by 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3,
Pd6 ; 3 Bc4, Pf5 ; 4 Pd4. The early Italian players never advanced the
Queen’s Pawn thus until the way had been prepared by a previous Pc3 (Pc6),
and this move represents a new idea in the theory of the Opening. Asper-
ling’s treatment of the King’s Gambit is very inferior, and shows hardly any
advance on Lopez.
Apart from the recognition of the utility of an early advance of the
Queen’s Pawn, whether for the attack or the defence, Asperling’s work
belongs to the school of Lopez. It is from this player ultimately that he
obtained the idea of further investigations into the two Openings, the Ruy
Lopez and the Philidor, to which he devotes most attention ; it is probable
that these were the favourite Openings of the better French players of the
period, who founded their play upon the French editions of Lopez.
Asperling draws a distinction between check and mate. Just as the term
check by itself does not imply a mate, so the term mate by itself, he says,
does not imply a check. In this way he explains that the tehee suffoqud,
for which he prefers the term pat (our stalemate) is a mate, though not
a checkmate. This ending is drawn.
Asperling also gives 36 maxims which he held it is necessary that every-
body who aspired to be a good player should know. These are partly borrowed
15 Or did Asperling publish another work under his own name? Egerton’s catalogue,
1798, contains the item 1 7718. Du Jeu dts tickets par Sperlin, imperfect, 2s. 6dJ ; Twiss (i. 83)
has *Le Jeu dts tickets, compost par M. de Sperlin, Lausanne, n.d., 12mo, pp. 120* ; and George
Walker (New Treatise, 1841, 286) has * Sperlin. Essax sur le Jeu des tickets, composd par M. de
Sperlin, Lausanne, 1698, 12mo, pp. 190.* The Traitte (generally known to chess-players as the
Traitte die Lausanne) is an octavo of 112 pages.
M These names are the modern ones. Asperling has only a name for the Gambit.
Digitized by Google
iP. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
843
m Lopez, partly original. The eleventh warns a player against castling
> soon ; the player should secure the option of castling on either wing,
1 keep his adversary in suspense as long as possible as to which form of
stling he intends to adopt. This advice is rather feeble. The thirteenth
ixim says that good players usually play Pc3 in order to prepare for
o3 and Pd4. Other maxims warn the player against acquiring too great
fondness for his Queen. He should exchange whenever anything is to
i gained by exchanging. * Qui neglige ses avantages merite de perdre/
We also possess in the Caze MS.> described below, a collection of 17
ing’s Gambits played by the best Parisian players about 1680, which
>rmed a part of a larger collection, now lost, of 200 games which Caze
?corded at that time. Many of these games were played between groups
f players, those on each side consulting together. The players whose games
re preserved are the Abb6s de Lionne and de Feuquieres, MM. Jannisson,
daubisson, Lafon l’aisn6, Lafon le jeune, Roussereau, Morant, maitre des
eqnetes, de Pennautier, Auzout, and de Villette Murcey. Caze recorded
10 games played by M. Nicolai, premier president de la Chambre des comptes
le Paris, because this player objected to his games being taken down. As
late as 1850 many players disliked the recording of their games, from a fear
that their chess reputations would suffer if other players had the chance of
examining their combinations afterwards.
I have selected three games from this MS. for reproduction. The first
was played between M. Lafon Taisne (White) and M. Roussereau, the second
between M. Lafon le jeune (White) and M. Maubisson, and the third was
played between MM. Maubisson and Morant 17 (White) and MM. L’Abb6
de Lionne and Anzout.
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
White
Black
I.
ii.
21 Bg3
Be 2
10 Ktc3
Pc6
1 Pe4
Pe5
1 Pe4
Pe5
22 Bf2
BxR
11 Pd5
Ktd7
2 Pf4
PxP
2 Pf4
PxP
23 Rx B
Qd6
12 Pb4
Kte5
3 Ktf3
Pg5
3 Ktf3
Pg6
24 Rd3
Qf4
13 Kt x Kt B x Kt
4 Ph4
Pg4
4 Bc4
Pg4
25 Qh5 +
KtgG
14 Bd2
Ktf6
5 Kte5
Ph5
6 0-0
Px Kt
26 Be 3
Q x eP
16 aRel
Pg4
6 Be 4
Kth6
6 Q x P
Qf6
27 Qb5
Kte4
16 PxP
PxP
7 Pd4
Pd6
7 Pc3
Ktc6
wins
17 Pb5
Pg3 +
8 Ktd3
Qe7
8 Pd4
Kt x P*
18 Kgl
Pc5
9 Ktc3
Ktf5
9 Qd3
Kte6
19 Ktd5
Ktx Kt
lOBxP
KtxhP
10 Ktd2
Bd6
20 Q x Kt
Rb8
11 Qd2
Ktg6
11 Ktf3
Kte7
111.
21 Ph5
Qf6
12 0-0-0 Pc6
12 Bd2
Pb6
1 Pe4
Pe5
22 Ba5
Bd4 +
13 hRfl
Be6
13 dRel
Be5
2 Pf4
PxP
23 Kfl
0-0
14 Bg5
QxB
14 B x Kt
fPxB
3 Bc4
Qh4 +
24 Be 7
Be6
lSQxQ Bh6
15 KtxB
QxKt
4 Kfl
Pg5
25 Pe5
BxQ
16QxB
Rx Q
16 BxP
Qg7
5 Ktf3
Qh5
26 PxQ
Bx B +
17BxB
PxB
17 BxP
Rg8
6 Ph4
Bg7
27 Re2
bRe8
18 Rf6
Kd7
18 Qh3
Ba6
7 Pd 4
Ph6
28 Bx P
R x R
19 Ktf4
KtxKt
19 Rf3
Qg5
8 Kf2
Qg6
29 BxR
Re 4 mate.
20RxR Resigns
20 eBe3
Qc5
9 Qd3
Pd6
17 M. Morant won the following short game with M. l’Abbd de Feuquidres, who had
adopted one of Ruy Lopez’s defences to the Gambit : 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4 ,PxP; 8 Ktf8, Kte7 ;
/
Digitized by Google
844
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
In the early eighteenth century, chess-players from all parts of Europe
were attracted to the Hague by the fame of a great Scotch player, Alexander
Cunningham, who was resident there from 1710 to 1780. There has been
much discussion as to the identity of this player, for there were two Alexander
Cunninghams living at the time, both chess-players, and both at times resident
at the Hague. These were Alexander Cunningham of Block (B. 1650-60,
D. 1730), the critic and opponent of Bentley, 18 and Alexander Cunningham
(B. 1654, D. 1737), the author of a valuable Latin history of his times which
was translated and published by Dr. William Thomson in 1787. 19 It has
been generally assumed that all the references to che3s which occur in Thom-
son’s Life of Cunningham prefixed to the History, as well as those which
occur elsewhere, 20 really relate to the critic, not the historian ; but the solution
is not so simple. The critic does not appear to have settled in the Hague
before 1710, and was resident in Edinburgh from 1698 to 1709 ; the historian,
on the other hand, must have been in the Hague, if at all, before 1707. Now
Mr. J. C. White possesses a M'S. volume on the King’s Gambit, formerly
in the Blenheim Library, which was written by a M. Caze, 21 and was given
4 Pd4, Pg5 ; 5 KfcxP, Ktg6 ; 6 Ph4, Bg7 ; 7 Bc4, 0-0; 8 Qh5, Ph6; 9 QxKt, PxKt;
10 P x P, Re8 ; 11 Q x P mate.
18 The critic was probably educated in Holland and at Edinburgh, was tutor until 1693
to a son of the Duke of Queens berry, obtained through the Duke’s influence the Professorship
of Civil Law at the University of Edinburgh about 169^, a post which he held until 1710,
when advantage was taken of the Duke’s loss of influence to deprive him of it, and retired
in 1710 to the Hague, where he spent the rest of his life with a handsome pension from the
Duke. See Did . Nat. Biog . for fuller particulars.
19 The historian was educated at Selkirk and in Holland, was tutor to James, afterwards
Earl of Hyndford, 1692-5, and to the Marquess of Lome (later the great Duke of Argyll),
1697-1700. He was in Rome in 1700, in Paris on a political mission 1700-2, and in
Hanover in 1703. He was tutor to Lord Lonsdale in 1711, and British Minister in Venice
1715 20, retiring with a pension in 1720, and living in London until his death in 1737 (see
Diet. Nat. Biog.). He was, accordingly, intimately connected with the Argyll family, and
owed his career to that interest.
20 The references in Thomson's Life are collected in Twiss, i. 121-7. The first merely
states that Cunningham played chess in the latter part of his life (this was probably true of
both persons) ; the second that * Dr. Steuart used often to play with him, at Lord Islay’s, at
the game of Chess, which he understood better than any man in England, in his time.’
(Since Lord Islay was a Campbell, the fact relates to the historian ; the opinion may be due
to a confusion of the two Cunninghams) ; the third that * Cunningham was domesticated
with Lord Sunderland and the Duke of Argyle 1 (this can only be the historian) ; the fourth
relates to the games with Lord Sunderland at the Hague (the historian) ; and the last says
that ‘ Cunningham, the critic, and editor of Horace, was the best player at Chess in Europe \
Other references occur (1) in the Life qf Prof. Wodroio , Edinb., 1828, 174, we are told that
Wodrow played chess about 1700 with his old friend Cunningham of Block, ‘the first player
in Europe’, and was told by Cunningham that he could give him Rook and Bishop, and
possibly the Queen, and yet win. (2) In Leibnitz’s Correspondence (ed. Du tens, vi. 271) is
a letter from the mathematician to Thomas Burnet, in which we read, ‘Mr. le Comte de
Sunderland a gagn6 ici (Florence) tous nos joueurs aux 6checs; ses gens pr£tendent qu'il
est maintenant au-dessus de Mr. Cunningham et que passant derni&rement par la Hollande
11 lui a gagn4 cinq parties de suite.’ In a later letter (ed. cit. vi. 278) to the same corre-
spondent, Leibnitz expresses the hope that Cunningham would publish his views on the art
of playing chess. These letters will relate to the historian.
21 Not to be confused with the earlier player of this name who played with Maurice of
Nassau between 1609 and 1621. Aubrey de Marrier, Memoires pour servir a Vhistoire de Hollande,
ed. 1680, 202 (in v. d. L., Sch. in Nederl ., 75), says of Prince Maurice, * Je Pay veu . . & souvent
chez mon p6re . . ou bien y venant jouer aux £cliecs, jeu qui faisoit son principal divertisse-
ment, car pendant la Tr£ve, que la guerre ne l’occupait pas, il y jouoit souvent et recherchoit
ceux qui le S 9 avoient. Il aimoit fort h cause de cela Mr. de la Caze, brave capitaine Bdarnois,
qui servoit dans les troupes de Hollande et qui jouoit fort bien. Ce Mr. de Caze n’avoit
point de revenu plus assure que ce qu’il gagnoit au Prince h ce jeu : ne partant point
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
845
by him to the Earl of Sunderland, with a dedicatory letter of introduction
which is dated 1st Sept., 1706. This MS. contains as Game 189 the ‘ Gambit
de M r Cunnigham, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Pf4, P x P ; 3 Bc4, Be7 ; 4 Ktf3, Bh4 + ;
5 Pg 3, P x P ; 6 0-0, PxP; 7 Khl gagnera *, and as Game 250 the same
Opening with transposition of the 3rd and 4th moves, with the note ‘ Cette
Partie est de M r Cunnigham . . ; while in the tetter to Lord Sunderland,
Caze, when describing the contents of the MS., says that it does not contain
the Gambit declined, and continues :
Ainsi les Parties que V.G. joiia ett ma presence contre Mr. de Cunnigham, & que
j’escrivis pour lors, ne s’y doivent pas trouver, quoy qu’elles soient extremement
belles et curieuses.
The Earl of Sunderland in question was Charles, the third and great Earl
(B. 1674, succeeded 1702, D. 1722), who, according to Leibnitz (i Corr ., vi.
271), had written a Latin work on chess. It seems clear that it was the
historian who popularized the Cunningham Gambit , and played with Lord
Sunderland, and that the critic’s European reputation belongs to the period
1710-30.
Caze was of opinion that the utmost that the defence could hope to attain
by accepting the King’s Gambit was a drawn game (refait). Twenty years’
experience of chess had convinced him that there were two defects in chess,
one arising from the different positions of the Queens, which he proposed to
remedy by placing both Queens on the left of the King (the crosswise arrange-
ment), the other arising from the advantage of the move, which he proposed
to remedy by compelling the first player to begin by 1 Pe3. In order to
test his idea, he suggested to Lord Sunderland that the London players should
issue a challenge to the Paris players for a match to be played a certain time
after the current war had ended : two games were to be played at the same
time, London having the move in the one, and Paris in the other. It is
needless to say that nothing came of it; other players were quite satisfied
with chess as it was.
The most interesting point about this challenge is that it recognizes
the fact that chess-players in Paris and London were beginning to collect
together for play. Chess-playing had indeed become a regular feature of the
coffee-houses recently established in large numbers in both capitals. In Paris
there seems to have been no one caf6 which was more frequented than any
other by chess-players until the middle of the century, and chess was played
in nearly every cafe. The best players were M. de Kermur, Sire de Lggal
(B. 1702, D. 1792), Philidor’s teacher, and the inventor of a form of chess
in which one player received 7, 8, or 9 Pawns (placed on the 3rd and 4th
lines, e. g. on b3, c3, c4, d4, e4, f3, f4, g3) 'instead of his Queen, or 3 or
4 Pawns for his Rook ; the Marquis de Grosminy and his brother, who used
to beat L6gal in 1728; the Chevaliers de Feron and du Son, the last the
d’ordinaire de chez luy qu’il n’e&t neuf & dix ecus d’or, ce qui luy valoit mieux que sa
Compagnie. Ils n’en jouoient qu’un & cbaque partie, sans jamais doubler, mais pour ne pas
rebuter le Prince, la Caze de trois & quatre fois qu’iis jouoient s’en laissoit gagner vne.’
Digitized by Google
846
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAKT II
author of a work on chess, the unpublished MS. of which afterwards be-
longed to the Prince of Conti ; with the Chancellor d’Aguesseau and his
son, the President Nicolai (see p. 843), the Due de Mortemart, the Due de
Mirepoix, later Ambassador to England, the Abb& Chenard and Maillot,
and MM. Foubert and de St. Paul, somewhat inferior in strength (Twiss,
ii. 165).
In London, chess-players resorted to Slaughter’s Coffee House (founded by
John Slaughter, 1692, later often called Old Slaughter’s, pulled down 1843-4)
in St. Martin’s Lane, and this was the head-quarters of English chess from
1700 to 1770. 22 Here, to a private room, came for their chess Mr. Cunningham,
Lord Sunderland, Francis Earl of Godolphin (B. 1678, D. 1766), Alexander
Lord Elibank (B. 1677, D. 1736), Sir Abraham Janssen (D. 1765), Dr. Black,
a schoolmaster at Chiswick who obtained a Crown living through his chess
(Twiss, i. 163), Dr. Cowper, Mr. Cargill, Mr. Salvador, Captain Bertin, Phillip
Stamma, and Abraham de Moivre (B. 1667, D. 1750), the mathematician,
who lived for nearly thirty years on the petty sums he made at Slaughter’s
by chess. 23
In the Craftsman , No. 376, for 15 Sept., 1733, there appeared a paper
with the title of A Short Essay on the Game of Chess , with the signature R.
The paper was really a feeble political skit in the Tory interest, couched in
the language of chess, but showing a very slight knowledge of the game. 24
It provoked a speedy reply in the Whig interest, A Letter to the Craftsman on
the Game of Chess, occasioned by his Payer on the Fifteenth of this Month , which
was dated Slaughter’s Coffee House, 21 Sept., 1733. The reply, while pro-
fessing to expose the blunders in the paper in the Craftsman, makes nearly
as many of its own, even confusing Stalemate with Fool’s mate, and its chief
interest lies in the fact that it was the occasion of the writing of a far abler
paper, Critical Remarks upon the letter to the Craftsman . . ., by the Rev. Lewis
Rou, pastor of the Huguenot Church in New York, the dedication of which
was dated 13 Dec., 1734. This MS., now unfortunately lost track of, is the
oldest reference to chess in the New World. 25
In 1735, Captain Joseph Bertin published his Noble Game of Chess. Con -
laming Rules and Instructions for the Use of those who have already a little
Knowledge of this Game, which was only to be procured at Slaughter’s Coffee
22 It is referred to in the concluding line of Joseph Thurston’s poems on chess (items,
1737) :
Their laws, their Orders, and their Manners these,
The rest let Slaughter's tell you if they please.
23 Cf. D. W. Fiske’s note in Notes and Queries, 9th Ser., x. 41 (19 July, 1902), separately
printed (with additions) as The Lost Manuscript of the Rev. Lewis Ron's Critical Remarks . . ,
Florence, 1902.
24 The most interesting thing in the whole paper is the concluding promise (never
fulfilled) to continue with a similar account of the game of Polish Draughts, which is the first
mention of that game that is known to me. The authorship of the Craftsman paper has
been ascribed to Lord Bolingbroke, but Mr. Walter Sichel, the biographer of Bolingbroke,
does not accept it.
28 Cf. D. W. Fiske, Book of the first Amer. Chess Congress , New York, 1859, 840; and the later
article named in note 23. The authorship of the Whig reply has generally been attributed
to Lord John Hervey, but Prof. Fiske throws doubt upon this.
Digitized by
Google
Murmvmmn
cl vtriBfrtu kn fan i m**
»t
A*pat a t*r -
6u^r I * I ^
& A&t •
a: ar *&"• ■**
^ *'?&«/)+
TO STAMMA
849
— = r ^ m ^
i Her printed Grecos, Bertin, Philidor,
the descriptive notation down to about
h player, Philidor apparently being the
numbering each move and its reply with
mpts were made in the 18th century to
1 in England and France, but the influence
I its use to-day is practically confined to
i other countries it has had the effect of com-
scriptive notation to discover more abbreviated
the older writers,
ested entirely upon his 100 End-games, of which
* . i between 1740 and 1856 in French, English,
^ i. His End-games revived the dying interest in
a . roducing to Europe the Muslim conception of the
m m jeen forgotten, they set the fashion for the remainder
made possible the whole development of the modern
ion was certainly beyond their deserts, and Ponziani’s
ist : ‘ His problems are, to tell the truth, more perplex-
es about 18 in all are worthy of praise.*
conceived by Stamma was a position such as might
l to have occurred in actual play, and in which a direct
ed in a given number of moves by an ingenious and
“ 8 This is, of course, the early Muslim conception of the
i76), and Stamma’s diagrams are constructed under the
Thus, the two sides are made equal in numbers — on
* men go to each diagram, and of these 6-8 are White, 7-5
the black men could be removed without injury to the solu-
e King is generally under threat of an immediate and obvious
a lays no stress on the length of the solution ; the problem is
ay and win *. In a third of the games, the solution is not
mate, and these games may be compared with the non-mate
lie Muslim MSS. The average length of the solutions of the
i iate— problems is from 5 to 6 moves. None are wager-games :
>assed out of use in Europe long before Stamma’s day, and were
i Muslim chess.
t extent Stamina’s problems are original has been disputed. V. d.
nts out that five occur in Bertin’s work, and argues that these
can be by neither author. It is quite possible, however, that
supplied them to Bertin for the purposes of publication. Stamma
laimed that all the positions had occurred to him in the course of
*iy, but this seems incredible ; moreover two or three are old favourites
be traced back to the early Muslim masters. It has been suggested
mma brought his problems from the East. This is possible, but it is
W. Allen, BCM,, 1908, 185, in his Notes on the Development qf the Chess Problem , a valuable
pioneer work in this important field of chess.
8 H
Digitized by ^.ooole
848
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
undergone some change since the issue of his first edition, or he would never
have included any King’s Gambits. In 1737 he wrote:
i
Pour ce qui regarde une des manures de jotter propose par le Calabrois, qu’il
appelle Gnmbette, personne ne voudroit jotter de la sorte, k moins qu’il ne voulut
perdre, ou qu’il jottat contre quelque novice. J' estime cette method e tres-inutile , do
sans fondement .
In 1745 he only thinks that ‘ if both sides play equally well, the one who
offers the Gambit has the worst of it
Apart from the discovery of the correct defence to Cunningham’s Gambit,
there is little of merit in Stamina’s analysis. His advice to young players is,
however, interesting from the contrast it offers to Bertin’s rules.
Open the Game, so as to make way for your Pieces to come out, that you may
post them advantageously. . . . This is best done by advancing proper Pawns ; these
are the King's, the Queens, and the Queen's Bishop's Pawns . . . . Castle as soon
as you can conveniently. This is sometimes so necessary to be done without delay,
that it may be worth while to abandon a Pawn , rather than lose the Opportunity.
If you bring out your Pieces too soon, before you have open’d their Road, they will
confine your Patens, and croud your Game ... in general it is best to bring out
your Pieces under the Protection of your Pawns, . . .
Bertin’s objection to the loss of the attack as the result of wasting time is here
also, but in a milder form.
In his analysis, and in the problems and solutions (there are no diagrams),
Stamma uses the algebraical notation which must have been familiar to him
in the East. He designates the Pieces by the letter of their original files,
thus a = QR, b = QKt, &c., and the Pawns by p, uses a cross for a check, and
a star is prefixed or added to the record of the move in cases of possible
obscurity to make the move clear, thus * p e 4 means the left-hand P to e4,
p e 4 * the right-hand Pawn. He has no means of marking a capture, and
no symbol for castling? 1 The importance of this reform in notation was very
great. For the first time it was possible to place the move and its reply on
a single line, and to introduce order and ease of reference for the unattractive
record of the older works. In all the earlier printed books down to Salvio,
and in the Lausanne treatise, the record of the game runs straight on as an
ordinary paragraph, with nothing to separate the successive moves. In the
Polerio and Greco MSS., as a rule, every move of each player occupies a
single line, and in some of the MSS. of Greco’s English visit the moves are
numbered, each move of each player counting as a single move (e. g. 1 Pe4 ;
87 Stamma uses small letters in his Openings, spacing them apart. In his problems he
uses capitals, and many of his earlier imitators (the Traits d' Amateurs (1775), Montigny,
Allgaier, and even Alexandre, 1837 and 1846) have done the same. The ( Amateurs * omit the
name of the piece if it move to a square on its own file (E. 2 «* Ke2) and write K. G. 1 and
K. C. 1 for 0-0 and 0-0-0. The modern form of the notation, using the initial of the piece
to designate it, small letters for the files, and 0-0, 0-0-0 for castling, was introduced by
Moses Hirschel in his Leipzig edition of Qreco and Stamma of 1784. In Hirschel’s notation
the square of depart ure is given as well as the square of arrival, thus Kt gl-fS. I use in this
book a modified form of this notation, the chief differences being that I omit the square of
departure (as is done in several German books), and write Px B, Ac., for Pc4. I find it more
convenient to know the name of the captured piece than to have its position.
Digitized by Google
CHAP. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
849
2 Pe5; 3 Pf4; 4 PxP, &c.). The earlier printed Grecos, Bertin, Philidor,
and indeed most chess books retaining the descriptive notation down to about
1820, give a line to each move of each player, Philidor apparently being the
first to introduce the modem rule of numbering each move and its reply with
the same number. Persistent attempts were made in the 18th century to
get the algebraical notation adopted in England and France, but the influence
of Philidor was against it, and its use to-day is practically confined to
German-speaking countries. In other countries it has had the effect of com-
pelling the adherents of the descriptive notation to discover more abbreviated
forms of it than were used by the older writers.
Stamma’s reputation has rested entirely upon his 100 End-games, of which
many editions were printed between 1740 and 1856 in French, English,
German, Dutch, and Italian. His End-games revived the dying interest in
the problem, and by re-introducing to Europe the Muslim conception of the
problem, which had long been forgotten, they set the fashion for the remainder
of the 18th century, and made possible the whole development of the modern
problem. Their reputation was certainly beyond their deserts, and Ponziani’s
criticism is, as usual, just : 4 His problems are, to tell the truth, more perplex-
ing than excellent, but about 18 in all are worthy of praise.’
‘The problem as conceived by Stamma was a position such as might
plausibly be supposed to have occurred in actual play, and in which a direct
mate could be forced in a given number of moves by an ingenious and
surprising process.’ 28 This is, of course, the early Muslim conception of the
problem (see p. 276), and Stamma’s diagrams are constructed under the
Muslim canons. Thus, the two sides are made equal in numbers-*-on
the average 14-3 men go to each diagram, and of these 6-8 are White, 7-5
Black : many of the black men could be removed without injury to the solu-
tion : the White King is generally under threat of an immediate and obvious
mate. Stamma lays no stress on the length of the solution ; the problem is
c White to play and win ’. In a third of the games, the solution is not
conducted to mate, and these games may be compared with the non-mate
endings of the Muslim MSS. The average length of the solutions of the
remaining mate-problems is from 5 to 6 moves. None are wager-games :
these had passed out of use in Europe long before Stamma’s day, and were
unknown in Muslim chess.
To what extent Stamma’s problems are original has been disputed. V. d.
Linde points out that five occur in Bertin’s work, and argues that these
obviously can be by neither author. It is quite possible, however, that
Stamma supplied them to Bertin for the purposes of publication. Stamma
himself claimed that all the positions had occurred to him in the course of
actual play, but this seems incredible ; moreover two or three are old favourites
and can be traced back to the early Muslim masters. It has been suggested
that Stamma brought his problems from the East. This is possible, but it is
n J. W. Allen, BCM. f 1903, 185, in his Notes on the Development qf the Chess Problem , a valuable
piece of pioneer work in this important field of chess.
mo 8 H
Digitized by Google
850
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
strange that none of his problems should occur in so extensive a collection of
modem Muslim problems as that of Berlin MS. Landberg, 806. On the
whole, I think that we must allow Stamma a greater share in the composition
of his problems than recent writers have been disposed to do.
The year 1745 not only saw the publication of Stamma’s Nolle Game of
Chess y but also that of Edmond Hoyle’s Short Treatise on the Game of Piquet . . .
To which are added , some Pules and Observations for playing well at Chess, at the
price of one shilling, a manual which ran through eight editions and was
generally bound up with similar manuals on other games as Hoyle's Games .
The author of this small work (B. c . 1679, D. 1769) was better known to his
contemporaries as the originator of the scientific study of whist, but the great
success of his Short Treatise on the Game of Whist (first published in 1742,
sixteen editions in the author’s lifetime) induced him to write a series of
similar manuals on other games, quadrille, backgammon, piquet and chess,
which have preserved his name for his successors. Hoyle’s work on whist
grew out of his lessons, which he gave orally, and it is probable that the
lessons which he gave on chess at five shillings each led to the publication
of the Pules and Observations . In 1761 he published his Essay towards making
the Game of Chess easy learned , and after his death in 1808 his lectures were
published as the Game of Chess , including (37) Chess Lectures .
The Pules and Observations did not profess to teach the rudiments of chess,
but merely gave a number of rules which were intended to help the player to
play well. These consist of 26 numbered paragraphs, with an explanation
in 3 paragraphs and a supplement of 14 additional rules, the whole ending
with a code of five laws of chess. Many of the rules are derived from
Bertin, but Hoyle was no slavish imitator of Bertin. His fifth rule — ‘If
your Game happens to be crowded, endeavour to free it by making Exchanges
of Pieces or Pawns, and Castle your King as soon as you conveniently can ’ —
shows this clearly. He lays greater stress than any of his predecessors on the
importance of the King in the End-game, and the proper play of the Pawns. 29
He does not allow that doubled Pawns are always disadvantageous, and
would rather sacrifice his Queen for a Piece and a Pawn or two than abandon
the attack.
Hoyle’s work has probably always circulated among less expert players,
and it was not until close on 1800 that editions of the Games begin to show
any sign of the influence of Philidor’s play. Even then, the only result was
the inclusion of the analysis from Philidor’s work of 1749. Until the last
third of the nineteenth century, editions of the Games followed one another
without any critical revision, and continued to repeat rules which had been
dropped by chess-players since soon after 1800. It is evident that the reputa-
tion of Hoyle s Games has never rested upon the section on chess.
2 * Hoyle begins the preface to his Essay, London, 1761, by saying, ‘Few people in
England, till within these thirty years, understood how to play the Pawns to perfection : and
the lovers of Chess aro principally indebted to Sir Abraham Janssen, Mr. Montgomery,
and Mr. Bofan for this knowledge 1
Digitized by Google
XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
851
The games in Hoyle’s lectures are for the most part puerile and played in
sp>irit totally opposed to the rules which he gave in his chess books. He
not a chess-player, and what merit there is in his Rules and Observation s
due to the fidelity with which he recorded the advice of better players than
nxself.
Germany, 1540-1790.
If we hear but little of German chess during the first three centuries of
modern game, it is due, not to any decline in the popularity of chess
Hfcer 1500, but rather to the isolation of the German player, which pre-
Bnted him from profiting from the advance made by players elsewhere.
-11 indications point to chess having been the favourite indoor recreation
£ the upper and middle classes throughout the whole of this period. A few
eferences must suffice. The game is mentioned in the letters and lives
£ the early reformers. John Frederick, Elector of Saxony, and Ernest,
)uke of Brunswick, were playing in prison, 1547, when the news of the
Elector’s condemnation to death was brought (Juan Ochoa de la Salde,
Ztarolea Inchiridion , Lisbon, 1585; in Twiss, Misc. , ii. 20). Visch and
Hessels were similarly at chess when Ryhove of Ghent haled them forth
to instant execution in 1578 (Motley, Dutch Republic , VI, i). The village
of Strobeck was already famous for its chess in 1600 (Heigius, Quaest. jur.
civ. et Saxon., Wittenberg, 1601, in Selenus, 425). Hyde (ii. 8) tells how
the Danish, Swedish, German, and Croatian merchants played at the Fairs,
and how the position of an unfinished game was written down before a notary,
so that the game might be renewed at the next Fair. There are many
elaborate chessboards, in German and other museums, dating from about
1600 and of German workmanship. These bear witness to the popularity
of chess.
The first evidence after Egenolff for the rules of German chess is contained
in the Cartel des Schack-Spieles am Kaiserlichen Hofe , a broadside printed in
1577, which is preserved in Selenus, 115. This document, which bears the
signature Vdt. Pythagoras. Decrelum Scacharistarum Aulicorum 21 Junii , (15)77,
gives nine rules of play, which may be summarized thus :
(1) Every Pawn can move two squares at its first move ; (2) the Pawn can be
taken in passing; (3) so long as the King has not been checked, he can castle, each
piece moving as far aB it likes (Alsz lang der KOnig kein Schach empfangen, mag
Er mit dem Rochen, wechszlen, alsz weit Er mit beeden stucken wil, doch musz das
feld darzwischen leer seyn) ; (4) after a check the King can no longer castle ; (5) the
Pawn becomes a Queen directly it reaches the 8th rank ; (6) a player can have
as many Queens as he can make ; (7) bare King is not a check, but robada ;
(8) stalemate is a tavola ; (9) both these endings are drawn.
In the light of the rules of the older game in Egenolff, and of the rules of
later German writers, this Cartel can only be regarded as a pronouncement
against the native German rules on the part of some body of players who
had a slight knowledge of the rules of Italy and Spain.
Our next authority is the extremely rare Schachzabel of Lucas Wielius
3 h 2
852
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
(Strassburg, 1606), a translation of Vida to which the translator has added
a brief account of chess. The exceptional features in his rules are —
(1) The four Pawns on the a, d, e , and h files alone can make the double step for
their first move. Vida, it is true, allows this liberty to all the Pawns, but others,
who play chess daily, make the above-described distinction. (2) The King moves one
square only in all directions. (3) The Pawn is promoted to the rank of Queen,
but only after the loss of the original Queen. Some players say that the opponent
must make a move before the promotion is effective. (4) Only one roan may be
played in each move. (5) There are two other mates beside checkmate — Bare King
And Stalemate. In each case the winner must have sufficient force left to give
checkmate.
Wielius knows nothing of castling, and nothing of the later habit of
opening the game with two simultaneous moves.
In 1616, Augustus, Duke of Brunswick-Liineburg (B. 1579, D. 1666),
writing under the pseudonym of ‘ Gustavus Selenus ’, published his great work
on chess, Das Scfuich - oder Konig-Spiel (Leipzig, 1616). This work is a trans-
lation of Tarsia’s Italian version of Ruy Lopez, but the Duke has made
large additions of an historical character, which make his book of value.
Unfortunately, he transcribed Tarsia’s games into ‘ the intolerable notation of
the first sixty-four numerals’, and this deprived his work of all chance of
influencing the play of his countrymen. His additions to the analysis of his
original are exceedingly weak, and show the Duke to have been more
industrious than gifted as a player.
Selenus naturally adopts the rules of his Italian original, but many of his
notes throw light upon the points in which the practice of German players
differed. Thus:
(53) The King’s privilege move is confined to the mediaeval leap; he cannot
capture on the leap, and the practice of some players who advance a Pawn in order
to make room for the King and play the leap all in one move is forbidden. (87) It
is doubtful whether all the PawnB, or only the Pawns on files a, d , e , and A, can make
the double step on their first move. It is usual to allow the Pawns on files c and /
the same privilege so long as no check has been received or piece been lost. (88) The
Pawn is to be promoted to the rank of Queen, but only after the loss of the original
Queen. If it , reaches the 8th rank before promotion is possible, it remains there
immune from capture until the Queen has been sacrificed. Some players restrict this
fidation to the four Pawns on the Queen’s wing, and leave those on the King’s wing
to take their chance. The best players allow promotion to the rank of Queen
whether the original Queen has been lost or not. English players allow promotion
to any rank. (1 22) A blind mate is not a lost game. If the game is reduced to
King and any piece against King, checkmate cannot be given. (126) It is not
necessary to warn the opponent that the Queen is attacked. (127) A bare King
cannot be mated; his last piece must be left untaken. (128) Stalemate is a draw.
In some places the player giving stalemate forfeits ten times his stake.
A number of smaller w orks, based upon Selenus, appeared in the course of
the 17th and early 18th cc., but the next work of any importance is a MS. of
1728 by G. F. D. v. B., the Kurze jedoch griindliche und accurate Anweisung und
Begeln vom Schach-Spiel , of which a summary is given in the Qst., 325-8.
This work restricts the double step to the four Pawns on the a, d , e , and A
files, limits promotion to the rank of any lost piece (if the Pawn reaches the
Digitized by Google
J?. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
853
i rank: before promotion is possible, it must remain there as a Pawn and
jle to capture, until a piece has been sacrificed), defines castling as Rel and
1 (or dl), and forbids it after a check, punishes the player who gives stale-
kte by the loss of the game, and declares that the mate only counts a half-win
the loser has no other piece remaining.
There is a number of smaller German treatises on chess of the eighteenth
ntnry, many the work of Jews, which reveal the gradual adoption of the
rench rales of play, and the relegation of the special German features to that
iriety of the game in which the players each began by moving two men on
leir first moves, of which I have given an account, pp. 389-91. But the older
sages died hard. The modern rules were given in Hirsch Baruch’s Schach-
; racial Berlin, 1747 ; but Philidor (1749) deplored two customs as obtaining
n Germany — the Italian rule of pastar battaglia , and the method of playing
£gl, Rfl, and Ph3 on one and the same move. I have found no native
mthority for the first usage apart from the curious adoption of the Italian
Tiles in Hamburg c . 1830-42, but as late as 1866 v. d. Linde met an opponent
at the Hague who accompanied his move of castling with Ph3 (16. Jrk. % 119).
We may trace the older usages still in the rules of chess which Allgaier gave
in his Anweisung (Vienna, 1795 : I use the 1823 edition). The mateiial
rules are —
(6) It is not permitted to move two men at once on the first move : just as little
is it allowable to move a Pawn in castling. (10) It is only obligatory to say check
to the King, and not, as some insist, 80 to the Queen or the Rooks. (13) It is
permissible to deprive the hostile King of all his men, and to mate him by himself.
(16) If the King is stalemated, the game is abandoned as drawn. It is a matter for
agreement whether the stalemated King should lose half his stake. (17) Every
Pawn which advances to the opponent’s first line obtains at once the rank and
power of the Queen, or of any other piece of the player’s own selection which at that
time was already lacking to the player. If, however, the case arises that a Pawn
reaches such a square before the player has lost a single Piece, this Pawn remains
standing until a Piece is removed from the boaid, with whose power the Pawn is
immediately endued. 11
Allgaier adds a long note to this last rule, beginning,
‘This rule has been accepted almost everywhere in
Germany as valid, and yet cases can arise in which it can-
not be brought into practice without violating the funda-
mental roles of chess.’ He explains this by the attached
position (the position of the inactive White pieces is im-
material: I follow the arrangement in Holm’s Regler for
Schachtpillet, Copenhagen, 1841, 16), in which BL must
play 1 . . , Kf7. Now follows 2 P x R and must remain a P, Pa6 ; 3 Kt(e4) x
Allgaier (Holm).
1H m MOM
i y m nr
n mm m
i m mpm„
nm m m
l is mum
' BBH HB
10 Some players held that the Queen could not be captured unless a warning ( Gardez ) had
been given the preceding move. V. d. Linde met such a player in Berlin in 1873 (16. Jrh . , 119).
u The Kurtzer und Deutiicher Unterricht, 1740, which claimed to be a translation of Bertin,
limited promotion to the master-piece of the file upon which the Pawn * queened *, and if
that piece was still untaken, the next-better piece. It adds that some players made the
Pawn a Queen whether the original Queen was taken or not, but this is a matter for arrange-
ment between the players.
Digitized by Google
854
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
P(d6) + . If Black took the Kt, the Ph8 would become a Kt at once and the
Bl. K would be in check, so 3 . . , Kg6 ; 4 Kt x B + . If now KfB ; 5 QxeP
mate, for if the Q be taken, the idle Pawn becomes a Queen and checks.
Allgaier realized the absurdity of this, and accordingly expressed the hope
that the French rule might be generally adopted ; failing this, he suggested
that the player might lift any of his pieces he liked (except the Queen) from
the board, and substitute it for the Pawn. In 1842, Adolf Anderssen was
still arguing against the plurality of Queens in his Aufgaben fur Sekachspieler.
It was owing to Karl Schom (B. 1802, D. 1850) that Bledow and the
Berliner Schachgesellschaft, and as a result all Germany, finally abandoned
the restrictions to free Pawn promotion.
Sweden, Denmark, &c.
Most chess books, from Carrera and Selenus down, repeat the statement in
Olaus Magnus’s Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, Rome, 1555, XV. xii,
that Norse parents were in the habit of proving the dispositions of the suitors
for their daughters by playing chess with them, and noting their conduct
during the game.
Gustavus Adolphus was a chess-player, but Charles XII (D. 1718) is prob-
ably the king of Sweden whose chess is most widely known, as a result of
Frederick the Great’s allusion in a letter of 23 Dec., 1740, 4 Je suis comme le
Roi d’flchecs de Charles XII, qui marchait toujours.* Voltaire, in his Hiet.
de Charles Xll , had said that Charles lost all his games because he moved his
King more than any other piece. 32
The oldest Swedish text-book of chess is C. W. v. Konigstedt’s Kort Afhand -
ling , Stockholm, 1784. The author states that in his time most Swedish
players began by moving two pieces, and informs his readers that ‘great
players never castle’. In his edition of 1806, he is less positive, and has
substituted ‘ Good players seldom castle *.
The oldest Danish text-book is the Forsdg til almindelige og sardeles Grund-
Regler for Konge - eller Shakspillet , Kiobenhavn, 1774. The game, however,
had been played continuously since the Middle Ages, when Danish versions of
some of the French Romances were made. La Peyr&re, Lettre a M. La Mot he,
Paris, 1663, tells how he played chess with the Countess Ulfeld in 1644, in
Copenhagen, the chessmen being actual representations of kings, queens,
bishops, horsemen, and elephants carrying towers on their backs.
There is apparently no chess literature in Finland. I am told that at the
present day chess (shaklcipeli) is only played by children. 32 *
82 Cf. F. Amelung, Karl der Zwdlfte . . , in Balt. SchacJibl., Heft vii, 270-6, and 0. A. Freiherr
v. Orotihus, der Favorit und Schachgenosse Konig Karl des Ztco{ften in Bender , ibid., Heft viii, 458-75.
Amelung quotes the Swedish Historian Frixell (whom he considers a more reliable authority
than Voltaire) to the effect that Charles used at ches9 to fix upon some piece of his opponent’s
which he chased with supreme disregard for his own men until he captured it, when he
selected another victim and pursued this in the same manner.
S8 * The Finnish nomenclature is K, kuningas ; Q, rouva; B, juoksuri ; Kt, juoksija ; R,
torn! ; P, sotamies ; check, shnkkau9 ; checkmate, sakkimatti.
I
Digitized by Google
CHAP, xm
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
855
Iceland, 1500 to the Phbsent Day.
Many travellers, from the middle of the sixteenth century onwards, refer to
the wide diffusion of chess in Iceland. Native references are perhaps less
frequent, but the Analog (<?. 1530) states that it costs 12 alnir (perhaps equiva-
lent to 7s.) to learn chess ; Bishop J6n Arison, c. 1530, mentions chess in an
eight-lined poem on games, which is quoted in Islenzkar Gdtur i Kaupman-
nahofn, 1892, iv. 362 ; and Gottskfilk Jdnsson of Glaumb© (D. 1593)
translated the Innocent Morality into Icelandic (see above, p. 534).
The earliest foreign reference is probably that by Peder Clausson Friis
(D. 1614) in his Om Iisland , finally revised just before 1600. He devotes
a brief section to Skag-taffll :
They (the Icelanders) have also in their country especially occupied themselves
with the practice of the game of chess (skagetaffl or skag spill), which they are said
to play in such a masterly and perfect way that they sometimes spend some weeks*
time — playing each day — on a single game, before they can bring it to an end
by the victory of the one or the other combatant. 38
Friis was followed by Dithmar Blefken, Islandia , Lugd. Bat., 1607, 38 :
Hyberno vero tempore ad multos dies lecto se continent, atque ludo scaccorum . . .
exercent: interim famuli cibum illis praeparatum ad lectum deferunt;
by La Peyrere, Lettre a M. La Mothe (written 1644), Paris, 1663, 56:
J’obmetois de vous dire une particularity de Tesprit des Islandois, qui n'est pas
k mespriser. C’est qu'ils sont tons joueurs d'eschets, et qu’il n'est point de si chetif
paisan en Islande, qui n’ait pas chez luy son jeu d’eschets, faits de sa main, et d'os
de poisson, taille a la pointe de son couteau ; 84
by Robert, Visct. Molesworth (D. 1725 ; in Denmark in 1692), Account of
Denmark , London, 1694, 39:
The Inhabitants (of Island and Feroe) are great Players at Chess ;
and by other writers of the eighteenth century, 36 some of whom will be quoted
below, because they give fuller information as to the method of play.
Olafur DaviSsson, who wrote the article on chess in Islenzkar Gdtur (iv.
274-98), expresses considerable doubt as to both the extent of the diffusion of
chess in the island and the excellence of the play. His own experience of
North Iceland was that the game was but little played, and that many people
were entirely ignorant of the rules. He thinks that the earlier travellers were
misled, by finding peasants playing chess, into thinking that everybody played,
and that the later works have simply copied the older statement. He points
out that it is a very rare thing for any one to be named in Icelandic books as
a good chess-player, although the names of good wrestlers, swimmers, and
m See Fiske, Chess in Iceland , 85, where the original text is given.
84 La Peyr&re goes on to give the differences between the French and Icelandic names
and appearances of the chessmen.
88 E.g. Horrebow (Nat. Hist. Iceland , 1750, London, 1758, 189), Eggert Olafsson (Reise
igjennem Island , Kiobenhavn, 1772, i. 462-4), and Dr. v. Troil (Letters on Iceland, London,
1780, 93).
Digitized by Google
^856
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
jumpers are frequently recorded. 36 Fiske, however, says that the inhabitants
of the isle of Grimsey, about 60 miles north of Iceland, have long been noted
for their addiction to chess.
Two references to Icelandic chessmen occur in the correspondence of the
famous Danish antiquary, Olaus Worm (Olai Wormii et ad eum doctorum viroruia
epistolae , Hauniae, 1751, 356). In the first, the priest Magnus Olafsson
(D. 1636) sent, in 1627-8, a gift of a set of carved chessmen, accompanying
the gift by a short Latin poem, Be skakis , modelled upon an ancient Icelandic
metrical form (see Fiske, op. cit., 33). In the second, another Icelandic priest,
Stef&n Olafsson (D. c. 1686), sent, in 1646, a carved snuff-box, and told Worm
that the carver, an artisan of Kyrkjubaer, also carved bone chessmen and sold
them at a moderate price (Fiske, 43).
This last correspondent was also the author of three chess lays, which he
addressed to one f*orsteinn Magnusson, when he had lost a piece at chess.
Pro£ Fiske gives (38-40) the following English translation from the pen of
Mr. Sigfus Blondal :
I.
My malediction I utter — May Steini’s men fall in heaps ! May my fearful incan-
tations bewitch him, so that peril shall beset two or three of his pieces at once !
May the Old One ( gamla — the Queen) lose her life ! May the wee Pawns grow
fewer and fewer on the squares, and may he be mated both with the low and high
mates !
II.
J on is the better man at chess ; he has wrested from me each Book ; the quiet
of my Bishop, my Knight, and my Pawns is ruthlessly broken; the Old One is
moving about aimlessly, not seeing her prey when within reach ; my King is over-
mastered and completely checkmated.
III.
She is spoiling all beautifully, that damned jade, your Queen (fru\ whom you
are now moving ; she steals away from her house, clever in her coarse boastfulness,
neatly picking the stupid Rook from the throng. The Knight, on hand, kept ready
for combat, well guided, falls afeard despite his own wrath, and dares only attack
sullenly a puny Pawn, while the cowardly Book, fearful of the Bishop’s menace,
keeps to his border line and thus evades the stratagems of the enemy.* 7
There are allusions here to some of the special features of the Icelandic
chess which differentiated it for long from the game of any other part of
Europe. These rules relate to the conclusion of the game only, but there
is evidence to show that — apart from these peculiarities, which were common
to all forms of Icelandic chess — there were different ways or assizes in which
the game could be played. Thu3 Dr. v. Troil, Letter* on Iceland , London,
1780, 93, 38 says :
They are famous for playing at Chess, and had formerly two sorts of this game,
one of which was called jungfrdrskdk (Lady’s chess), and the other riddaraskdk
(Knight’s Chess). At present only the last is common.
88 He mentions as noted chess-players, Benedikt Jdnsson of Hrappsey (D. 1746) and his
son Bogi (D. 1808), and the brothers Bishop P4tur and Chief-justice J6n PdtursBon.
87 The Icelandic text, and a valuable commentary, will be found in Fiske, 38-40.
88 The work was originally published in Swedish at Upsala, 1777.
Digitized by Google
I XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
857
Islenzkar Gatur (286-8) adds to t&ese the names of other varieties of chess,
g- manntalsskak, frurskak, valdskdk *, drepskdk, z% of which only the last two
“o now played. An attempt is made to explain the differences between
talsskak, frurskak, and riddaraskak , but the result is not convincing.
^X>parently, the last players of frurskak died in the earlier half of the
igrbfceenth century, 40 and the game died with them. I am inclined to
t^ink that these names originated at a time when the reformed chess was
isplaoing the older game in Iceland, and that they became obsolete when
kxe older game was finally abandoned. One would naturally conclude that the
~r&r*kdk ( jungfrurskdk) was identical with the echecs de la dame , i.e. was
-he modern game, and although v. Troil identifies the riddaraskak with the
nodera game, it is possible that he was wrongly informed. He wrote nearly
^f*ty years after the disappearance of the second variety of the game. 41
Valdskdk (guard-chess) is a modem variety of the game in which no piece
zzsLTk be taken which is guarded by another man. Some players allow a piece
that is only guarded by the King to be captured. In opposition to this variety,
the ordinary chess is sometimes called drepskdk (capturing-chess).
There is no Icelandic text-book of chess older than the brief account in
the & pilabdk, published by Jdsef Grlmsson at Akureyri in 1857. 42 It is
therefore not surprising to find that there has been much uncertainty of rule
among Icelandic players. Many of the recorded varieties of move muBt be
explained in this way.
Islenzkar Gatur and the Spilabdk detail the following peculiarities of
rule :
(1) Some play ere allow the Pawn the double step for the first time of
moving.
(2) Most allow the King to move once as a Knight ; some restrict the
privilege to its first time of play, others allow it at any time.
(3) There is considerable irregularity as to Castling, but ‘ free castling *
in the Italian fashion is not allowed. The following varieties are given in
Isl. Gatur (the Spilabdk gives the modem castling only) — Khl and Rel
or Kbl and Rdl ; Khl and Rf 1 or Kal and Rcl ; Kal or hi and Rel ;
Kbl or gl and Rel.
(4) Some limit Pawn-promotion to the rank of a piece which has been
lost. Others promote to the rank of the master-piece of the file upon which
the Pawn queens. If the King’s Pawn queens on the King’s file, it is fidated
imless it is taken on the move following its arrival at the queening square.
Some give it the move of the Queen and Knight, but most the King’s move
89 Chess is now called skdk, skaktajl , mannta/L, or mannskdk, Rtfskak (fox-chess) is the game
of fox and geese played on the ‘ solitaire * board.
40 They are said to have been the schoolmaster Pal Vidalin (flourished 1690-7), porstein
Sigurflsson, sheriff of Nor8ur-Mula6^slu, and Alf Oislason of Kaldaflarnesi in Flda (D. 1788).
41 Olafur Daviflsson admits that the accounts of frurskak are contradictory, and makes the
same suggestion that I make in the text
42 A MS. account of Icelandic chess by Jdnas Gam (D. c. 1784) is in the library of the
High School, Copenhagen (Rostgaard Collection, 41, 8vo). Apparently the MS. is based upon
one of the shortened editions of Selenus which were issued during the 17th c., but adds some
information about Icelandic chess (/at Gatur , 281).
858
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
only. Some give the same privilege to any Pawn which qneens on the
Kings file.
(5) Most players give a warning that the opponent’s Queen is attacked,
saying, Madam .
(6) Some deprive a piece which is used to cover a check of all offensive
power (see p. 509). Such a piece is called leppur .
(7) Some forbid a player to take his opponent’s last man, unless he can
give mate on the third or seventh move afterwards.
(8) Bare King (bert) is an inferior form of victory ; stalemate (patt) is
a drawn game.
The most extraordinary features of Icelandic chess are those relating to
checkmate. Like Arthur Saul, the Icelandic player esteems different mates
very differently, and it is more disgraceful to receive some than it is to
receive others. Among mates to which no disgrace is attached are those
in which mate is given by the Queen ( drottningarmdt , formerly friarmat ), Rook
( hr6ksmdt) y Knight (; riddarapissa , - peisa , or pissari), and Bishop ( biskupsmdl ).
The disgraceful mates ( skammarmdt , ‘ shame-mate ’) are those which are
inflicted with a Pawn (pedmdt, pedsmal, or pedrifur ), of which many different
kinds are recognized, 43 or upon a particular square, e. g. on a corner square
(hornskitsmdt or hornskitur), in the centre of the board (mat d midju bordi),
and most disgraceful of all, mate on the King’s own square ( heimamdt , heimaskit
heimaskUsmal ), especially if the King has never moved.
Still more remarkable are the low mates ( lag mdt) and high mates (id mdt),
to which Stefan Olafsson alludes in the poems quoted above. The game is
not necessarily ended with the mate, but the victor can continue moving
as long as he can give a fresh mating-position each move. In this case
the first three mates are called low males , and all the following mates are
called high mates . To certain mating positions special names were given,
e. g. gleidarmdt ( gleidarmdt or Jlenniskud) or ‘straddle-mate’ (Wh. Qhl, Ral,
h8 ; Bl. Ka8), gatrifur (meaning lost), sinn undir hvort eyra , or c box on each
ear ’ (two Pawn-mates in succession). Eggert Olafsson
gives an account of this method of play in his Seise
igjennem Island , Kiebenhavn, 1772, i. 462-4, which
describes a survey of Iceland which he made in 1752-7.
To illustrate this prolongation of mate I have put together
the position in the diagram. White can now play
1 Rh8, hrdksmdt ; 2 Ral, tvofaldur hrdksmat ; 3 Qhl,
gleidarmdt ; 4 Bf3, biskupsmdt ; 5 Ktc7, riddarapissa ;
Position in illustration Of 6 Pb 7,pedmdt ; 7 Pb8=Q, dlkomumdt. The first three
the low and high mates. 1
mates are the low, the remainder are high mates. Ac-
cording to Eggert Olafsson, good players could give six or seven successive
43 Mate with the Pawn at the moment of promotion, utkomumat, with the following special
forms : if inflicted by the King’s Pawn, blodsott (lit. dysentery), WoSskitur, blodskitsmdt , Wofl-
kongsmdt , laUamat , and probably kongsmdt, fretstertsmdt , frttstertumcti, fredstertsmdt , fuGryttumdt ; if
by the Rook’s Pawn, Idnga skudarmdt or Idngskutarmat ; if by the Queen’s Pawn, apturskvettumaU
Other technicalities are prdt^/H f perpetual check, and jafntejli, drawn game.
Digitized by
Google
P. XIII
FROM GRECO TO STAMMA
859
ies, and nine is the greatest number possible. According to Mr. Blondal,
3 method of play is now obsolete. The Spilabdk and Islenzkar Gdtur ,
wever, seem to imply that it is still occasionally played.
Four-handed Chess.
Many derivative games of chess have been proposed since Marinelli
vented his three-handed chess in 1722, but the only ones which have shown
y signs of continued vitality are the games in which the board is enlarged
vd arranged to make a game for four players. The earliest allusion to any
wme of this kind is contained in Coxe’s account of his visit to Russia in
TT2, which is quoted in Twiss, L 27 :
The Russians have also another method of playing at Chess, namely, with four
srsona at the same time, two against two ; and for this purpose, the board is larger
l&n usual, contains more men, and is provided with a greater number of squares,
was informed that this method was more difficult, hut far more agreeable than the
ommon game.
The game which Coxe saw was probably that which A. v. Petroff described
n the ScAachzeitung , 1850, 377. The board is a square of 16 x 16 squares,
trom which 64 squares have been removed (the four rectangles of 8 x 2 squares
in the middle of each edge, viz. el, fl to 11, and e2, f2 to 12, &c.). The
small square of 16 squares now left at each angle of the board becomes
a citadel belonging to the player on whose right-hand side it lies, and only
accessible from his camp. All the Kings are on the right of the Queens,
partners sit opposite one another, the move goes round clockwise as in whist,
and each player has a third Rook, Knight, and Bishop as reserve forces, wj^ich
he can arrange in his citadel as he pleases (Veraey, Chess Eccentricities ,
London, 1885, 71).
Slightly later in date to Coxe is the anonymous pamphlet, Gesetze des Schachs
zn Vieren , Gotha, 1779, and Altenburg, 1792, which v. d. Linde (ii.357) attributes
to Duke Ernest II of Gotha- Altenburg. In this variety the board consists
of 128 squares, two rows of eight squares each being added to each side of the
ordinary chessboard. All the Kings are placed on black squares, partners sit
opposite one another, and the move goes round clockwise (Vemey, op. cit., 76).
A variant type upon a board of this shape, invented by Dr. Theodorich
Martensen in 1814 or 1815, was still played in Liineburg in 1848 (&?A., 1848,
286 ; Veraey, 74). In this form the partners sit side by side, and the move
passes from South to East to West to North.
A third type of board made its appearance in K. E. G.’s Unterricht im
Sc hack spiel unter Vieren, Dessau, 1 784, which served as the basis of the earliest
English work on four-handed chess, the Rules for playing the game of Chess
en quake, London, n.d. (an octavo pamphlet of 16 pages), and of Coch’s
Danish work Skak en quatre , Kjobenhavn, 1816. This game was played upon
a board of 160 squares, obtaiued from the ordinary chessboard by adding three
rows of eight squares each to the four sides of the board. The partners sat
opposite one another, the four Queens were all placed upon white squares, and
the move went round anti-clockwise. This is true also of the game described
Digitized by
860
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
in Albers’ Unterricht im Schachspiel , Liineburg, 1821 (who names this type
of board ‘the English’, and the 128-squares board ‘the Liineburg’ board),
and of the form of the game now played in England (see Verney, 6).
A variant type of game on this board was invented by K. Enderlein, who
founded the Berlin Vier-Schach-Verein in 1815, and published his Anweitung
zum Vierschachspiel , Berlin, 1826. In his variety the Queens are placed
to the left of the Kings, the partners sit opposite one another, and the move
goes round clockwise.
A fourth type of board was adopted by the Mecklenburg-Schwerin players
in 1828, a player having seen this board in use in Paris about four years
previously. Two ordinary chessboards with the pieces arranged for play are
placed side by side so as to make a board of 16x8 squares. The partners
sit side by side, and the move passes in a crosswise manner (&£., 1848, 358 ;
Vemey, 81).
In most of these games it has been found necessary to introduce special
rules, often restricting the ordinary moves of the chessmen ; for these the
reader must consult Verney’s Chess Eccentricities , 44
The latest derivative game of chess is Sc/iachraumspiel, or Three dimen-
sional chess (see Dr. Ferd. Maach, Das Schachraumspiel , 1908).
44 For Kieseritzky’s Baltic Four-handed chess, played upon a board in the shape of an
eight- rayed star, see Livonus, Das baltische Vierschach, 1855, and ScA., 1865, 880, 858. The
game was invented about 1885.
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XIV
PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
hilulor, his chess career, and system of play. — Del Rio, Lolli, and Ponziani. —
THe Italian school of play. — The modern problem. — The Parisian Amateurs. —
Deschapelles. — Sarratt and his services to English chess. — Allgaier. — The
Automaton Chessplayer.
There is no name in the annals of chess which is more widely known than
that of Andrd (baptized Francis- Andre) Danican Philidor (B. 1726, D. 1795) 1
For more than forty years his was the leading personality in the chess circles
of Paris and London, and the ease with which he maintained his supremacy
over all players with whom he came in contact was the origin of the legend,
only shattered by the advent of Paul Morphy, that he was the greatest
player the world could ever expect to see. 2 In his own day Philidor was
equally famous as chess-player and as musician. His first motett was per-
formed at the Chapel Royal, Versailles (where he began life as a choir-boy),
when he was only eleven years old, and when in after-life he turned from
sacred to operatic music, more than twenty operas from his pen were performed
with success in Paris in the reign of Louis XVI.
Philidor had already made considerable progress as a chess-player when he
left the choir of the Chapel Royal in 1740. For the next three years he
played regularly in the Parisian cafes, and specially with Legal, at that time
the best player in France. At the start L6gal gave him the odds of a Rook,
but by 1743 he was no longer able to give Philidor, now 17 years of age,
any odds. In the following year Philidor surprised the Parisian players by
playing two opponents at one time without sight of the board, a performance
which the Chevalier de Jaucourt thought worthy of being chronicled in the
article on chess which he contributed to the great Enci/clopedie of Diderot and
D’Alembert, 1751-65. During this period chess brought him into contact
with two noted Frenchmen, the philosophers Voltaire and Jean- Jacques
Rousseau, both persistent but weak players. 3
1 He belonged to a family, originally from Dauphin4, which had been connected for three
generations with the band of the Chapel Royal. The first of the family had succeeded
a hautboy player named Filidori, and had adopted that name after Louis XIII had playfully
used it in praise of hia playing. The family name was really Danican.
* The tradition was diligently fostered by George Walker. How far he really believed
in it is doubtful : there is only too good reason to believe that much of his excessive laudation
of Philidor was written with the deliberate intention of belittling (and annoying) con-
temporary players with whom Walker was not always on good terms.
* There are several allusions to chess in Rousseau’s Confessions. The best known are those
in which he recounts his first games at chess, and the disastrous effect that the study of
Greco’s games had on his play, and his encounter with the Prince de Conti, c. 1760. To the
dismay of the latter^ entourage, he won two games from the Prince, justifying his conduct
with the words, ‘Monseigneur, j’honore trop V. A. S., pour ne pas la gagner toujours aux
Digitized by
862
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
The collapse of a musical engagement which had taken Philidor to
Holland in 1745 was the immediate cause of his adopting chess as a career.
He found himself stranded without resources in Rotterdam, bnt was able to
earn a living by playing chess and Polish draughts, and the presence of the
English army in Holland not only provided him with many opponents who
were ready to pay handsomely for their games, but introduced him to many
gentlemen whose acquaintance was of the greatest value to him afterwards.
One immediate result was a visit to England in 1747, under the auspices of
Sir Abraham Janssen, the strongest English player and one of the very few
players to whom Philidor did not always give odds. During this visit
Philidor played a match with Stamma at Slaughters. Ten games in all
were to be played, and Philidor gave the odds of the move, allowed his
opponent to score all drawn games as won, and betted 5 to 4 on each game.
The result was a great triumph for the young Frenchman, who only lost one
game and gave up another as drawn. 4
Philidor returned to Holland in 1748 in order to secure subscribers among
his friends in the English army for a book on chess upon which he was
engaged. In this he was most successful. The English Envoy-Plenipoten-
tiary, Lord Sandwich, subscribed for ten copies, and the Duke of Cumberland
for fifty. Philidor returned to London to see the Analyze du Jen des Echecs
through the press, with a list of 127 subscribers and 433 copies sold. I shall
deal later with the success of this book. The discovery that Frederick the
Great was a chess-player attracted Philidor to Berlin in 1750, but, although
he was at Potsdam and played before the King, Frederick did not venture on
a game himself. In Berlin Philidor gave an exhibition of blindfold play, playing
three games at the same time and winning them all. After a round of visits
in Germany and England, he returned to France in the autumn of 1754, after
an absence of nine years.
During these years French players had at last realized the desirability of
having some head-quarters. At first they chose a cafe which had been recently
opened by a Sicilian named Procope (Gay, Bibl . Anecd. y 1864, 124), but when
the lettered world, attracted by the possibility of seeing Voltaire and Rousseau
Rebecs.' A game purporting to have been played on this occasion has been often printed (Ellis,
Chess Sparks , 1895, 2 ; Mason, Social Chess , 1900, 90), but it is a literary forgery. It made its
first appearance in the Palamide, 1843, 41-2, in a romantic version of the meeting between
Rousseau and the Prince, and was supplied by Doazan. The latter obtained it from the
Doazan MS. (see p. 821), where it is given as by Busnardo. A more impudent forgery is the
game which the Abbi Homan describes in his poem Les tehees, Paris, 1807, as having been
played between himself and Rousseau in 1770. The game is none other than the first of the
Qambits in the French editions of Greco ! See L. Griinberg, * Rousseau Joueur d’fichecs’, in
the Annales de la Societe J.-J. Rousseau, iii (and as a separate print, Geneva, 1907), and my
note, * Rousseau and Chess BCM. y 1908, 329.
4 On this visit he played at the Duke of Rutland's Chess , an enlarged variety on a 14 x 10
board, the invention of John, the third Duke (D. 1779). Each player had 14 Pawns on his
second row (who could move 1, 2, or 3 squares for their first move) and 14 Pieces on the first
row, on the following files : a, n, R ; b, m, Crowned Castle (with move of K or R) ; c, d, 1,
Kt : e, f, j, k, B ; g, Q ; h, K : i, Concubine (with move of R or Kt). The descriptions in
Sharpe’s 1767 edition of Hyde, i. xxv, and in Twiss, i. 155, do not quite agree. The best
players of the game were Janssen (after whose death it dropped into disuse), Stamma,
Dr. Cowper, and Mr. Salvador. In less than three months Philidor was able to give any of
these players the odds of the Knight at this game.
Digitized by
Google
chap, xiv PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
863
at the chessboard, began to crowd thither, the more serious chess-players
removed to the Cafifi de la Regence in the Place du Palais-Royal, which,
except for a brief interruption during the First Revolution, has ever since
been the centre of the Parisian chess life. Here Philidor played a match with
Legal in which he proved himself at last the superior of his old master, and
here for the next fifteen years he took his recreation in playing chess, while
he devoted his main energies to musical composition. It was not until 1772
that he found time to revisit his old friends in London.
Philidor found Slaughter's deserted since 1770, and the Salopian Coffee-
house, Charing Cross, the new head-quarters of the London players. The
result of his visit was another migration, for it led to the formation of
a Chess Club , strictly limited to 100 members at a three-guinea subscription,
which made Parsloe's, St. James's Street, its home. The aim of the founders
was to make it possible to secure Philidor's presence in London for the season
(February to May) in each year, but all the best people crowded to join, and
the club started as one of the most fashionable clubs in London. In 1776 the
roll of members included Charles James Fox, the Marquess of Rockingham,
Lord Mansfield, Erskine, Wedderburne, Gibbon, Elliott the defender of
Gibraltar, and General Burgoyne. It was the last rally of the English
nobility to claim chess as the game most typical of their order, and it was
part of the irony of fate that the man for whose benefit the club was
established should have done most by his literary labours to destroy this
historic connexion with chess. For it was the diffusion of analysis, and the
rise in the standard of play which resulted from the realization of the prin-
ciples of the game, whieh effected the change. The chess-player had now to
study if he wished to excel.
The example of the London players was followed in 1783 in Paris, and
a chess club was established near the Palais-Royal under the patronage of
Monsieur le Comte de Provence (later Louis XVIII), who was himself
a member. The subscription was 100 francs, and each club gave special
privileges to the members of the other.
The members of the London club raised a fund every year to defray
Philidor's expenses, and from 1775 Philidor spent the Spring of each year in
London and the rest of the year in Paris. This arrangement lasted until the
Revolution, and after the Spring of 1793, Philidor never returned to Paris.
In 1777 he published a second, and in 1790 a third edition of the Analyze du
Jeu des £checs y both editions being under the patronage of the London club.
A comparison of the lists of subscribers to these editions, 283 to the second,
including every member of the London and 50 members of the Paris club, and
only 56 (all English) to the third, shows the great change which had come
over the position of the London club. The fashionable world had moved
away, and it had become the resort of chess-players only. When the season
of 1790 opened, only fourteen members attended the first dinner, and although
Philidor in his letter to his family described the prospects for the season as
brilliant, the club felt that something must be done to increase its attractions.
Digitized by Google
864
CHESS IN EUROPE
pah ii
They accordingly resolved that the blindfold performances which Fhfljk
had commenced in 1782 should for the future be fortnightly instead d
annually as before. These performances had created an extraordinary excre-
ment at first, and the newspapers of 1782 are very amusing* reading. Tk
Morning Post of 28 May says, in its account of the performance in whies
Philidor played Count Briihl 5 and Mr. Bowdler at the same time, seeing
neither board, and drawing the first and losing the second game :
The celebrated Mr. Philidor, whose unrivalled excellence at the game of Cbse
has long been distinguished, invited the members of the Chess- club, and the amatetn
in general of that arduous amusement, to be present on Saturday last at a spectacle
of the most curious kind, as it was to display a very wonderful faculty of the human
mind, which faculty, however, is perhaps exclusively at present his own. . . . TW
idea of the intellectual labour that was passing in the mind of Mr. Philidor, suggest*:
a painful perception to the spectators, which, however, was quite unnecessary, as hr
seldom paused half a minute, and seemed to undergo little mental fatigue. . . . Wha
the intrinsic difficulty of the game is considered, as well as the great skill of Li>
adversaries, who, of course, conducted it with the most subtle complications; tins
exertion seems absolutely miraculous, and certainly deserves to be recorded as *
proof, at once interesting and astonishing, of the power of human intelligence.
And the World of the same date begins its account :
This brief article is the record of more than sport and fashion : it is a phtnome*m
in the history of man , and so should be hoarded among the best samples of human
memory — till memory shall be no more.®
Fourteen performances of this character are on record in which Philidor
played now two and now three simultaneous blindfold games, or (in his later
years) two games blindfold and a third across the board, and the games played j
on seven of these occasions are in existence. His total score for nine suet
performances (10 wins, 4 draws, 6 losses) does not argue any surpassing ability
as a blindfold player. Philidor’s achievements in this method of play have
been entirely eclipsed by many later players, notably by P. Morphy, Louis
Paulsen, J. H. Zukertort, J. H. Blackburne, and H. N. Pillsbury. The last-
named player contested twenty games on one occasion, and there seems no
limit — apart from that imposed by the time the play must take — fco tie
number of games that a player with this faculty might play at one time. 7
In 1787 the Chess Club was joined by the Rev. George Atwood, F.R.S.
(B. 1746, D. 1807), a distinguished mathematician, who held a comfortable
sinecure under Government as Patent Searcher of the Customs. Atwood was
6 John Maurice, Count Briihl (B. 1786, D. 1809), Minister of Saxony in England, was one
of the strongest players of the London club. Philidor gave him the Knight for two mores.
Mr. Bowdler, Lord Harrowby, Mr. Jennings, and the Hon. Henry Conway were of aboot
equal strength. Count Briihl was a liberal friend to Philidor during the last years of
his life.
6 And yet the performances of the Jesuit Sacchieri of Turin, lecturer in Mathematics st
Pavia in the first half of the eighteenth century, who played three and four games at one
time blindfold, were known in England. They had been recounted in Keyaler's Travels, i. in
The Gentleman's Magazine , March 1746, and in Lambe’s Hist. Chess , 1764, 54, and were repeated
later in Twiss, i. 20 (quoting Keysler’s Turin , 1749).
7 See A. Binet, Psychologie des grands calculateurs et joueurs d'eehecs , 1894, for a discussion o?
the phenomenon of blindfold chess.
Digitized by Google
iap. xiv PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
865
>t a strong* player, but he made up for this by the industry with which he
>ok down games played at the club from 1787 to 1800. He took part in
hilidor’s last blindfold performance, on 20 June, 1795, and it was with him
Philidor played his last game of chess nine days later. The master died
a 24 August of that year. 8
Atwood left his chess papers to his friend Joseph Wilson, 9 and after the
ittera death they were offered for sale in 1833. One note-book containing
he record of the games was bought by George Walker, and formed the
asis of his Selection of Games at Chess , actually played by Philidor and his
Contemporaries, London, 1835. This note-book is now in the Rimington-
fiTilson Library. Another MS. (probably not from Atwood’s pen), containing
ix games played by Philidor blindfold, is now with the remainder of Prof.
Ulen’s chess library in the Ridgemont Branch Library, Philadelphia.
It is unfortunate that all these games belong to the last period of Philidor s
ife, when he had passed the age of greatest strength as a player, and that
all were played against opponents far weaker than himself. Both of these
facts must be borne in mind in attempting any estimate of Philidors ability
as a player.
’Walker’s Selection of Games does not create a very favourable impression
of the standard of play in Philidors time. It was an age of mediocre players,
among whom Philidor stood easily first, but even he made mistakes repeatedly
which would have been fatal against players of average skill who were not
frightened into incapacity by the reputation of the master. At its best
Philidor’s play falls short of that accuracy of conception and richness of com-
bination which characterized the play of De la Bourdonnais and MacDonnell.
On the other hand there is plenty of evidence of real capacity for chess, and
an untouched reserve of genius which would have resulted in a far higher
level of practical skill if he had ever been called upon to show it. The
Analyze du Jeu des Bchecs of his youth gives a far more favourable opinion
of his talent than the games of his old age.
Philidor was only 23 years old when the Analyze was written. It is
a notable work, revealing a singular maturity of judgement in one so young,
and it had an instant success, and one far more lasting than that of any other
chess-book of the kind. Two reissues were necessary in the year of its
publication, and many other reprints and editions followed before Philidor
introduced any changes in the book. It was only at long intervals (1777 and
1790) that he revised the work, and the revision meant little more than the
addition of other Openings ; and although in the edition of 1777 he modified
some of the too confident assertions of the original work, the main features
of the Analyze remained unchanged. Criticism and emendation alike were
consistently ignored by Philidor : secure in his possession of the chess throne
1 The standard work on Philidor’s life is Prof. George Allen’s Life qf Philidor , Philadelphia,
1868, which contains as an appendix an acute criticism of Philidor as author and player, by
v * d. Lasa. To both work and appendix I am greatly indebted.
9 Wilson was a former owner of the copy of the Mountstephen Greco MS., which is now
in Mr. J. G. White's library.
H7I 3 I
Digitized
pGoo
866
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
of France and England, he probably declined to admit the right of any of
his contemporaries to oppose their judgement to his. Since his death the
Analyze has been reprinted often: it formed the basis of the first Rnssian
work on chess, and is probably still the best-known work on the subject in
France, Spain, and the Spanish-speaking countries of America.
The secret of this remarkable success is the lucidity, the assurance, and
the brevity of the book. No previous writer had attempted to explain the
reasons for particular moves with the detail and directness which Philidor
adopted. An example will illustrate this. In the first game, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ;
2Bc4, Bc5 ; 3 Pc3, Ktf6 ; 4 Pd4, he makes this note : ‘ This Pawn is play’d
two Moves for two very important Reasons ; the first is, to hinder your
Adversary’s King’s Bishop to play upon your King’s Bishop’s Pawn ; and the
second, to put the Strength of your Pawns in the Middle of the Exchequer,
which is of great Consequence to attain the making of a Queen ’. Advice like
this was what players wanted, and would remember. 10
Then Philidor wrote with all the confidence of youth. He was not afraid
to express an opinion. To players used to Stamma’s Openings without a
single note of advice or warning, or Bertin’s unsatisfying phrase, ‘and the
players may finish the game *, at the end of each piece of analysis, Philidor’s
clear and precise statements came as a revelation. Did the player wish to
play the King’s Knight’s Opening (1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3), Philidor was there
to tell him, * Playing the King’s Knight the second Move is entirely wrong ;
because it not only loses the Attack, but gives it to the Adversary ’ ; did he
wonder about the strength of the popular Pawn game of the day, 1 Pe4, Pe5 ;
2 Pc3, Philidor again is ready to answer him, ‘ Playing this Pawn the second
Move ... is demonstratively ill played, because the Move is certainly lost by
the Adversary’s pushing the Queen’s Pawn two steps ; consequently the
attack goeth on the other side, and very probably the Game ; for when once
the Move is lost, it is very difficult to regain it with good Players.’ It did
not matter that Philidor was wrong in both cases: the beginner feels that
any guide is better than none. 11
Moreover, all Philidor’s guidance was consistent. He had evolved a theory
of play, and he believed in it thoroughly. All his notes are written with the
single intention of making this system clear, of exemplifying it, of pushing it
home. As he says in his Preface to the 1749 edition:
My chief intention is to recommend myself to the Public, by a Novelty no one
has thought of, or perhaps ever understood well ; I mean how to play the Pawns :
They are the very Life of this Game ; They alone form the Attack and the Defence ;
on their good or bad Situation depends the Gain or Loss of the Party. A Player,
who, when he has play'd a Pawn well, can give no Reason for his moving it to such
a Square, may be compared to a General, who with much Practice has little or no
Theory.
10 In my quotations I use the first English edition, Chess Analysed , London, 1750, unless
I say otherwise.
11 Both statements were modified in the 1777 edition, but the games are unaltered. Of
the Knight’s Opening he merely says, * This game is not quite exact ; but the first moves
of the White (the second player) are very well calculated, especially when some odds are
granted * ; and in the Pawn game he omits the dangerous word ‘ demonstratively \
Digitized by Google
XIV PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
867
And the whole of this system was unfolded in four games and ten back
ames or variations, all carried, if not to the actual mate, at least to a position
a. which the win was evident, and all skilfully composed in such a way that
tie principles which they were designed to teach were displayed to the best
<1 vantage. There was no opportunity for the bewilderment with which the
>eginner rose from the study of Greco’s 94 games or Stamma’s 74 Openings.
It is by these four games that the Analyze should be judged : if Philidor
ulded to them six other games (four gambits, a new Observation on the
jrambit called Cunningham, and a Queen’s Gambit, otherwise Gambit of
Aleppo) illustrating the popular Openings of the day, it was only in deference
x) the expectations of the public. 12 For the system they were unnecessary.
Nor ought we to test every move in each game to find whether it is the
absolutely best at the moment — unless Philidor has advanced an opinion as
to the soundness of the opening, or the move is a critical one for the establish-
ment of the truth of his system. It is the general plan of the whole play
that is the important thing from Philidor’s point of view, and the Analyze is
even more a work on Mid-game tactics than an analysis of the Openings.
Philidor belonged essentially to the school of Lopez, which, as a result
of the many French editions of Lopez’s work in the 17th century, had become
the school of the majority of French players. But he was not only the first
player to realize and state the principles that lay behind Lopez’s analysis, but
also the first player to carry those principles to their logical conclusions and
to embody them in a system of play. Philidor has often been ridiculed for
his statement that the Pawns ‘sont l’&me des £checs’, but his system wont
far to make them so. Everything is subordinated to the effort to conduct
a Pawn to queen. The utmost liberty of action must be preserved for the
Pawns. The formation of a strong centre of Pawns is advocated as the
simplest initial step towards this end. Since the Bishop’s Pawns will be
required for the support of the centre Pawns, the Knights must not be played
to c3 and f3 until after their advance.
It is obvious that the result of the rigid application of these principles
must result in slow and, on the whole, uninteresting games. The natural
opening to adopt is the King’s Bishop’s Game, because the development of
this Bishop on the second move obstructs none of the Pawns. The obvious
criticism on the Philidorian system is that the liberty of the stronger pieces
is unduly curtailed for the benefit of the weaker Pawns. Moreover, the
demonstration of the system in the Analyze games does not carry conviction.
In .every game' Philidor unduly favours White (who plays the attack in
the first two, and the defence in the third and fourth games) by not
allowing Black to adopt the strongest moves at his disposal. It was almost
obligatory on Philidor to prove that the King’s Knight’s Opening is bad,
since the early play of the Knight runs counter to his w r hole system, but to
u In the 1777 edition Philidor added six Regular Parties, of which the first five are
Bishop’s Openings and the last is a Sicilian defence (without special name), and two Salvio
Gambits (so named for the first time). The 4 Gambit of Aleppo ’ (so in Lambe, Hist, Chess ,
1764, 58) commemorates Stamma’s fondness for this Opening.
3 i 2
Digitized by Google
868
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
dismiss it on the strength of 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, Pd6 ; 3 Bc4, P/5 ; 4 Pd3
ignoring the stronger move 4 Pd4, or of 3 Pd4, P/5 ; 4 P x eP, fP x P ;
Pd5 ; 6 Pf4 ignoring both 6 Pe6 and 4 Kfc3, was to invite criticism which
was not long in forthcoming.
The Analyze of 1749 concludes with an able analysis of a special position
in the Ending R and B r. R, although Philidor was wrong in thinking that
all positions could be brought into this particular one. With this investiga-
tion the scientific and systematic investigation of the Endings really began.
It was natural that the earliest criticism of the Analyze should come from
Italy, because the Italian players had never accepted the Lopez principles.
Moreover, just at the time that Philidor was elaborating his system, a group
of highly gifted players, certainly the most gifted players Italy has ever
produced, were themselves occupied in elaborating the principles of play of
Salvio, Greco, and the other Italian players of the sixteenth century. These
were D. Domenico Lorenzo Ponziani (B. 1719, D. 1792), Professor of Civil
Law in the University of Modena from 1742 to 1772, Canon of the Cathedral,
1766, and Capitular Vicar, 1785, 13 and his two friends and fellow-townsmen,
the lawyer Ercole del Rio, and Giambattista Lolli, who are generally known
by the name of the Modenese Masters.
Ercolc del Rio was already the author of a small chess-book, Sopra it giuoco
degli Scacchi , Osservazioni prafiche d'anonimo Aufore Modenese , Modena, 1750,
before the Modenese masters had obtained any knowledge of the eighteenth-
century authors in France and England. This work follows the model of
Salvio in containing Openings and problems or End-games, but it is far in
advance of it, both in arrangement and in the accuracy and importance of
the analysis. Here for the first time we meet with the Scotch Game and
the Ruy Lopez defended by 3 . . , Pa6. As an introduction to the Openings
del Rio’s work was far superior to any work in existence in 1750, but it was
admittedly written for advanced players, and even for these it was not an
easy text-book, since del Rio was very sparing in notes or explanations.
Accordingly Lolli formed the plan of annotating it fully, and of making it
the basis for a great encyclopedic work on the game. This he did in the
Osservationi teorico-pratiche sopra il giuoco degli scacchi , Bologna, 1763, a folio
of 632 pages. By this time Philidor’ s book had reached Modena.
Lolli’s book is divided into three parts, of which the first is the annotated
text of del Rio’s volume of 1750, preceded by a letter from that wTiter with
many valuable hints for the player; the second is a similar treatise dealing
with the defence, written expressly for the book by del Rio, and elaborately
annotated by Lolli — a very necessary thing, for del Rio's text was even more
difficult than that of the earlier work ; and the third is a treatise on the
Ending by Lolli himself, concluding with a carefully selected collection
of 100 problems which was intended to challenge comparison with Stamma’a
100 positions.
18 See his life in Chess Monthly , New York, 1857, 126, whence in Chess World, 1866, 827,
Sch ., 1862, 97, and BCM., 1893, 295.
X
Digitized by Google
ap. xiv PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
869
It is in the second part of Lolli’s book (pp. 365-8) that del Rio deals with
e Analyze . After a word of generous praise for the piece of End-game
L&lysis, he devotes his attention to Philidor’s games, with the idea of seeing
• what extent they justify Philidor’s principles of play, and he shows that
ire© of the four games are faulty, since the defence in the First, and the
ytack in the Fourth, can be strengthened to equality of position at least,
'liile the attack in the Third can be strengthened to superiority. His
onclusion that Philidor’s demonstration was really unsuccessful is a just one.
ncidentally he disputes Philidor’s claim that the Kings Gambits ‘ give no
advantage to him who attacks, or to him who defends them ; if both play
qually well, the Game becomes most commonly a drawn Game ', and quotes
vith approval a line from a poem by Carlo Salvio in the 1634 Salvio (Bk. II,
>. 40), ‘ Gambitto a giocator farsi non lice ’.
It was not until six years later that Ponziani published his II giuoco in~
comparabile degli scaccki . . , Opera (t Autore Modenese, Modena, 1769. A second
and improved edition with the same title followed in 1782, and in this later
edition Ponziani lays down the principles of play of the Italian school.
Ponziani, as del Rio and Lolli had done, confines his attention to the
Opening and the Ending, and leaves the Mid-game untouched. He also
follows Lolli’s example in dividing his Openings into games for the attack
and games for the defence, an unnatural division, since the move which in
the former case leads to victory, in the latter leads to defeat, and the reader
finds a difficulty in estimating the real value of a line of play. Notwith-
standing this, his analysis deserves very high praise, and no later work of
the Italian chess with free castling took its place. 14
The fundamental principle of the Italian school is the maintenance of the
maximum amount of liberty for the Pieces. These are placed as speedily
as possible in the positions in which they will exert most pressure upon
the more vulnerable points of the enemy’s array— -at first (2 (f 7). No
importance is attached to the formation of a centre of Pawns, except as
a means of opening a path for the major pieces, nor on the maintenance of
a centre when formed ; in so far as a Pawn centre restricts the activity
of the Pieces, it is discouraged. The main use of the Pawns is to drive back
the opponent’s Pieces from their best positions in order to gain more ground
for the player’s own Pieces. The most natural opening to adopt is the Giuoco
Piano, because in it the development of the Pieces is most direct, and the
attack upon f2 (f7) is in view from the first move. The ideal is the open
game.
It is clear that under this system the player is in a far better position
to take advantage of a blunder of his opponent than under the Philidorian
system, but it is by no means so clear that his position will be equally
14 Ponziani discusses more Openings than Lolli, but the only new ones are the Allgaier
Gambit (very briefly mentioned in the 1769 work, Venice ed. of 1801, 282), and the Ponziani
counter attack in Staunton's. Opening (1 Pel, Pe5; 2 KtfS, Ktc6 ; 3 Pc8, P/5; in the 1782
work, 114).
Digitized by
Google
870
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAET II
favourable if the game comes to the End-game stage. It is the weakness
of the Italian system that in paying attention to the effective use of the major
pieces as weapons of attack, it neglects the prospective value of the Pawns.
In a way it is based on an attitude towards the problem of play as one-sided
as the Philidorian, but the defects of the Italian system are less obvious, and
probably less serious, because the weaker and not the stronger forces suffer.
That a far more interesting type of game results by adopting the principles
of the Italian school has always been a strong recommendation. In the
special points of difference between Philidor and the Modenese masters the
verdict of posterity is entirely in favour of the latter. The Bishop’s Opening
is practically obsolete, the Philidor Defence is hardly played, and the sound-
ness of the King’s Knight’s Opening is universally admitted.
In their attitude towards the problem the Modenese masters and their
contemporary composers came under the influence of Stamma’s work, and
the idea that the problem should be the brilliant termination of a possible
game lies behind the majority of the direct mates in the Lolli and Ponziani
collections. Beyond this Stamma’s influence did not extend, and the Muslim
notion that equality of force was necessary to secure plausibility was not
adopted. The result is that the Italian problems are not overloaded with
unnecessary pieces, while the greater skill and lighter touch of the composers
have produced work of greater piquancy. The sense of continuity with the
past was maintained by the composition of self-mates and conditional problems
(the latter to a reduced extent), and by the preservation of all that was best
in Salvio and Damiano. The most important departure from the practice of
Stamma lay in the title of the problem. The Italian players laid stress upon
the length of the solution, and therefore on the shortest method of winning.
After the time of Ponziani the chess problem gradually ceased to have
any intimate connexion with the game of chess, developing its own special
literature and appealing to its own public, until it has become impossible
to make the old claim that the study of the problem has any real effect upon
proficiency in the game itself. 15 The real representative of the mediaeval
problem in this connexion is the End-game. I do not, therefore, propose to
devote any portion of the remaining chapters to the chess problem, and merely
indicate here in rough outline the main lines of its later development. For
a long time the cult of the problem was mainly confined to England and
Germany; after 1830 the problem began to appeal to an ever- widening circle,
and in the latter part of the nineteenth century one of its most important
advances is associated with Bohemia. 16
The Lolli and Ponziani collections became known in Northern Europe
16 The change is emphasized by the change of name in English from position or situation to
problem, which was first definitely used by William Lewis in the title of his 1827 work,
Chess Problems. (An earlier use in the English version of Montigny’s work, Stratagems of Chess,
London, 1816, iv, ‘ These situations are in reality so many problems, the solution of which
is required to be found ', may have suggested the use of the term to Lewis.)
16 Only a few problem*lovers have so far concerned themselves with the history of the
development of their art. Allen's papers in the BCM., 1908-4, have been already mentioned.
Kohiz and Kockelkom, in Das indische Problem, Potsdam, 1908, have done valuable work
Digitized by
Google
hjcp. xiv PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
871
hrough the wholesale appropriations which were made with quite inadequate
loknowledgement by the compilers of chess-books in the early nineteenth
century, the most prominent offender perhaps being Montigny, who published
Stratagbnes des Echecs anonymously in Paris in 1802, a work which was
translated into German, English, and Danish, with the result that the com-
posers of the period worked on the Italian model.
The Stamma problem remained the ruling type of direct-mate problem
nntil the time of the publication of Alexandre’s great but carelessly compiled
Collection des plus beaux problbnes d'tlchecs , Paris, 1846, and the general
characteristics of this phase in the development of the modern problem may
be conveniently studied in that work. A new era, the problems of which
are often described as belonging to the transitional school , dates from the
publication of the Rev. Henry A. Loveday’s famous ‘Indian Problem* in
“tlie Chess Player's Chronicle for February, 1845. The next generation of
composers slowly evolved the foundation principles of the existing art of
problem composition. The immediate effect of the publication of the Indian
problem was twofold. It resulted in a remarkable diminution in the length
of the solution of later problems, and concentrated attention upon problems in
five moves and under. It directed attention to the importance of the theme
or idea which the problem was intended to illustrate, and during the earlier
portion of the transitional period composers used their ingenuity to discover
new and suitable themes which could be expressed in the form of a problem
of two, three, or four moves. The comparatively small number of themes
which are suitable for presentation in two or three moves, and the large
number of ways in which the same theme could be presented, led to the
definition of canons of taste by which the varying merits of different settings
of the same idea could be estimated. In this way such features as economy
of material, difficulty of solution, neatness of construction, accuracy of solution,
became recognized as beauties in a problem, and a check or a capture on the
key-move as a blemish or even worse.
With the exhaustion of the themes that could be expressed in the shorter
problems, two courses became possible : to proceed to the still comparatively
unexplored field of the problem in four moves, or to endeavour to obtain
originality by the combination in a single problem of a number of themes
expressible in two or three moves. The vast majority of players adopted
the latter course, and the difficulty of satisfying all the recognized canons
of taste by which the older type of problem had been tested in a problem
that contained a combination of themes resulted in players in different
countries attaching differing values to the various canons, so that four
national schools of composers arose in the period 1860—80, the American,
in the history of the period, 1840-50. Cf. also 1 Drei alte Meister \ in the Festschrift d. Akad.
Schachkhibs, Munchen, 1911, pp. 41-128. I have also used Mr. B. G. Laws’ * Modern Standards
of Problem Composition’, BCM 1896, 257, 805, 846.
Both the Deutsches Wothenschach and the Wiener Schachseitung have in recent years contained
many important artieles on the history of the modern problem. At the present time
Mr. Alain C. White of New York is engaged in an important attempt to deal with the history
of the development of the two-move problem.
Digitized by
872
CHESS IN EUROPE
phi n
the Bohemian, the English, and the German, each definable in terms of the
different values they attached to particular features of the problem. Towmk
the end of the 19th c. there was a marked tendency towards uniformity d
ideal, and with the general recognition of the features to be aimed at, and U
be avoided, the modern school of problem composition came into existence.
The obvious criticism on this school is that it attributes an exaggerated
importance to its laws — really nothing more than conventions — of compositka.
It is due to the literary labours of the veteran problemists, J. Kohtz and
C. Kockelkorn, and especially to the inspiration of their brilliant monograph,
Das indische Problem (Potsdam, 1903), that a new school of composers has
arisen in Germany which has broken loose from the restrictions which the
canons of the modern school place upon the free play of originality of idea.
During the last fifty years the annual output of problems has been
enormous, and even at the present time there is no sign of any diminution
in the number published year by year. Many newspapers publish one or two
problems in their chess column every week ; every chess magazine devotes
a considerable portion of its space to the problem ; and beyond this there is
a growing list of books which deal with the problem alone. Already this list
extends to more than 500 volumes.
With the Modenese masters, and the contemporary work, II giuoco degli
scacchi , of Count Carlo Cozio, Turin, 1766, Italian chess ceased to play any
important part in the development or literature of the game, and the centre of
the chess life of Europe passed definitely to France and England. 17
The leading players in Paris before the Revolution were Philidor, Verdoni,
L6ger, Carlier, and Bernard. In 1775 the last four published the Trade
theorique et pratique dn jeu (let e'checs par tine societe (V amateurs (commonly
known as the Traite ties amateurs), in which they challenged comparison with
the Analyze. Their criticism of Philidor was sufficiently mild — ‘ en rendant
tout l’hommage qui est dfl au plus grand Joueur de TEurope, on se permettra
d’observer ici que nombre de Parties qui composent son Traite sont plus
instructives que correctes, & que ses assertions sur le gain ou la perte forces de
ces Parties sont souvent hasard^es & d^menties par la combinaison & lexperi-
ence \ The Amateurs devote considerable attention to the game at odds, bat
the work as a whole, written in full agreement with the principles of the
Philidorian school, is not one of any great importance, although it was once
much admired. 18
The Revolution put an end to the existence of the Paris club, and even
interrupted play at the Cafe de la Regence for a time. But by 1798 Bernard
and Carlier had succeeded in collecting a body of players again, and in this
17 Details of the later chess life in Italy will be found in Sch ., 1847 (844% 1S61 (869),
1862 (7, 83), 1867 (271, 836, 365), 1868 (37).
18 The same criticism applies to E. Stein’s Xouvel Essai sur le Jeu des tehees, La Have, 1785*
Stein (B. 1748 in Alsace, D. 1812) was a Jewish player who created a great reputation in
Holland by his play. He was engaged to teach chess to the sons of William V, the list
Stadtholder of the Netherlands. He was able to play two games simultaneously, without
sight of the board, at the same time with a game of billiards.
Digitized by Google
XIV PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
873
ear -Alexandre Louis Honor© Lebreton Deschapelles (B. 1780, D. 1847) came
xjxicily to the front rank, and made good his claim to be recognized as the
wading French player. Deschapelles was a player with great natural gifts for
hess, 19 and he was able to give odds to all competitors with whom he came
a oontact. This confirmed him in his opinion that the study of Opening
xxaJysis was waste of time — an opinion which in his case was probably true, so
ong as he kept to the odds of the Pawn and move, or two moves, or played at
L*ogaVs Game of the Pawns ; but it led to the curious result that Cochrane, in
L821, did better against him without odds than with them. Deschapelles*
i easing pupil was De la Bourdonnais, whose achievements will be related in
the next chapter. When De la Bourdonnais surmounted the odds of Pawn
and two moves in 1821, Deschapelles withdrew from chess and played whist
instead. Like other great players, the latter was very jealous of his reputation
ns the best player of his time, and in 1836, after the close of the De la
Bourdonnais-MacDonnell match, he challenged any English player to play
him at the odds of the Pawn and two moves ; but, although the challenge w as
necepted by W. Lewis, nothing came of it.
Philidor’s death was a great blow to the chess club at Parsloe’s, and
although Verdoni was induced to settle in England, he could hardly be
expected to fill the vacant throne. With the deaths of Verdoni in 1804 and
Count Briihl in 1809, the club ceased to possess any importance for English
chess, and its existence was almost forgotten when the actual end came about
the year 1825.
That the decline in the fortunes of this somew r hat exclusive club was not
due to any fall in the popularity of chess in London, or England generally, is
shown by the continuous succession of new chess-books, or new editions of
existing books, which were published between 1795 and 1825. If we except
Sarratt’s works and the introduction added to the English edition of Montigny s
Stratageme * , which appealed in 1817 (though this introduction borrowed its
maxims for play from Hoyle without acknowledgement), most of these books
owed any merit which they might possess to the fidelity with which they
reproduced Philidor’s Games with the original notes. Nearly all of them were
out of date in many important particulars at the time of issue, and some are so
carelessly put together that they are not even self-consistent in their rules of
play. All teach that stalemate is a lost game for the stalemating player, and
all, except the Rev. Thomas Pruen’s Introduction , Cheltenham, 1804, restrict
Pawn promotion to the rank of a piece already lost. Peter Pratt, a w T eak
player, to whom Lewis gave the odds of the Knight in a match in 1817,
and a persistent proposer of innovations in the game, 20 in his anonymously
19 According to his own story, Deschapelles learnt chess by watching Bernard play for
one evening, and the second day afterwards he reached his full strength as a player. His
life is given in the Padamide , Nov., 1847 (and ScA., 1848, 156). The Gentleman's Mag., July,
1807, contained an account of a series of games played between two committees headed
respectively by Deschapelles and Carlier.
20 Thus in the Theorie, he wished to change the names Queen, Rook, and Pawn, to Minister,
Peer, and Commoner, to call castling closeting, to allow the King to castle out of, and over,
check, and in castling with the Queen's side to play Kbl and Rdl. In the Studies , 1810,
Digitized by Google
874
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
published Theorie of Chess y 1799, and Studies of Chess , 1803, 21 and W. S. Kenny,
who styled himself a teacher of chess, in his Practical Chess Grammar , 1817,
not only give these older rules in their descriptions of the moves, but add the
code of rules which had been adopted by the Parsloe players, which had
abandoned all restrictions on Pawn promotion.
In the main these handbooks give maxims of play which are founded on
Hoyle, and are only slightly coloured by the Philidorian theory of Pawn play.
The first player to break away from the Philidorian tradition was J. H.
Sarratt, a London schoolmaster who had learnt his chess from Verdoni, and
a member, or a frequent visitor, of the London Chess Club which was founded
6 April, 1807, and met at Tom’s Coffee House in Comhill. It was due to his
influence that the London club in their code of rules declared stalemate to be
a drawn game, and so abandoned the last special feature of the English chess.
The inclusion of this code in Sarratt’s books, and later in those of Lewis and
George Walker, led to its general adoption in England.
Sarratt’s reputation as a player was very high. His pupil Lewis wrote of
him that he ‘ was the finest and most finished player whom I have ever seen,
alike excellent in attack and defence, and capable of unravelling intricate
positions with ease and accuracy *. His style of play came as a revelation to
English players of his time, modelled as it was upon the principles of the
Italian masters, Salvio, del Rio, and Lolli. It was not the least of his services
to English chess that he introduced his generation to the w r ork of the older
masters, Damiano, Lopez, and Salvio, in a series of translations. That, as we
now know to be the case, these translations were careless, inaccurate, and
incomplete, did not rob them of their value at the time they were made, 22
though this discovery has had a very damaging effect on his reputation as
a writer. It is unfortunate that the badness of this portion of Sarratt’s literary
work should have prevented his successors from recognizing the importance
and real merit of his other services to chess.
In his Treatise , London, 1808, and New Treatise , London, 1821 (prepared
for press and published after Sarratt’s death by Lewis, who generously sup-
pressed his own share in the work), Sarratt, who styles himself ‘ Professor
of Chess ’, appears as an enthusiastic disciple of del Rio. Although in
deference to the practice of his contemporaries he gives the pride of place
ii. 839, he proposes that the Pawn whose promotion is due before a piece has been lost
should become a Hydra with a move doubling that of the Knight, for which he substitutes
(1825, 520) a Cadet moving as a Book but confined to the 8th rank. The Elements of Chess,
Boston, 1806, improved on the Theorie by devising a Republican nomenclature, K Governor,
Q General, KR and QR First and Second Colonel, KB and QB First and Second Major, K Kt
and Q Kt, First and Second Captain, P Pioneer. I have read somewhere that a similar
proposal was made in France during the Revolution.
n This latter work contains Sir William Jones’s youthful poem Caisea, written in imita-
tion of Vida’s poem in 1768. The heroine of this poem, the Dryad Calssa, has become the
modern player’s Muse of Chess. This poem was first published in Sir William Jones’s Poems,
Oxford, 1772.
** Damiano , Ruy Lopes and Salvio , 1818 ; Gianutio and Gustavus Selenus , 1817. Sarratt’s
carelessness is shown by the fact that he never discovered thAt Selenus was a translation of
the Tarsia Lopez which he had translated four years before. This series of translations was
completed by Lewis’s Stamma , 1818, Greco, 1819, and Carrera, 1822, and by Cochrane’s Treatise
(the Amateurs and del Rio), 1822.
Digitized by Google
bap. xxv PH1LID0R AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
875
b\\e Bishop's Opening in his earlier book (a practice which Lewis followed
nd W alter and Staunton first abandoned in England), his predilections were
or bhe open game, the Giuoco Piano and the King's Knight's Gambits.
Pirns he condemns the French Defence, * This beginning, which is frequently
played \>y unskilful players, is very improper, as all the pieces remain confined
and useless ’ (1808, 87), and expresses strong dislike for the less open Bishop’s
Gambit, * This is a dangerous, and perhaps an exceptionable move : but there
are few players who know how to oppose it properly* (1808, 171). In this
work the so-called Cochrane Gambit appears for the first time. The New
Treatise contains a first attempt to analyse the Muzio Gambit, contributed by
W. Lewis. The reintroduction of this Gambit, Sarratt’s favourite Opening,
was, however, due neither to Sarratt nor to Verdoni, who was wont to call it
* roy gambit We now know from the Atwood MS. that the members of the
club at Parsloe’s were examining it and trying it against Philidor in 1795. 23
Joseph Wilson, its introducer, had probably found it in his Mountstephen Greco
MS. In the hands of these early players it was a very risky game for the
attack, since they conducted the Opening in the same tame way that they
played the Bishop’s Opening, and the attack was soon exhausted. Sarratt
was the first player to push the attack in the Italian spirit, and his success
with it led to the great reputation of the Opening in the first half of the
nineteenth century.
The first real sign of any advance in the standard of German chess is
supplied by the appearance of Allgaier’s Neue theoretisch-praktische Anweisung
zum ScJmchepiel , Vienna, 1795, a work of real ability and originality which
ran through seven editions before it was supplanted by the Handbuch in 1843.
The first four editions were published during Allgaier's lifetime, and were
carefully revised by him. The substitution of a tabular arrangement for the
old succession of games and variations which Allgaier made in the third
edition (1811) was a great improvement, though players were singularly
slow in recognizing the advantages of the new idea. In my references to the
Anweisung I use the fourth edition (1819), the last issued under Allgaier's
supervision. In this edition he introduces an analysis of what he styles
4 A new form of the Gambit ' ; to which he could find no satisfactory defence.
In consequence of this, later writers have given the name of the Allgaier
Gambit to this Opening. 24
Johann Allgaier (B. 1763, D. 1823) was an officer in the Imperial, and
later the Austrian, army who had acted as chess-tutor to the Emperor's sons,
and after his retirement in 1816 he ranked as the best player in Vienna. 23
n Cf. my paper, ‘Parsloe’s in January and February, 1795’, in BCM., 1907, 445. Other
Openings played at this time were the Cotter Gambit, which we call the Allgaier; and
Mortemar, which we call the Sicilian.
u This Opening is mentioned in Pomiani, 1782, 184, and was played in Milan in 1796 by
an Engineer named Balzarette (CPC., 1852, 808). For some time both the Kieseritzky and
the Allgaier Gambits were included under the name of Allgaier, although Allgaier devotes
very little attention to the former Opening.
18 For Allgaier’s life, see Sch ., 1866, 10, and 1872, 209; also Neue Berliner Schachzeitung ,
1870, 198.
Digitized by boogie
876
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
He bad played chess in Milan , and was accordingly familiar with the Italian
method of play, and this knowledge coloured his play, although in the main
his inclinations were more in the direction of the Philidorian system. Thus
he lays down the Philidorian rule, ‘Where possible, one must not move the
Knights until the Bishops* Pawns are advanced *, but recognizes the possibility
of exceptions in the next sentence, ‘ Exceptions to this rule will often be necessary
owing to the position of the game (40) ’. Of the King’s Knight’s Opening
he says, ‘ Lolli and his followers hold this move of the Knight (2 Ktf3) to be
very good. Philidor on the contrary declares that it is faulty and contrary
to rule, because the Knight when moved obstructs the movement of the
Bishop’s Pawn. In my opinion it is not bad at all, for experience and long
practice at chess have taught me that by this move one may win much with
the least want of care on the opponent’s part, and can lose nothing by
playing with the greatest care one’s self.* This is no blind adherence to the
Philidorian school. A personal characteristic is the stress which Allgaier lays
on the importance of securing a majority of Pawns on the King’s wing.
Since Allgaier’s work was unnoticed in England and France, it had le6s
influence than it deserved. Even in Germany it was overshadowed by the
greater fame of Philidor’s book.
No account of the chess life of the second half of the eighteenth century
would be complete which did not mention the Automaton Chessplayer whose
public performances created immense interest between 1771 and 1836. By
this name is known an ingenious machine which was constructed in Vienna
in 1769 by a mechanical genius named Wolfgang Kempel or von Kempelen
(B. 1734, D. 1804).
The Automaton was a life-size figure in Oriental costume, seated behind
a chest about 4 ft. long, 2 ft. wide, and 3 ft. high, on which was placed
a chessboard. The figure played chess with all comers, moving the pieces
with its left hand. Everything was done to convey the impression that no
one was concealed within the figure, and that the figure played in some
mysterious way under the influence of the exhibitor ; as a matter of fact the
movements of the figure were directed by a player who was concealed within
the chest. The ingenuity of the invention consisted in the manner in which
the player was able to conceal himself in the interior while apparently the
whole was shown and in the device by which he was kept informed of the
moves made upon the board, which was out of his sight. The device was really
quite simple : a strong magnet was fixed within the base of each chessman,
and from the inner surface of the chest immediately below the board were
suspended small iron balls by threads. As long as the chessman stood on
a particular square, the corresponding ball was attracted against the roof of
the chest, and as soon as it was lifted from its place the ball fell to the length
of the thread. The general appearance of the machine will be gathered from
the figure, which is reproduced from the first volume of the Chess Player's
Chronicle , 1841.
The Automaton was first exhibited in Vienna in 1770, and at once created
Digitized by Google
Digitized by
hap. xiv PHILIDOR AND THE MODENESE MASTERS
877 ‘
l sensation, and started a long controversy as to the manner in which the
nacbine worked. An early account in some letters of K. G. v. Windisch
was reprinted as a pamphlet and published in Germany when the Automaton
began its travels in 1783. In this year v. Kempelen visited Dresden, Leipzig,
ind Paris, and in the following year he exhibited the Automaton in London
at 8 Savile Row, Burlington Gardens, visitors paying five shillings each for
admission.
After v. Kempelen’s death in 1804 the Automaton was bought by
L. Maelzel, who toured with it in Germany from 1805 to 1808. In 1809
it was at Schonbrunn, where Napoleon was making his head-quarters during
the Wagram campaign, and Napoleon played against the figure — or rather
against Allgaier, who was inside it — and was beaten. 26 Not long after, Prince
Engine de Beauharnais purchased the Automaton for 30,000 francs, in order
to learn the secret, 27 but in 1817 Maelzel bought it back, and resumed his
exhibition tours. He was in Paris in 1818, in London from the winter of
1818 until 1820, and in Amsterdam in 1821 and 1822. Finally in 1826 he
arrived in New York, and exhibited in the United States and Havana until
1836. Maelzel died in 1837, and at the sale of his effects the Automaton was
bought by Mr. Ohl of Philadelphia. Ohl sold it in 1840 to Dr. John K.
Mitchell, who put the machine together again. It ultimately found its way
to the Chinese Museum in Philadelphia, and was destroyed by fire in 1854.
It was essential for the success of the exhibition that the Automaton
should win its games, and strong players had to be engaged to direct its play.
In this way Allgaier (1809), Weyle, Alexandre (1818), Boncourt (1818), Lewis
(1818-9), Williams (1819), Mouret (1820) — who gave Pawn and move to all
comers and only lost six games out of 300 (a selection of these was published
in 1820, and is incorporated in Geo. Walker’s Chess Studies, 1844, ch. vi), and
finally sold the secret to the Magasin P Moresque in 1834 — and, in America,
Wilhelm Schlumberger (D. 1836), the chess master of Saint-Amant, were at
one time and another engaged by Maelzel to inhabit the Automaton. 28
** Napoleon was a persistent but a very weak player. Three games purporting to be
played by him are in existence. One of these (a Scotch Game), said to have been played in
St. Helena between Napoleon and Bertrand, and first printed in Capt. Kennedy's Berninis -
cencea in the Life qf Aug. Fitssnob ( Waifs and Strays , 1862), is certainly fictitious. The second
game, said to have been played with Mme. von Remusat, 29 March, 1804, and a third game
(I.L.N., 1844, 852), played against the Automaton in Vienna, are also of very doubtful
authenticity.
Frederick the Great is also said to have bought the Automaton about 1785, or at least
to have paid a high price to learn its secret. Allen throws doubt upon this story.
w There is an extensive literature of the Automaton. I have in the main followed
v. d. Linde’s summary, ii. 887-52, but have consulted other accounts, Twiss, i. 12, 186, and
Mise., ii. 114 ; Tomlinson, Amusements of Chess , 1845 ; and Allen, Hist. Autom. Chess-player in
America ( Book First Amer. Chess Congress , 1859, 420-84).
Digitized by Google
CHAPTER XV
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Lewis. — De la Bourdonnais and MacDonnell. — The Berlin Pleiades. — Staunton and
Saint- Amant. — The chess magazine and newspaper column. — The 1851 Tourna-
ment. — Anderssen and Morphy. — Steinitz and the Modern School.
Sarratt died in 1821, and his friend and chess pupil William Lewis
(B. 1787, D. 1870) 1 was by general consent regarded as having succeeded to
the throne of English chess. He had been in intimate connexion with
Sarratt since 1816, had assisted him in his analytical work for the new
edition of his Treatise , and now acted as his literary executor and saw
this (1822) and the New Treatise (1821) through the press. In the place of
Sarratt’s magniloquent title of ‘ Professor of Chess * he used the humbler one
of ‘Teacher of Chess’.
Lewis’s first action was to pay a visit to Paris in April, 1821, in order
to try conclusions with Deschapelles, still the acknowledged champion of
French chess. On this journey he was accompanied by John Cochrane
(B. ?1792, D. 1878), a young barrister who, after Lewis, was probably the
strongest of the London players. There had been very little intercourse
between the leading players of England and France since the death of
Verdoni, and the relative strength of Sarratt and Deschapelles had never
been ascertained. It was, however, generally accepted that Deschapelles was
the strongest player of his time, and Sarratt appears to have acquiesced in
this opinion, although there was apparently no stronger reason for it than
the fact that the general standard of French chess had been higher than that
of English chess in the end of the eighteenth century. The result of Lewis’s
visit was to show that there was very little, if any, difference in strength
between Deschapelles and himself. Three games were played, in which
Deschapelles gave Lewis the odds of Pawm and move, and of these Lewis
won one and drew the other two. Had they played on even terms there
can be no doubt that Lewis’s knowledge of the Openings would have made
him the more successful player.
The second French player of that period was Louis Charles Mahe de la
Bourdonnais (B. 1797, D. 1840, a grandson of that Mah6 de la Bourdonnais,
Governor of Mauritius, who won a great victory over the English fleet off
Madras in 1746), to whom Deschapelles was giving the odds of Pawn and
1 See my life of ‘William Lewis*, BCM ., 1906, 8, 49. The life in the Diet Nat. Biog. (see
the correction in the Appendix) is unsatisfactory.
Digitized by Google
SHJLP. XV
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
879
}wo moves. 2 Cochrane, who was in receipt of the same odds from Lewis, 8
played De la Bonrdonnais on level terms, and Deschapelles gave Pawn and
bwo moves to both players. The result of this triangular match was that
De la Bourdonnais won both his matches and Cochrane lost both his. At
the conclusion of these matches, which were played at St. Cloud, Cochrane
proposed to Deschapelles that they should play without odds, but that
Deschapelles should wager 2 to 1 on his play, and Cochrane won more than
a third of the games which were played in this way.
It was possibly a result of this visit to Paris that the London club was
anxious in 1824 to play a match with Paris by correspondence. Nothing
came of this, but instead a match was arranged with the Edinburgh club,
which commenced 23 April, 1824, and was not completed until the Spring
of 1828. 4 According to the terms of the match three games were to be
played, the first two being played at the same time, each club having the
move in one of these. If a game was drawn, the side which had commenced
that game was to commence the next game. The side which first won a
game was to have the move in the third game. The leading players who
took part in the match were, for the London club, W. Lewis, J. Cochrane
(who left England while the first two games were in progress), Joseph
Parkinson (an architect with whom Lewis had played some of his first games
in 1813), Joseph Wood (another early opponent of Lewis's), W. Fraser (who
played a match with MacDonnell in 1831 on even terms), Brand, and
T. Mercier; for Edinburgh, the bailie, James Donaldson (D. 1847). 6 The
result of the match was a victory for the Scotch club by 2 games to 1 with
2 draws, the London club having thrown away the second game in a winning
position. Owing to the working of the conditions the Edinburgh players had
the move in every game but one.
This match is interesting from the light it throws upon the progress
which Sarratt's freer style of play had made in England. The Edinburgh
players began with a Bishop’s Opening in true Philidorian style ; the London
players began — probably at Cochrane’s suggestion — with an Opening from
del Rio, at that time little known, which showed the advantage to the
attack of an open Queen’s file. In two of the later games Edinburgh adopted
the same Opening, and their success with it led to the name of the ‘ Scotch
1 In 1815, Harry Wilson, who was playing even with Lewis in 1819, had played with
De la Bourdonnais, giving him the odds of the Knight. De la Bourdonnais’ life is given in
Deutsches Wochenschach , 1912, 1-7, with portrait.
* Lewis was giving Cochrane the odds of the Knight in 1820, but played a match with
him in 1821-2 at the odds of Pawn and two moves, which he won (W. 2, L. 1). Cochrane,
a dashing player with a brilliant style, has the reputation of having invented many attacks
in the Openings, all unsound. The one now known by his name, the Cochrane Gambit, is
not one of these, as it is already in Sarratt’s Treatise of 1808. He left England in 1824 to take
up an appointment in India, and did not return until 1841, when he played a long series of
games with Staunton, and proved himself to be still one of the strongest English players.
4 The earliest correspondence match of which particulars are extant was one between
The Hague and Breda in 1804 (v. d. Linde, Het Schaakspel t 187). The Amsterdam club
played Rotterdam in 1824, and Antwerp in 1827-9.
6 The remaining players were : London, Benj. Keen, Peter Pratt, Abr. Samuda, C. Tomlin,
and — Wiltshire; Edinburgh, Capt. Aytoun, Rev. H. Liston, Sir S. Stirling, Bt., and Messrs.
Buchanan, Burnett, W. Crawford, Jas. Gregory, Mackersy, Meiklejohn, More, Pender,
J. Rose, Wauchope, and Wylie.
Digitized by
Google
880
CHESS IN EUROPE
PAET II
Game' being given to it. This was not the only Opening that commenced
a long spell of popularity at this moment. In 1824, the first year of the
London-Edinburgh match, Capt. W. D. Evans (B. 1790, D. 1872), of the
mercantile marine, discovered the beautiful variation of the Giuoco Piano
which is now known as the Evans Gambit?
The leader of the new school of play was Lewis himself, and after the close of
the correspondence match he gradually withdrew himself from active play and
devoted his energies to the analysis of the Openings from tbe new point of view.
In the work of spreading the knowledge of the new ideas he was ably seconded
by a small circle of keen younger players who had grouped themselves about
him. Two of these must be mentioned as of greater importance : Alexander
MacDonnell (B. 1.798, D. 1835), 7 the son of a Belfast physician and Secretary to
the Committee of \Vest India Merchants in London, to whose exploits I shall
return below, and George Walker (B. 1803, D. 1879), 8 a London publisher,
who devoted himself for many years to the work of establishing a chess club
on a permanent basis in the West End of London, and to the maintenance
of interest in chess by brightly written magazine articles and by the issue
of useful text-books at popular prices. 9 As an analyst Walker was far inferior
to Lewis, and his books contained little that was really new ; their importance
lay in the fact that they appealed to a wider public than Lewis reached, and
thus did more to raise the general level of play in England.
Lewis’s analytical labours resulted in the publication of the Progressive
Lessons , the First Series (intended for beginners) in 1831, and the Second
Series (for advanced players) in 1832. 10 The appearance of the Second Series
in 1832 is one of the landmarks in the history of the modem game. The
Lessons had an immediate and lasting effect upon the practical game in
England, while, by the encouragement that the work gave the reader to
undertake analysis for himself, it determined the direction of the studies of
the Berlin players and thus had a great deal to do with the development
of modem chess. All subsequent writers on the Openings have consciously
or unconsciously built upon the foundations which Lewis laid in this work.
It is in the Lessons that we find the first analysis of the Evans Gambit,
here termed the Evans Game, and of the once popular Compromised Defence
• See Sch,, 1873, 1 ; 1874, 278 ; and BCM., 1898, 129 and 175.
7 I follow the spelling of the name on M&cDonnell’s tombstone at Kensal Green.
Greenwood Walker and George Walker write M'Donnell. Lewis, in his MS. note-book now
in v. d. Lasa's library, wrote M‘Donnel as a rule, but occasionally Macdonnel.
8 See my life of • George Walker *, BCM. % 1906, 189.
9 New Variations on the Muzio Gambit , 1881 ; New Treatise , 1882, 1888, 1841, and, with new
title, Art of Chess- Play, 1846 ; Selection of Games, 1885 ; Chess made Easy , 1886, 1850 ; Chess Studies,
1844 ; Jaenisch f 8 Chess Preceptor, 1847 ; Chess and Chessplayers (a reprint of his magazine articles),
1850 ; and an edition of Philidor in 1882. The most important of these books is the Chess
Studies (a new edition appeared in 1898), which contains 1,020 games plAyed between 1780
and 1844.
10 In addition to the translations named in note 22 on p. 874, and the Lessons , Lewis
published Oriental Chess , 1817 ; Elements , 1822 ; Chess Problems , 1827 and 1888 ; Fifty Games, 1882 ;
A Selection qf Games (De la Bourdonnais-MacDonnell) , 1885 ; Chess for Beginners , 1885, 1887, and
1846 ; Chess Board Companion, 1888 (nine editions) ; First Series of Progressive Lessons (a second
edition), 1842 ; Treatise, 1844. A note-book in which Lewis recorded the score of many games
which he played between 1813 and 1840 is now in the v. d. Lasa library.
Digitized by Google
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
881
cv 'the Scotch Game (1 Pe4, Peo ; 2 Ktf3, Ktc6 ; 3 Pd4, PxP; 4 Bc4,
-+- ). But Lewis did not confine himself to the analysis of new or
ess-known Openings; he enriched existing ones with many unexpected
novelties, e. g. in the Bishop’s Opening he introduced the counter-attack
Y Pe5 ; 2 Bc4, Bc5 ; 3 Pc3, Pd5 y by which the attack is carried over to
t he Black, and the development of the White on the Philidorian system is
prevented. That the latter was not the motive behind the new move may
gathered from Lewis’s remark ( Treatise , 1844, 24) :
Xt is generally advantageous for your Pawns to occupy the centre of the board,
l>ecause they impede the progress of your adversary's pieces ; the King’s and Queen’s
Pawns at their fourth squares are generally well placed, but it is difficult to maintain
them in that position ; and if you are forced to advance one of them, their power
considerably diminishes ; be not, therefore, over-anxious to establish two Pawns
u. breast in the centre.
YY e may discover the reason for the move in the resulting open Queen’s file ;
tbe correct estimation of the value of this was perhaps Lewis's chief con-
tribution to the development of the theory of the game.
That Lewis, while recognizing the value of the formation of a strong
centre of Pawns, did not regard it as the only tactics governing the Opening
development and Mid-game plav, shows that he had moved a long way from
the Philidorian position. We see the same in the absence of any advice as to
the postponement of the development of the Knights until after the move-
ment of the Bishop’s Pawns. In all this he approximates to the Italian
School, though here again his attitude is different from that of Sarratt, who
was ready to adopt free castling and all the Italian rules. Lewis really
occupies an intermediate position, adopting all that is best from the two rival
schools, and following now the one, now the other, as circumstances demand.
The result was a great increase in the brightness of the game, and many
combinations became possible which would have been impossible under the
Philidorian system, in which it was difficult to give up the idea of the neces-
sity of the formation of a centre of Pawns. The new school, which we may
term the Lewis or English school, governed the practice of all English and
German players down to the time of Wilhelm Steinitz. It reached its highest
point in the play of Paul Morphy.
George Walker’s energy led to the establishment of the Westminster Club
in 1831, 11 and this club at once took the leading place in English chess. In
the early part of 1834 they accepted a challenge from the Paris club (dated
29 Jan. 1834) to a correspondence match of two games, which lasted 1834-6,
and were both won by the Paris players under the leadership of Pierre C. F.
de Saint- Amant (B. 1800, D. 1872), a pupil of Schlumberger and De la
Bourdonnais. In the game opened by Westminster, Pans played the French
Defence, then known as the ‘ King’s Pawn one at that time the most popular
Opening in France, and the modern name dates from this match.
11 The club came to an end in 1843, and its place was taken by the St. George** Club
(1848-1900).
1810 3 K
Digitized by Google
882
CHESS IX EUROPE
P JUT V.
More important in every way was a series of matches which were player
in the summer and autumn of the same year, .1834, between De la Bonrdonnat
and MacDonnell, who, as a result of the withdrawal of Deschapelles sad
Lewis from play, were recognized as the strongest players of France and Eng-
land respectively. 12 The exact details of the matches are not known, 13 but
De la Bourdonnais won a considerable majority of the games. Lewis published
a selection of 50 of the games in 1835, which was translated into German by
Bledow, 1835, and Greenwood Walker published 83 in his Games by the '
Alexander 31 'Donnell, 1836. It was the first match which was adequately I
reported, and the games were recognized as worthy of the reputation of the
players. To-day they take high rank among the classics of chess. De la
Bourdonnais exhibited an accuracy of conception and richness of combination
in his play which is all the more admirable because his book-knowledge of
the game was small, and MacDonnells play has seldom been surpassed for
daring adventure. The 50th game of the matches is a brilliant example of
MacDonnell’s style of play. 14 The 39th game, won by De la Boardonnak
11 De la Bourdonnais was the chess pupil of Deschapelles, but the latter, after his pupil
had surmounted the odds of Pawn and two moves in 1821, withdrew from play rather than
give shorter odds. De la Bourdonnais was in England in 1823, and defeated most of the
leading English players, including Lewis (W. 5, L. 2). In 1834, he played upwards of
seventy games with Lewis, but the score is unknown (CPC., 1841, 9). MacDonnell was the
pupil of Lewis. Of twenty-one recorded games between May, 1828, and March, 1829, at the
odds of Pawn and two moves, each won nine ; only two games at the odds of Pawn and
move are on record, one drawn, the other won by Lewis. MacDonnell was a slow player,
with an extraordinary gift for giving odds successfully.
1# The authorities are : (a) Greenwood Walker’s edition ; (b) Report qf Westminster dub,
1884 (by Geo. Walker) ; (c) Geo. Walker’s Chess Studies ; ( d ) Geo. Walker in CPC., iv. 369;
(«) Reprint of games in CPC., ii and iii (? supplied by Lewis) ; (/) Palamede, 1836, 26 (De L
Bourdonnais) ; ( g ) Palamide, 1844, 266 (Saint-Amant says De la Bourdonnais told him that he
allowed MacDonnell some games in the last match). Cf. CPM., 1864, 72, 115, 161 (Geo. Walked.
161, 203, 232.
Five matches of 21, 9, 11, 11, 11 games (excluding draws) were played out, and part of
a sixth. All agree as to the score of the first four matches (I, B. 16, M. 5, Drawn 4 ; II, 4,5,0;
III, 6, 5, 1 ; IV, 8, 8, 7. According to (d) the other matches resulted : V, 7, 4, 1 ; VI, 5, 4,0.
The score of the existing games of VI is, however, 4, 5, 0.
Greenwood Walker says that he took down all the games as played, and gives the score of
83, and mentions one (No. 14) ns omitted because it was badly played. His total score is
41, 29, 13. The other editions of the games add No. 85 (won by M.;, which was first pub-
lished in CPC. t ii. 282 (where it is not described as a game of the match). The total ?*core is
given in ( b ) as 44, 80, 14 -= 88 games ; in (c) as 46, 26, 18 (but the games thomselves give
45, 27, 13) = 85 games ; (d) 44, 28, 13 = 85 games ; (e) 44, 28, 18 - 85 games. In (a) M. plays
first in games 70-74 ; (c) reverses the players in 71 and 78, (e) in 73 only. From internal
evidence (c) seems to be right, and if we correct the totals in (a) accordingly, and an obvious
misprint in the result of game 82, and then add the results of games 14 and 85, the revised totab
of (a) are 45, 27, 13, and agree with the corrected figures for (c). All the editions make B.
play first in games 77-80, and internal evidence supports them, though it was clearly
impossible that B. could have played first in four consecutive games in the ordinary course
of events. Centurini (CPM., 1864, 232) suggested that B. gave M. the odds of three games in
the last match (to be of 15 games), and that these were assumed to be the games that should
have come between 77 and 78, 78 and 79, and 79 and 80. This would make the total score
45, 30, 18 [cf. (6)], and agree with M.’s statement that he won eight of the last twelve game*
[cf. also ( 0 )]. This may be the explanation, but it is also possible, since Geo. Walker only
obtained the games of the last matches en bloc, that they have been disarranged ; some may
also be wrongly ascribed, thus, internal evidence suggests that M., not L., opened and won
game 80. According to (/), B. played other than match games with M., and even attempted
to give him odds. B. speaks here of a total of 100 games.
14 The game ran ; De la Bourdonnais v. MacDonnell ; 1 Pd4, Pd5; 2 Pc4, P x P (MacDonnell
always accepted the Queen’s Gambit) ; 3 Pe4, Pe5 ; 4 Pd5, Pf5 ; 5 Ktc3, KtfB ; 6 B x P, Be5;
7 Ktf3, Qe7; 8 Bg5, BxP+; 9 Kfl, Bb6 ; 10 Qe2, Pf4; 11 Bdl, Bg4 ; 12 Pd6. PxP. IS
KtdB, Kt x Kt ; 14 B x Q, Kte6 + ; 15 Ket, K x B ; 16 Qd8, Rd8 ; 17 Rd2, Ktc6 ; 13 Pb3, Btf;
Digitized by Google
*AJP. XV
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
883
>rmed the subject of Mery’s poem, Une revanche de Waterloo (Paris, 1836), and
he 54eth, won by MacDonnell, that of the Rev. A. D'Arblay’s rejoinder, Caissa
ediviva, (London, 1836). These poems bear witness to the enthusiasm which
foe matches created.
The importance of this decade (1830-39) in the chess history of the nine-
;eenth century is not due only to this international match and to the
publication of Lewis’s Lessons ; the decade also saw the commencement of
a new era, in which Central Europe, and especially Germany, began to play
a prominent part in the progress of the game.
There had been a chess club in Berlin from about 1803, but it was so
exclusive that it excluded the strongest Berlin player, Julius Mendheim
(a leading* problemist in his day, who died 1836), and of such mediocrity in
chess that Deschapelles in 1807 had been able to give the odds of the Rook
to the strongest players. 15 But about 1830 the younger players in Berlin
founded the Berliner Schachgesellschaft, and from 1835 L. E. Bledow (B. 1795,
D. 1846), a schoolmaster in the Berlin Gymnasium, collected around him
a group of players who combined enthusiasm with talent for chess, and intro-
duced them to the Lewis school of play. In 1837 this group comprised seven
players — Bledow, the cousins W. Hanstein (B. 1811, D. 1850) and C. Mayet
(B. 1810, D. 1868), the painters B. Horwitz (B. 1807, D. 1885) and K. Schom
(B. 1802, D. 1850), the diplomatist Baron Tassilo von Heydebrand und der
Lasa (B. 1808, D. 1899), and Lieut. P. R. von Bilguer (B. 1813, D. 1840) ;
and later generations look back to them as the Seven Stars of Berlin, or more
briefly as the Pleiades. 15
These seven players were only associated for the short period of two years,
but this was long enough to give rise to projects which were only carried
out later. It was Bledow’s ambition to see a German chess magazine which
should do for Germany what the PalamMe (founded by De la Bourdonnais,
1836) had done for France, and the Chess Player s Chronicle (founded by
Staunton, 1841) for England. He just lived to see the first number of the
Sckachzeitung issued, in July, 1846. It was the ambition of v. Bilguer and
v. d. Lasa to see a German text-book on the game which should be the
standard work on chess for German players, and although v. Bilguer did
not live to see it issued, the Uandbuch des Schachsjnels von P. R. r. Bilguer
was published by v. d. Lasa in 1843, and at once took its place as the best
of all text-books. Since that date the Handbuch has passed through seven
19 Pa8, aRc8 (probably foreseen when the Q was sacrificed on move 13) ; 20 Rgl, Pb6;
21 B x P, B x Kt ; 22 P x B, Ktd4 (a formidable move) ; 23 Bc4, K> x fP + ; 24 Kf2, Kt x R(d2) ;
25 R x P + , Kf6; 26 Rf7 + , Kg6; 27 Rb7, Kt(d7) x B ; 28 PxKt.RxP; 29 Qbl, Bb6 ; 80 KfB,
Rc3 (foreseen at move 20); 81 Qa2, Ktc4+; 32 Kg4, Rg8 ; 33 RxB, PxR; 34 Kh4, KfB ;
85 Qe2, Rg6 ; 36 Qh5, Kte8 and wins. Cf. BCM. y Christmas No , 1898, 37.
M This club nominally played three correspondence matches (Breslau, 1829-33 ; Hamburg,
1888-6 ; Posen, 1839-40), but in each case it had recourse to non-members to conduct the
games ; in the first two, Mendheim, in the third the Pleiades. The match Berlin-Magde-
turg, 1833-4, was played by the Schachgesellschaft.
16 V. d. Lasa objected to the name Pleiades because this group of stars only shine faintly
(267). The name was used by Falkbeer, CPM ., 1868, 68. For further details concerning the
Pleiades cf. v. d. Lasa’s Berliner Schacherinnerungen, 1869, and my own article, * The Berlin
Pleiades’, BCM 1899, 407.
3 k 2
Digitized by Google
884
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
editions and an eighth is in process of issue at the present time, and in spite
of numerous rivals it still remains the foremost work on those branches of
chess of which it treats. It made the names of the Berlin seven fajnous
in Europe, and brought them in contact with players from other parts of
Germany and from farther afield also. 17 Berlin became the rallying ground
of German chess, and Hanstein, Mayet, and v. d. Lasa the standard by which
other German players gauged their strength.
Bledow’s interest in all sides of chess was also shown in the collection
of a valuable chess library, which was acquired after his death by the Royal
Library of Berlin. It is possible that his example may have led v. d. Lasa
to take an interest in the literature and history of the game, but it was the
chapter on previous chess authors in Ponziani’s Giuoco incomparabile which
made that interest active and induced v. d. Lasa to include in the Handbuch
a section on the history and literature of chess. Right from the very first
numbers of the Schachzeitung v. d. Lasa began to contribute to that magazine
articles on special points in the history of the game, which were distinguished
by the accuracy of their information and by the moderation of their judge-
ment. After his retirement from the Diplomatic Service in 1864 he devoted
himself to the study of the history of the game and the collection of a chess
library, which at his death was second only to that of Mr. J. G. White of
Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A. He was soon recognized as one of the greatest
authorities on chess history, and he laid a great part of the foundations upon
which Dr. Antonius v. d. Linde (B. 1834, D. 1897) built. In the closing
years of his life he wrote a most valuable history of chess in Europe —
that part of the subject which he had made peculiarly his own — under
the modest title of * Researches in the History and Literature of Chess * ( Zur
Geschichte u. Literatur des Schachspiels, Forschungen , Leipzig, 1897), which
will long rank among the most important works on its special subject. V. d.
Linde was a more voluminous writer, but he lacked the gift of orderliness,
and was unable in his books to conceal his likes and dislikes. The Geschichte
n. Liiteratur des Schachspiels, Berlin, 1874, and the Quellenstudien , 1881, are
rather mines in which the student must delve for information than works which
he can read for pleasure. They also have a permanent value for the historian,
and are a lasting monument to the industry and self-sacrifice of their author.
But it was not only in Germany that players began to acquire an inter-
national fame between 1830 and 1840. The Russian player A. v. Petroff
(D. 1867), the Livonian L. A. B. F. Kieseritzky (B. 1805, D. 1855), the
Viennese — Hampe, 18 have all given their names to Openings to the analysis
of which they have made important contributions. Even in Hungary,
a country of whose earlier chess we know nothing, the Pesth players,
17 Prominent among them being C. F. v. Jaenisch (B. 1813, D. 1872), the Russian analyst
of chess whose Analyse nouvelle , 1842-3, was almost contemporary with the Handbuch. He
and v. d. Lasa gave one another help in their respective books. V. Jaenisch professed
himself a warm supporter of the Philidorian system.
,B Hampe was the first player to show that 1 Pei, Pe5 ; 2 KtcS was playable. Its
popularity in Vienna during his lifetime gave this opening the name of the Vienna
Opening.
-jt
Digitized by Google
clA.'P. XV
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
885
. Szen 19 and J. J. Lowenthal (B. 1810, D. 1876), were sufficiently strong
o defeat tHe Paris club in a correspondence match in 1843. Their success
n the defensive opening 1 Pe4, Pe5 ; 2 Ktf3, Ktc6 ; 3 Bc4, Ee7, has given
>his opening the name of the Hungarian Defence.
The deaths of MacDonnell in 1835 and of De la Bourdonnais in 1840
were severe blows to English and French chess. In France, Saint-Amant was
generaUy regarded as De la Bourdonnais* successor, and there is a story telling
how Deschapelles in his inimitable style presented him to the chess club
as 4 le plus fort joueur de l’Europe * (Palamede y 1845, 80). In England there
was an interregnum until Howard Staunton (B. 1810, D. 1874), a player
who learnt his chess at the Divan and other London chess resorts, came to
the front in 1840-1. By his memorable victory over Saint-Amant by 11 games
to 6 (with four draws) in a match of 21 games for £100 a side, which was
played in Paris in the late autumn ot 1843, he made good his claim to be
the first player in England and France. The games of this match are a great
contrast to those of the De la Bourdonnais-MacDonnell matches, in that both
players avoided the open game and played close Openings — the Sicilian, the
Queen’s Gambit Declined, and 1 Pc4 (often called the English Game , from
Staunton’s success with it in the match) — in which the early play is directed
towards securing a favourable position for the End-game. In this they
showed a tendency towards a new system of play more like that of Philidor
than that of Ponziani, but taking a broader view of positional advantage than
Philidor ever adopted. For this reason the games have never enjoyed the
same reputation as those of the earlier match, though they are accepted as
classical specimens of play. The international significance of the match had
been seized by the public at once, and with the victory of Staunton England
was regarded as having gained the position which France had held since the
time of Philidor. It was before the days of championships, or Staunton
would have been hailed as champion of the world. As a matter of fact
Staunton both regarded himself and was regarded by others very much in
that light. Although he played other matches in the next few years, the
Saint-Amant match was really the climax of his career as a player. 20
Like Philidor and Lewis, Staunton combined high analytic powers with
skill as a player. His Chess-Player % Handbook , London, 1847, took rank
at once as the leading English text-book on chess, and added greatly to his
reputation both at home and abroad. Although it was admittedly based upon
the German Handbuch , it contains much original analysis and exhibits
throughout an independence of judgement which added greatly to the value
of the work. Few chess-books have had a larger sale. 21
19 A deadly End-game player (Freebo rough), who was in France and England in 1838,
"when De la Bourdonnais gave him the odds of Pawn and two moves (Szen winning 18 games
out of 25) or Pawn and move (with even score). On his return journey he visited Berlin
in 1839. He barely held his own either against the other French and English players, Bon-
court, George Walker, and F. Slous (W. 3, D. 8, L. 4), or against the Pleiades (W. 8, D. 1,L. 4).
50 See my life of 1 Howard Staunton BOM ., 1908, 465, 618.
21 Staunton also published the Chess-Player' $ Companion , 1849, a treatise on games at odds,
■with a large selection of his own games ; Chess Praxis , 1860, a supplement to the Handbook ;
and the Chtss Player's Text-Book , 1849, a work for beginners.
3x3
i
Digitized by Google
886
CHESS IN EUROPE
past n
To the Handbuch, and in a less degree to Staunton’s Handbook , we owe tb*
introduction of the systematic nomenclature of the Openings which exists j
to-day. Earlier writers had known very few Openings by special name&.
Ruy Lopez has only the name Gambito de Damian (Damiano Gambit), and
the Italian school of the 16th c. only added the names the King^s Gambit
with its main subdivisions, the Knight’s and Bishop’s Gambits ( Regole ), and
the Queen’s Gambit. Salvio used the term Giuoco Piano for all games net
Gambits ( = Greco’s Sbaratti), and its modern meaning only dates from LoIlL
The Greco MSS. add the name of the Sicilian Game which, reintroduced into
play in England at the end of the 18th c., was called Mortemar, until Swratt
[Damiano, drc., 1813, 367) reintroduced its older name. Caze (1706) added
the name of the Cunningham Gambit, Philidor (1777) that of the Salvio
Gambit, and Sarratt (1821) that of the Muzio Gambit, a name which had
been already introduced in England as a result of his mistranslation of Salvio
in his 1813 volume (209). Cochrane (1822) was apparently the first writer
to speak of a Lopez Gambit. George Walker added the names of several
Openings; 1831, the King’s Bishop Game; 1832, Allgaier Gambit (restricted
to 5 . . , Ktg5 ; this was called the Cotter Gambit in England c. 1800 :
Staunton appears to have first extended the name to include 5 . . , Kteo
(Walker’s King’s Knight’s Gambit), for which the modern name of the
Kieseritzky Gambit was introduced in Germany about 1846, Sch ., 1846, 200),
Cochrane Gambit, Evans Game (so in Lewis the same year), changed before
long to the Evans Gambit ; 1841, Greco Counter Gambit. Bilguer used
the name Two Knights’ Defence in 1839. The ‘Queen’s Pawn two’ Opening
of Cochrane received its modem name of the Scotch Opening about 1840.
Jaenisch {Analyse nonvelle, 1842-3) appears to have invented the names
French Defence (called earlier in England ‘ King’s Pawn one ’) and Centre
Gambit. To the Handbvch we owe the Petroff* and Philidor Defences, and
the Ruy Lopez, for which German players later substituted ‘The Spanish Game’.
Hardly any of these names possess any historical significance ; they were given
at a time when the history of the Openings was quite unknown. The practical
convenience of an international nomenclature, and the difficulty of persuading
players to accept any change in it, have discouraged historians, v. d. Linde
excepted, from attempting an historical terminology.
The great increase in the number of people interested in the chess problem,,
and the attention paid to the doings of the more prominent players, both of
which were characteristic of the middle of the nineteenth century, resulted
in a development of chess literature in two directions, the chess magazine, and
the chess column in the newspaper. In both cases the interest of the public
is somewhat ephemeral, and the support precarious, and few magazines or
columns have ever reached a continuous life of even ten years. The earliest
chess-magazine w as the French Palamede , founded in 1836 and abandoned in
1839 ; a second series was started in 1842 and in its turn came to an end in
1847. The first English magazine, George Walker’s Philidorian , existed for
the one year 1838. In 1841 Staunton started the Chess Player s Chronicle ,
Digitized by boogie
aAP. xv
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
887
rst» as part of the British Miscellany , but shortly as an independent magazine,
nd made the inclusion of a large number of games by himself and other
ending players of the day a special feature. Under Staunton's editorship
he Chronicle was issued regularly until 1852 ; a new series lasted from
LS53 *fco 1856, and a third series 1859-62. I have already mentioned the
commencement of the Schachzeitung in 1846 ; this magazine has had an
uninterrupted life until the present day. It was soon followed by the Dutch
Sissstz 9 1847— 75. Since then there have been magazines started in most
countries of the civilized world. To-day the longest established magazines
are in England the British Chess Magazine , Leeds, founded 1881 ; and abroad,
tkie Schachzeitung (1846), the Strategic (1867), Deutsches Wochenschach (1889),
and the Wiener Schachzeitung (1896).
The first newspaper to contain a regular column devoted to chess was the
Xticerpool Mercury , in which Egerton Smith edited one from 9 July, 1813, to
20 Aug., 1814. The oldest existing column is that in the Illustrated London
Bt'cscs, which dates from 25 June, 1842. This column was conducted by
Howard Staunton from 1845 until his death in 1874. The number of the
newspaper columns which have been started is very great. A list published
by Mr. A. C. White in the Norwich Mercury in 1907 contained over 1,300
entries from all parts of the world, and yet made no pretence to completeness. 2 *
Most of these columns exist primarily in the interest of the problem, but
a few also contain articles of permanent historical value.
With the institution of the weekly newspaper column and the monthly
magazine as regular features of chess, the only thing still wanted to complete
the modem organization of chess life was the Tournament, by which, the
leading players of different countries might be brought together for play. 28
The year 1851 is memorable as the date of the first International Tournament,
which was held in London during the Great Exhibition of that year.
Staunton, to whose efforts the existence of the Tournament was largely due,
acted as Secretary to the influential Committee of management. Sixteen
competitors entered for the main Tournament, and play was arranged on the
4 knock out * principle, the losers in each round retiring and the winners
proceeding to the next round. In each round the players played a small
match, the best of 3 games in the first, and of 7 games in the following
rounds. Adolf Anderssen, a Breslau schoolmaster (B. 1818, D. 1879), who
attended as one of the representatives of the Berlin club, won the first
prize, and bv so doing became in popular estimation the first player of
Europe. 24
The method of play adopted in the London Tournament was open to
22 Made up thus: Great Britain and Ireland, 387 ; rest of Europe, 419 (Germany, 120;
Austria, 73) ; Asia, 12 ; Africa, 10 ; America, 428 (U.S.A., 850) ; Australasia, 74.
33 The first player to suggest an international Tournament seems to have been Bledow.
A letter to v. d. Lasa, 12 Sept., 1843, in which he suggested the holding of one in Trier
(Treves), was printed in Sch., 1848, 806.
24 The official account of the Tournament was written by Staunton, Chess Tournament , 1852,
a book which is sadly disfigured by the ungenerous way in which Anderssen's victory was
received.
Digitized by Google
888
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
grave objections. The chance of the draw brought some of the strongest
players together in the first round, with the result that the final order was
not an order of strength of play, but depended largely on the fortune of
the pairing. In later Tournaments, from that of London, 1862, onwards, 24
every competitor plays against every other one, and the final order is
determined by the total number of victories thus obtained.
The institution of the Tournament for the player was followed in 1854
by that of the Tourney for the problem-composer. The first of the Problem-
Tourneys was conducted by the Chess 'Player's Chronicle , and entries were
limited to British composers. Later Tourneys have generally been of an
international character.
With the commencement of the era of magazines, tournaments, tourneys,
and newspaper columns, I have reached the limit which I have prescribed
for myself. I shall only add the briefest of references to the crowded chess
life of the last sixty years.
With Anderssen's triumph in the 1851 Tournament the supremacy of
chess passed into German hands, and Germany might claim to be the first
chess country of Europe. But circumstances had changed since the time
of Philidor, and a claim of this kind, probably never really tenable at any
time, had become an absurdity with the general rise in the standard of chess
in all countries. The sceptre of chess was henceforward an individual, not
a national, possession.
That Anderssen’s victory was no chance one was made clear by his success
in later Tournaments. Between 1851 and 1878 he took part in twelve
Tournaments and his name appeared on the prize list in every one of them,
while on seven occasions he won the first prize (London 1851 and 1862,
Hamburg 1869, Barmen 1869, Baden 1870, Crefeld 1871, Leipzig 1876).
But after 1860 the opinion that the Tournament was not the best way of
discovering the strongest player of the day became general, and the match
became the recognized test. 24 It was as a result of his match with Wilhelm
Steinitz, in 1866, which he lost by 6 games to 8, that Anderssens supremacy
is assumed to have come to an end. Anderssen himself seems to have
troubled very little about it, and although he continued in active play for
another dozen years, he never made any proposals for a second match. Even
before the Steinitz match his supremacy had suffered a temporary eclipse
during the meteoric career of Paul Morphy (B. 1837, D. 1884), of New
Orleans, on whose visit to Europe Anderssen, like every other player who
tried conclusions with the young American master, was decisively beaten.
The match took place in Paris in the end of 1857, and Morphy won it by
7 games to 2, with 2 draws.
28 The newer method of play was first tried in a small tournament which took place after
the close of the Great Tournament of 1851, under the auspices of the London Chess Club.
26 The' right to compete in an open Tournament is now generally restricted to players of
recognized skill, and the title of master is generally restricted to these players. In Germany
there is a regular system by which the title of master is obtained ; in England and most other
countries it is more a matter of reputation.
Digitized by Google
SAP. XV
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
889
In the play of Morphy and Anderssen the principles of the Lewis school
eaclied their highest development. Both were players of rare imaginative
jiffcs, and their play has never been paralleled for brilliancy of style, beauty of
ronce^iaon, and depth of design. In Morphy these qualities blazed forth from
>Yveer natural genius ; in Anderssen they were the result of long practice and
rfcruly , the foundations being laid in the composition of the problem.
Wilhelm Steinitz (B. 1836, D. 1900), a Bohemian Jew who made his
Koine first in England and later in the United States, was the first player to
use the title of Champion of the World, and to realize the monetary value of
the position. He successfully defended the title from 1866 until 1894, when
l^msmuel Lasker (B. 1868), a Prussian Jew, defeated him in a match for the
championship by 10 wins to 5, with 4 draws. Mr. Lasker has retained the
championship ever since.
From its history it follows that the championship is a personal possession,
subject as regards the condition of tenure to no tribunal except the favour
of the public. A result of this is that the acceptance of a challenge is a
matter for negotiations, often long and delicate, before the exact conditions of
the contest are arranged. The stake is now an essential feature, and the
amount of the stake has risen enormously since Staunton and Saint-Amant or
Anderssen and Steinitz played for £100 a side. Steinitz and J. H. Zukertort
(B. 1842, D. 1888) once played for £400 a side, and the stakes in the
Steinitz-Lasker match were actually £800 a side. There is no chance now
for an unknown adventurer.
During the long championship of Steinitz a great change came over the
style of play adopted by the leading players, and the attractive methods of
the period 1830-60 were dropped in Tournaments and matches. This new
method of play, generally known as the Modern School, is usually associated
with the name of Steinitz, though he was not the sole originator and not the
most successful exponent of it. The Modern School is the direct result of
the modern Tournament system, which penalizes a player heavily for the loss
of a game. When the result of each round depends upon a single game,
the player naturally declines to risk anything by a direct attack when the
failure of the attack will leave him with a compromised position. The
Modern School is essentially safety play. The range of Openings is restricted
to those in which the chances of surprises are fewest, the Ruy Lopez, the
Queen s Gambit Declined, &c., and Gambits and the Open Game are eschewed.
The tactics of the early part of the game are directed towards the establish-
ment of a 6afe position which presents no weak points by which the opponent
can force an entry. This has substituted strategy for the older attacking
combinations, and has given rise to a new theory of Pawn-play. The Pawn
is now regarded as strongest at home, and weaker the more it is advanced,
because in its advance it leaves behind it ‘ holes 1 or squares which cannot be
guarded by Pawns. The tactics of the Mid-game consist in making use of
any small weakness in the opponent’s position, or in compelling him to create
small weaknesses, and the minute advantages that are gained in this way are
Digitized by Google
890
CHESS IN EUROPE
PART II
held stubbornly until with the reduction of forces they become of sufficient
value to decide the game. The Modem School is dull and unenterprising in
comparison with the school which it has displaced, but ‘it keeps the draw in
hand and is supposed to pay better in matches and tournaments. But when
we see a player like H. N. Pillsbury (B. 1872, D. 1906), possessing the gift of
imagination and the courage to adopt the older methods in a Tournament,
repeatedly taking a high position among the prize-winners, we may be per-
mitted to doubt whether the Modem School is all that it is claimed to be,
or has said the last word upon the tactics of play.
Digitized by Google
INDEX
Abdalmal ik b. Marw&n, caliph, 193.
A. bac hach , M. Ger. technicality, 789 n.
Abyssinian chess (s&nt&rty) : nomenclature of
gam©, 863 n, of pieces, 221 ; description,
362 - 4 .
Aclimes, 165.
Act ins, TMomas, 889.
&I-*A<Ul, 86, 169-75, 186 n, 198, 208, 212, 281 ;
ta.'fcly&t, 285-9 ; problems, 270-6, 806-9,
811, 814-5, 318, 823, 828, 380 ; calculating,
board, S88 ; derived games, 840.
Agathias, 162.
Ager chessmen, 764-6.
Ahlwardt, 171.
al-Ahwas, 194.
Aid, 488', 440 n, 441 n.
Alaska, chess in, 374-5.
Alea, 409.
Aleutian Islands, chess played, 374.
Alexander (Scotch romance), 748-5.
Alexandre, Roman de, 432 n.
Alexei, Tsar of Russia, 888.
Alexis Comnena, Eastern Emperor, 166.
Alfonsi, Petro, 407.
Alfonso VI, King of Castile, 208, 407.
Alfonso X, King of Castile, 568.
Alfonso MS., 181, 279, 803-4, 826, 848-51, 410,
452, 454, 457, 485-9, 568-78, 769.
Algeria, Muslim chess played, 360.
All, caliph, 191.
'All Sh&tr&njI, 171, 177, 205, 280 ; problems,
3*28-9, 332-8.
b. Aliqlidisl, 169-70.
'Ally&t (Muslim master- players), 197-8, 281.
Allen, Lake, 466 n.
Allgaier, J., 168, 890, 868, 875-6.
Alquerque (189 n, 194 n), 569, 581, 614-5.
See Merels.
Alquerque de doze, 615.
Amateurs, Parisian, 872, 874 n.
Amazon (chessman) = Queen, 426 n, 791.
Amelung, F., 202 n, 388 n, 384 n, 420 n, 585,
854 n.
al-Amln, caliph, 196.
Ammenhausen, Kunrat v., 484, 548.
al-AmulI, 177, 280, 840-4.
Analysis : Chinese chess, 180-1 ; Muslim
chess, 282-8, al>Lajlfij, 247-65 ; mediaeval
European chess, 418 ; modern chess, 777 ;
Gottingen MS., 788-4 ; Lucena, 786 ; Da-
miano, 788; Ruy Lopez, 815-6; Philidor,
866-7.
Ananta, 62.
Anderssen, A, 854, 887-9.
Andreas, J., 456 n.
Anglo-French MSS. used, descriptions of,
557, 579-82.
Anglo-Norman group of Problem MSS , 579-
607.
Annum, Chinese chess played, 108, 117.
Annamese chess ( chhoeu trdng ), 108, 117-8.
Ape plays chess, 748 n.
Ap 'inazares (Abu Ma'shar), 165.
Apostolic Canons , 166, 880.
Arabic MSS. used, descriptions of, 171-6,
178-9, 182.
Arabic chess : see Muslim chess.
1270
Arabic technical chess-terms, 220-7, 360.
b. 'Arabshah, 171, 177, 204, 844-6.
Archer (chessman) « Bishop, 425 n, 791-2 :
= Pawn, 505.
Archinto MS., 678-9.
Ardashfr (Artakhshlr), son of P&pak (Baba-
kan), 149, 158, 155, 210-1.
Armenia, Muslim chess played, 378.
Arminio, Giovanni D. d’, 821, 824 n.
Arrangement of the chessmen : primitive,
46; Indian, early, 57, 69, modern, 80;
Malay, 99 ; Burmese, 111-2; Siamese, 115 ;
Chinese, 125 ; Cores n, 185 ; Japanese,
141-2 ; Muslim, early, 224, modern, 357-
60 ; Rumi chess, 862 ; Abyssinian, 363 ;
Soyot, 872-8 ; European, 452-3.
Arras, Engebrans de, 557.
Artur, 746.
Ashmole MS ., 601, 605-7, 779.
Aslita kashte, 88, 40.
Ashtapada, 88-7, 40, 42, 62-8, 61.
Asperling, 888, 841-2.
Assizes, 455 ; short assize, 476-82.
Astronomical chess, 343, 849, 569.
Astronomical explanation of nard, 152, 162,
209.
Astronomical game (China), 121-3, 188.
b. al-Atlilr, 168 n, 198 n, 202.
Atranj (qatranj), 847.
Attalus, mythical inventor of chess, 501-2,
751.
Atwood, Rev. G., 864-5.
Audelay, 754.
Aufiu : mediaeval European name of th$
Bishop, 424 ; metaphorical use of, 470, 754.
Automaton chess-player, 876-7.
Ayenbite qf Inwyt , 441 n.
Aymonier, 117-8.
Azan, Moses, 416 n.
Backgammon, 88. See Nard, Tabla, Tables.
Buckgammon-board, 757.
Bag for keeping the chessmen, 450, 451 ;
parable of, 688, 685-6, 552, 556, 557.
Balubhdraia, 87.
Balhait, mythical Indian king, 209-12, 216.
Ballad poetry, chess mentioned in : Russian,
882 ; Scotch, 436.
Bambra-ka-thul chessmen, 88-90, 228.
B&na, 52-3.
Barcelona, Ermessind, Countess of, 406, 414.
Bare King, 45, 61, 66, 108, 222, 228, 267-70,
376, 452, 454, 460, 462, 464, 467, 469, 607,
760, 781, 785 n, 812, 814-5, 833, 851.
Bargello Museum, chessmen in, 758.
Baruch, Hirsch, 858.
Bastian, Dr. A., 109-11, 118 n.
Batak chess : see Malay chess.
Baysio, Guido de, 456 n.
Beale, F., 391, 772, 792, 829 n, 884, 889.
Beaumanoir, P. de : Blonde qf Oxford, 429 ;
Manekine , 485 n.
Beham, Hans Sebald, 757.
Bequests of chessmen, 404-5, 450.
Beringen, H. v., 484, 548.
Bernard, 872.
Bernard, Saint, 411.
Digitized by
892
INDEX
Bertin, Capt. J., 389-91, 846-7.
al-BSrunT, 67-60, 71, 76-7, 218.
Beryn , 739.
Bethune, Conon de, 763.
Bharhut, Stupa of, 40.
Bhavishya Pur&na , 48-9.
Biblical characters as chess-play ers, 219.
Bilguer, P. R. v , 888.
Bishop (chessman) « primitive Elephant: so
named in England, Iceland, &c., 424 ; so
carved, 769, 762-8. Variety of European
names for the piece, 424-6 ; regarded as
a spy or thief, 470, 490, 501-2, 605, 507,
527 ; mediaeval estimation of its value,
470. Introduction of the modern move, 776.
Bishop, Col., 840.
Black chessmen preferred, 224, 473, 682, 786.
Blackburne, J. H., 864.
Blagden, C. O., 99, 103.
Blagrave, A.. 840.
Blancardin , 433 n.
Bland, N., 166, 175, 177, 182-3, 185, 217, 842.
Bledow, L. E., 888.
Blindfold play, 86 : Japanese, 140; Muslim,
191-2, 204-6; European, 428, 789, 817, 819,
861, 862, 864.
BlOndal, S., 866, 859.
Board-games: classified, 31; antiquity and
diffusion, 29 ; possible origin in magical
processes, 32 n, 50 ; American (patoll i),
81 n ; Byzantine, 162; Celtic, Sin, 746;
Chinese, 120 ; classical, 30, 161 n ; early
Egyptian, 29-80; European, 618-7 ; early
Indian, 32-8 ; Japanese, 147 ; Malay, 95 n ;
Mongol, 870 ; Muslim, 199 ; Norse, 446 ;
Russian, 880-1; Siamese, 114 n; early
Syrian, 80.
Boat (chessman) = Rook : Bengal, 71 ; Java,
99; Siam, 115; Annam, 118; Russia, 386.
Boccaccio, 787.
Bodel, Jehan, 482 n.
Boev* de Haumtone, 483 n.
Bogle, G., 868.
Boi, P. t 789, 818-9, 824 n, 889.
Boncompagni MSS., 646, 821, 822-8, 828 n.
Bond to abstain from games, 440, 446-7.
Bonus Socius , 618 ; MSS., 619 ; MSS. classified,
625 ; authorship, 627 ; preface, 626, 700 ;
contents, 629.
Bourbon, Henri- Jules de, 889.
Bourdonnais, L. C. de la, 873, 878-9, 882-6.
Brahma-Jdla Sutta , 84, 66.
Br&hm&n&b&d : see Bambra-ka-thul.
Branch, W. S., 616.
Brant, S., 636.
Brooke, Raja, 99-104.
Browne, Prof., 149, 202 n.
Bruhl, Count, 864, 873.
Brunet y Bellet, 40 n, 407, 646, 765.
Brunswick-Luneburg, Augustus, Duke of :
see Selenus.
Brussels MS., 624.
Buddhism and chess, 47, 60, 95, 108-9, 138.
Buoncompagno, Francesco, Card. Archbishop
of Naples, 828.
Buoncompagno, Giacomo, Duca de Sora, 817,
820-2.
Buoz, M.Ger. technicality, 739 n.
Burd. burj (game ending') : Hindustani chess,
82; Barsi chess, 84, 92, 181, 281.
Burgundy, Charles the Bold, Duke of, 482, 449.
Buriat chess, 870.
Burmese chess ( sittuyin ), 108-13 ; nomencla-
ture of games, 109, of pieces, 111 ; ancestry,
108 ; chessboard, 109-10 ; chessmen, 110-1 ;
opening play, 111-2; rules, 112-8; con-
nexion with Siamese chess, 108, 116.
Butrimof, I., 884.
Buzecca (Borzaga, Buchecha), 192, 428.
Buzurjmihr, 154, 156-8, 178, 272.
Byelaef, A. P., 870.
Byzantine chess : see Round chess.
Cafe de la R6gence, 862.
Caissa, 798 n, 874 n.
Caldogno, F. B., 789, 793.
Cambodian chess : see Annamese chess.
Camel (chessman) = primitive Elephant (our
Bishop) : modern India, 60, 79 ; Siberia
(Mongol chess), 877. In derived games,
214-5, 841, 344.
Camino, Rizardus de, 431.
Cardan, H., 417 n.
Carmina Bur ana, 473.
Carrera, P., 787 n, 817-9, 827.
Cartel, 851.
Casanatense MS ., 727-88, 807-8.
Cascio, Girolamo, 820.
Castle (chessman) = Rook : modern India, 79 ;
Europe, 423 n ; origin of the name, 791-3 ;
first so carved, 772. (The Fll compared to
a fortress, 222.)
Castling : nomenclature, 860, 887, 832-3 ; early
references, 788 n, 812 ; history of, 830-8, 857.
Catalonian wills, 405-7, 413-4.
Caxton, W., 468 n, 540, 647, 741.
Caze, the elder, 844 n ; the younger, 844-6.
Coze MS., 822, 843, 844-5.
Centaur (chessman) * Bishop, 791 : = Rook,
791 n.
Cercar la liebre, 616. See Fox and geese.
Ceron, Alfonso, 817.
Cervantes, 636.
Cessolis, James de, 398, 463, 461-2, 497, 502,
637-49 ; problem appendices added to MSS.
of the sermon, 573, 607, 706, 719.
Chachi, J., 727, 776, 779, 807.
Championship of chess, 888, 889.
Chariot (chessman) = Rook : India, 44, 60, 71,
79 ; Malay, 98 ; Burma, 111 ; China, 127 ;
Corea, 136 ; Japan, 142 ; Persia, 160 ; Mus-
lim chess, 160 ; Tibet, 867 ; Mongol chess,
367, 871, 377 ; traces in European chess,
160, 758. ■> our Bishop: modern Southern
Indian chess, 60, 79.
Charlemagne chessmen (so-called), 87, 160,
403, 759, 765-6.
Charles I v King of England, 839.
Charles XII, King of Sweden, 854.
Chart ier, Alain, 558.
Chatrang, M.Per. name of chess, 150, 168.
Chatrang-namak, 47, 160-6, 162.
Chaturiji, 68. See Four-handed chess.
Chaturanga: derivation and original mean-
ing, 42-4; transferred to chess, 44; from
chess to a dice race-game, 61, 62 n; name
of a race-game, 89-40, 42, 61 -3.
Chaucer, G., 664, 751.
Chaupur, 87-8, 50 n, 120.
Check : Indian term, 82 n ; Malay, 98-9 ;
Burmese, 113 ; Chinese. 128 ; Corean, 137 ;
Japanese, 144; Persian and Muslim, 159;
Digitized by Google
INDEX
893
.Arabic, 225 ; Central and Northern Asia,
367, 369, 370, 373 ; Russian, 387 ; Euro-
pean, 396.
OJkxeck, discovered, 103, 225, 739 n.
Ctieck-rook, 225, 395, 401 ; as surname, 401 ;
howto avoid, 471, 555 n ; in metaphor, 754.
Clieckmate, 45, 225, 228, 267, 401 ; deriva-
tion, 159 ; as surname, 430 ; as name of
the game, 385-6, 447 ; in metaphor, 636,
752-3.
Chequers : name of inn, 441.
Chernevski, 378.
Chess : a war-game, 25, 42-7, 221 ; general
statement of pedigree, 26-9. Associated
with nard (tables), 208, 429-35, 489 n, 447-
£>0, 568, 581, 618. Divisions of a game, 234.
Invention, 44-7 ; in legend f Muslim, 207-
19, European, 161, 501-2, 541-2 ; previous
theories, 48-50, 75 ; date of invention, 47.
Name of the game, 26-7 ; derivatives of Skr.
cJiaturanga, 42, 96-7, 109, 117, 150, 162,
167, 186, 367-8, 372, 876, 895; L. scad and
derivatives, 168, 399-401 ; other names,
61, 96, 114, 117, 121-2, 184, 138, 385, 400.
Played for a stake, 192, 414, 440, 474-5,
534, 736-9, 742, 747, 889. Primitive ar-
rangement of the board , 46 ; origin of
powers of move, 46 ; of rules, 45. Use
of dice in, 46-7, 409-10.
Chessboard : Indian, 40-2 ; Malay, 97-8 ;
Burmese, 109-10 ; Siamese, 114; Chinese
125 ; Corean, 185 ; Japanese, 141-2 ; Mus-
lim, 220, 354 ; European, 452, 756-8, 851.
Chess-clubs : St. Petersburg, 885 ; London,
391, 833, 835, 874 ; Parsloe’s, 885, 863-5 ;
878 ; Paris, 863, 872 ; Westminster, 881 ;
Berlin, 854, 883 ; Rome, 832.
Chessmakers : Russian, 888 ; Scotch, 420 ;
English, 450.
Chess- matches, 862, 882, 885, 888, 889.
Chessmen : Indian, 87-91 ; Malay, 105-6 ;
Burmese, 110 ; Siamese, 114 ; Chinese,
126 ; Corean, 135 ; Japanese, 141 ; Muslim,
223, 854, 861 ; Abyssinian, 868 ; Siberian,
371, 373, 875; Russian, 883, 887-8; Euro-
pean, 758-78 ; Staunton, 778. Carved for
European market, 90-1, 134. Importation
to England forbidden, 757.
Chinese chess ( siang k'i), 121-84 ; pedigree,
119-20; nomenclature of game, 121, of
pieces, 126 ; history, 123-4, confused with
older game, 122 ; chessboard, 125 ; rules,
128 ; problems, 129 ; openings, 130 ; illus-
trative games, 132 ; derived games, 188 ;
played in Siam, 113, in Annam, 108, 117.
Cho Y6, 189 n, 143-4, 147-8.
Circular chess : see Round chess.
Citadel on chessboard, 342, 844.
Citadel chess, 343.
Civis Bononiae , 618, 643 ; MSS., 643 ; MSS.
classified, 647 ; poem, 646 ; contents, 648 ;
Muslim element, 648 ; problems, 650-94.
Classes of players : Japan, 189; Muslim, 231.
Clef d' amors, 487.
Cluny Museum, chessmen in, 767-8.
Cnut, King of England, 404, 419, 443.
Cochrane, James, 87.
Cochrane, John, 874 n, 878.
Cochrane, Capt. J. D., 373.
Coer de Lion y 432 n.
Coffee-houses and chess, 845, 862-3.
Coincy, Gautier de, 489, 749.
Colours of chessmen : India, 90, 155; Burma,
111 ; China, 126 ; Corea, 185 ; Muslim, 224.
Colston, E., 109-18.
Columns, Francisco de, 748, 776, 798.
Columns, Guido de, 501.
Comnena, Anna, 166.
Companions (of Muhammad) and chess, 191.
Comte de Poitiers , 434.
Concordant and discordant Queens (Muslim
chess), 281.
Conditional problems: Muslim, 277-8; Euro-
pean, 651, 835, 870.
Conradin, 402, 750-1.
Constantinople MSS., description of, 171-8.
Cookery, chess in, 770.
Corean chess ( tjyang keut), 134-7 ; nomen-
clature of game, 134, of pieces, 135 ; chess-
board, 185 ; rules, 186 ; illustrative game,
187.
Corpus Poem, 506, 518.
Correspondence games, 845, 879, 881, 885.
Cotton MS., 680, 588-8.
Courier game, 392, 483-5.
Courtship, value of chess in, 486.
Cox, Capt. Hiram, 48, 109-18.
Cox-Forbes theory of the ancestry of ches9,
48-50, 68, 75.
Coxe, 384, 859.
Cozio, C., 831, 8/2.
Cracow Poem , 463-4, 470-2, 608, 522-6.
Craftsman , 846 ; reply, 834, 846.
Cresswell, J., 74-5.
Cross-cut squares : see Marked squares.
Crusade, chess in First, 208, 418.
Crystal chessmen, 888, 404, 764-6, 768.
Culin, Stewart, 81 n, 37, 49-50, 135, 187,
188 n, 874.
Cunningham, Alexander, 844-5.
Cuvelhier, 482.
Cyclops (chessman) = Rook, 791 : = Bishop,
791 n.
Dabslialim, mythical Indian King, 154, 210,
216.
Dame (chessman) *= Queen, 426-8.
Damiani, Cardinal, 167, 408-9, 414.
Damiano, 468, 772, 787-9, 796, 799, 811,
813-6.
Daniel, Metropolitan, 381.
Dante, 755 n, -775.
Death says * Checkmate ’, 536.
Decimal chess, 341, 346, 348. Cf. 38, 35.
Del Rio, Ercole, 868-9, 874.
Derived games of chess : Chinese, 183-4 ;
Japanese, 146-7 ; Muslim, 216, 339-47 ;
modern Indian, 86, 181, 347-8 ; Spanish,
348, 482, 569; German, 483-6; Carrera,
827 ; Piacenza, 888 ; Duke of Rutland’s
game, 862 n. See also Three- and Four-
handed chess ; Three-dimensional chess.
Deschapelles, 873, 878-9.
Destructorium vitiorum, 534, 561.
Deventer Poem, 505, 516.
Devil plays chess, 439, 476, 538-5, 557-8, 749,
780.
D3wasarm, mythical Indian King, 151, 164,
216.
Dlianap&la, 62.
Diagonals of chessboard, 98, 102, 110, 849.
Dice : use in India, 36-7, 75, 90 ; in board-
Digitized by
894
INDEX
games, 46 ; in chess, 46-7, 68-77, 840, 409-
10, 454, 458 n ; in other games, 568.
Didactic European literature of chess, 496-
528.
Diffusion of chess, 29.
Dil&rftm problem, 280, 811, 818, 857, 586,
588, 628, 706.
Dilfirftm's legacy, 885.
Doazan MS,, 821.
Dog (chessman) — Queen, 877.
Domostroi, 881.
Doubling of squares, 51, 155, 167, 182, 218,
217-8, 765.
Dozy, 158-60.
Draughts, 88, 181, 870, 878-4, 8S6, 899, 616.
Drawn game, 82, 84-5, 186. 267-70, 872.
Dreams, interpretation of, 167 ; cf. 205.
Dresden MS,, 466, 476, 580, 607-18.
Drummond, W., 792, 884 n.
Ducas, 167.
Duke (chessman) = Rook, 882 n.
Durg&pras&da, 82, 201 n, 862.
Eastern Empire, chess in, 161-8.
Ecclesiastical dislike of chess, 166 7, 880-1,
408-11.
Education, chess in, 898, 482-3.
Edward I, King of England, 449.
Egenolff, Chr., 889, 468, 471, 490-4, 778-9,
793, 810, 861.
Egypt, Muslim chess played. 360.
Einsiedeln Poem, 160, 411, 459, 497, 512.
Elegy, 503, 516.
Elephant (chessman) =* Bishop : position on
board in early Indian chess, 57, 60, 66 ;
early move, 55, 59-60, 108. = Rook : in
modern Indian chess, 79-80 ; in European
chess, 428 n, 424, 791-2.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 889.
Elliott, Sir H. M., 216-7.
End-game : Chinese, 132 ; Muslim decisions,
266-9; in European chess, 457, 868.
Et\fances Vivien, 410 n.
English chess : mediaeval. 464-8 ; modern,
882-5, 839-41, 846-7, 850-1, 863-4, 878-5,
878-82, 885; technicalities, 532, 779.
Escaques, 849.
Eschenbach, Wolfram v., 755.
Eschez amoureux , 467, 469, 476-82, 555.
Etiquette of play : Muslim, 288.
European chess, mediaeval : ancestry, 894 ;
introduction, 402-4, 418 ; early references,
405-18 ; nomenclature, 421-8 ; earliest rules,
462 ; early changes in, 458-4, 467.
European chess, modern : rise of, 776-80 ;
rules c. 1560, 811-2; completion of re-
forms, 881-5; games, 780. 781, 785, 786,
788, 816, 828 n, 824 n, 826, 881 n, 888 n,
843, 882 n.
European influence in Asiatic forms of chess :
India, 78, 86, 90-1; Malay, 99, 106-7;
Muslim, 852-5 ; Siberia, 374- 5.
Evans, Capt W. D., 880.
Evil-Merodaoh. King of Babylon, 541.
Exchequer, 401, 419.
Exercises, 271, 885-8, 607, 788.
b. Ezra, Abraham, 385, 460, 609, 526.
Falkeuer, E., 42, 58-9, 71, 74, 77, 109 n, 113-6,
161 u.
False moves, 557, 751, 781, 815.
Fantosme, Jourdain de, 754.
Ferron, Jehan, 546.
Fers (chessman) *= Queen : of feminine gender,
Russia, 886 ; Europe, 895, 428, 425 ; in
metaphor, 749, 752-8.
Ferumbras , 429 n.
Fianchetto, 887.
Abtn-Fid&\ 168 n.
Fidchell, 746 n.
Fierabras, 429 n.
Fihrist , 169.
Fil (chessman) « Elephant (our Bishop) :
European perversions of the name, 424 -5.
FUflth&’us, J., 860.
FirdawsI, 156-7, 207, 218-5; his enlarged
chess, 215, 841.
Firdawsi at-Tahlhal, 178.
Firzftn (chessman) w Queen : derivation, 159.
See Fers.
Fiske, Willard, 47, 443-5, 617, 846 n, 854 n,
855-6.
Fitzherbert, 636.
Flanders, Ferrand, Count of, 436.
Floire and Blanchefleur , 168 n, 737.
Florence MSS., descriptions of, 619-20, 643,
645, 708-19, 808-7, 822.
Flores Historiarum , 481.
Fool (chessman) = Bishop (France), 424.
Fool’s mate, 707 n, 882 n.
Forbes, Prof. Duncan, 44 n, 48, 67, 69, 76,
77, 106 n, 112, 121 n, 168, 173, 177, 242 n,
828-9, 408, 466 n.
Forced game, 459, 478.
Fouch6 of Chartres, 203.
Foulques Fitewarin , 740.
Fountaine MS., 622.
Four-handed chess: Indian dice-game, 45,
48, 49, 58, 68-77 ; modern Indian game,
74 5; Spanish, 848; Modern varieties,
859-60.
Four points, 104, 474, 741 n.
Four Seasons, Game of, 348.
Fox and geese, 871, 617, 758.
France, Marie de : Eliduc , 437 ; Milun, 482 n.
French chess : mediaeval, 464-8 ; modern,
812, 832-5, 839, 841-3, 845, 861-8, 872-3,
878 9, 885.
Freret, 120 n, 751.
Freudensprung, 392.
Friis, P. C., 855.
Fritzlar, H. v., 585, 750.
Frondes Caducae, 548.
Gaimar, 419, 432 n.
Galen, 164, 272. 831.
Gallensis : see Waleys.
Gambit, 818.
Gamblers and problems, 652-3.
Games, Early Buddhist list of, 84.
Oarin de Monlglane, 786.
Gau and Talkhand, 218-5.
Gaavain, 746-7.
Gavalata, 88-40, 42.
Geometrical Progression : see Doubling of
squares.
Georgian chess, 355, 878.
German chess ; mediaeval, 468-4 ; modern,
388-93, 851-4, 862, 875-7, 888-4, 888;
technicalities, 739.
Gerona bequest, 404.
Gesta Romanorum , 467, 550-4, 561-3.
Digitized by Google
INDEX
893
* hcxlaftxt ctl-mashhiira , 346, 357.
iYiwlam Kassim, 87.
[iianutio, 825.
Glildemeister, 63, 159, 193 n, 198 n, 210 n, 215,
407.
Gilley, K- A., 82-5.
Gilmour, Rev. J., 870.
Gotl\a-AJtenburg, Ernest II Duke of, 859.
Gottingen ATS., 474, 782-4, 789, 794-7.
Govardhana, 62.
Graeco, Rotilio, 822, 835-6.
Gravenburg, Wirnt v., 484, 763.
Great (Complete, Timur's) chess, 204, 844-6 ;
otlier forms. 346, 347, 348.
Greco, 4 65, 828, 827-30, 882, 840.
Greek cliess, modern (skaki), 168.
Greek chess-players, mythical, 219.
Grimm, V., 858-9.
Grnget, C., 787, 791.
Grvarinua, P., 645, 779.
Gaeldres, Adolphus Duke of, 450.
Guerre de Metz, 754.
Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, 854.
Guy of Warwick, 486, 742 n.
Gwyddbwyll, 746.
b. al-Habb&rlya, 182.
Abu Hafs ash-Shatranji, 195.
b. Abi Hajala, 175, 176, 271, 279, 324.
Hijjl Khalifa, 169, 177.
al-H&kim, 174-6.
al-H&kim biamrillfih, Sultan of Egypt, 202.
Hal&yudha, 55.
Hamilton, 80, 357.
b. Hanbal, 187-9.
Handbuch (Bilguer), 378, 890, 883-4, 886.
Aba Hanifa, 187-9.
Harington, 840.
Harivamsa, 35, 62 n.
Hartwell, Roger, 601, 779.
Haran ar-Rashld, caliph, 164, 194-7.
Hashran, mythical Indian King, 208-9, 216.
Hftve, OF. technicality, 467.
Hechte, Pferrer zu dem, 548.
Heiz, Henri de, 753.
Henri IV, King of France, 889.
Henry VII, King of England, 475.
Henry VIII, King of England, 450.
Heraldry, chess in, 700 n, 773-5.
Herbert, J. A., 550-1.
Herlin, Robert du, 755.
Himly, Karl, 117, 119-29, 132, 145.
Hindustani chess, 78, 80-2.
Hippocrates, 164.
Hishftm, caliph, 193.
Hnefatafl, 445.
Hoffmann, Prof. J. J., 125 n, 188.
Holland, William IV, Count of, 450.
Hollingworth, H. G., 127 n, 180.
Holme, Randle, 705 n, 772, 774, 792, 841.
Holt, H. F. W., 121, 122 n, 127 n.
Horse (chessman) » Knight in Southern
Europe, 421, 426.
Horseman (chessman) : see Knight.
Honey, 382.
Host, G., 356.
Hoyle, E., 891,850.
Hoyle's Gamez , 838-4, 850.
Hu Ying Lin Pi Tsung, 124.
Htian Kurai Lu , 123.
Hue and Gabet, 869.
Httnchkover, R. v., 758.
Huon of Bordeaux , 68, 410, 439, 476, 738.
Hut, Ger. technicality, 471.
Hvde bequest, 454.
Hyde, T., 67, 89, 152 n, 156n, 162, 166, 168,
179, 186 n, 886, 401, 496, 532, 841, 851.
Icelandic chess, 443-4, 468, 759, 855-9.
I-go : see Wei k'i.
Impromptu chessmen : Malay, 105 ; Muslim,
220 .
Impromptus during play : Muslim, 179, 184;
European, 741 n.
Indian ancestry of Chinese games, 94.
Indian army, the 1 four elements’, 42-4.
Indian problem, 94, 871.
Ingold, 471, 554.
Innocent III, Pope, 681.
Innocent Morality , 452, 465, 530-4, 559-61.
Intellectual game : Southern Indian name of
chess, 61.
Inventories of chess, 447-51.
Irish reference to chess, 420.
Irwin, E., 121 n, 122 n.
fslenzkar Gdtur , 855-9.
It pedes ad helium , 506, 518.
Italian chess: mediaeval, 461-8; modern,
811-8, 817-27, 831-8, 868-72.
Italian school, 821-6, 869-70.
Ivan the Terrible, Tsar of Russia, 382.
Jacobi, 85 n, 58-5, 149.
Jaenisch, C. F., 878, 886.
James I, King of England, 889.
James I, King of Scotland, 431.
Janssen, Sir A., 862.
Japanese chess [sho-gi), 188-48 : nomenclature
of game, 188, of pieces, 142 ; history, 188-9 ;
tournaments, 139; literature, 140; chess-
board, 140 ; chessmen, 141 ; rules, 143-5 ;
Openings, 144 ; gradation of odds, 145 ;
illustrative game, 145 ; derived games,
145-7 ; problems, 147-8.
Jeopardy, 366.
Jeu des esches de la dame moralise , 558, 780.
Jews and chess, 254, 428, 446-7, 858, 8S9 ;
literature, 609-11, 526.
John I, King of Aragon, 481.
John, King of England, 482.
Jones, Sir William, 48, 68, 73, 874.
Judge (chessman) = Rook, 580-3. = Bishop,
543. In derived game, 848.
b. Juraij, 203.
al-Kaiw&nl, 182.
K&la, 52.
Kalhana, 53, 68.
KalHa wa Dimna , 27, 57, 164, 215.
Kalmucks, Mongol chess played, 369, 370.
K&mandaki, 42, 44, 46.
Kanauj, Kanuj (K&nyakubja), 52, 156,
Kdmdmak, 26, 149-50.
Katanof, Prof., 870, 872.
Kempelen, W. v., 876-7.
Kenny, Charles, 885, 874.
b. Khallik&n, 200, 211-2, 216.
Kholmogory, 883.
Kieseritzky, L. A. B. F., 884.
King (chessman) : crosswise arrangement in
Indian, 80; Malay, 99; Siamese, 115;.
/
Digitized by
896
INDEX
modern Asiatic (Muslim) chess, 224, 857-8 ;
suggested in Europe, 845; position fixed
in Europe, 458. Power to leap on first
move: in Indian chess, 81-2 ; Malay chess,
99, 101 ; modern Muslim chess, 854, 858,
859 ; in European chess, 457, 461-4, 788-4,
788. 798, 812, 831-8, 867. Move restricted
in Europe, 465-6.
King's MS., 681.
Kingdoms, Game of the three, 133.
Kingston Bussel, 481.
Kirkcudbright, 420.
Klemich, O., 391.
Knight (chessman), 421-2.
Knight*s tour : see Tour.
Knightly Orders and chess, 411.
Kftbel, 453 n, 468, 470-2, 565, 706.
Ko chi king Yuan 128-4.
Kohtz, J., and Kockelkorn, C., 872.
KOnigstedt, C. W. v., 890, 854.
Korkser chess, 891.
Kormch Books , 380.
Krukof, N., 886.
Kurtze und deutliche XJnterricht , 889, 855 n.
Kurze Anweisung , 889, 852-8.
b. al-Labb&n ad-D&nl, 208.
Ladies play chess : Muslim, 192 ; Europe, 485.
al-Lajlfij, 169, 172-4, 178, 200-1, 862 ; analy-
sis, 240-65 ; problems, 811, 818, 881.
Lala Raja Babu, 82 n, 83, 87, 862.
Lancelot , 472, 746.
Lasa, T. von der, 47, 59, 150, 161, 402, 406,
407, 460, 477, 478 n, 496, 497, 498, 600, 505,
510, 629, 545, 619, 625, 627, 648, 708, 775,
777-8, 782, 821-8, 888-4.
Lasker, E., 889.
Latrunculorum ludus, 897 n, 400.
Lausanne Treatise , 889, 888, 841. See Asperling.
Lawfulness of chess discussed : Muslim, 187-
90; ecclesiastical, 166-7, 880-1, 408-11 ;
Lombard jurists, 411.
Lee MSS., 175-6.
Legal decisions : Pawn mate, 456, 785 ; as-
sizes, 456.
L£gal, Sire de, 845-6, 861 , 868.
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 889.
Leo X, Pope, 790-1.
Leon, J. A., 644, 802, 821, 822, 880 n.
Leonardis, Giovanni Domenico di, 820.
Leonardo, Giovanni, 818, 818-9, 824.
Levan to, Galwan de, 549.
Lewis chessmen, 758-61.
Lewis, W., 787, 827, 878-88.
Leyden, Lucas v., 484.
Libro che insegna giochar a scachi (MS. WD),
858, 786, 789, 800-2.
Limb chess, 343.
Linde, A. van der, 47, 59, 69, 74, 77, 87 n,
119 n, 121, 147, 182 n, 202 n, 242 n, 859 n,
377, 390, 891 n, 393, 402, 405 n, 460, 478,
477, 496-7, 508-4, 609, 570, 627, 629, 757,
766, 774, 782, 787, 820, 822, 888, 849. 858,
884, 886.
Liveret, MF. or Eng. technicality, 584.
Living chess, 748.
Lolli, G., 868-71, 874.
Lombard chess, 461-3, 489; players, 428,
431, 628.
London players, 846.
Long assize, 455, 464, 594.
Lopez, Diego, 96.
Lopez, Buy, 240, 461, 787, 813-7, 822-4, 841,
852.
Lost chess books and MSS., 417, 810 n, 846.
Loubdre, La, 113.
Louis XIII, King of France, 839.
Low, Capt. J., 118, 116.
Lucena, 458 n, 460, 474, 734, 778, 782, 784-6,
789, 797-800, 808-10, 821.
Luders, H., 82, 86 n, 87 n, 38 n, 52.
Ludus scacorum, 899 ; parallels, 899.
Lydgate, J., 471 n, 475 n, 501.
Mabinogion, 746.
Macdonald, D. B., 187.
Macdonell, Prof. A. A., 42 n, 43, 44, 47, 52,
54, 68 n, 119 n, 156.
MacDonnell, A., 880, 882, 885.
MacGleans, 99, 103.
Madden, Sir F., 403, 466 n, 759.
Magazines, Chess, 886-7.
Magic chessboards, 745-7.
Magnus, Olaus, 854.
Magus Saga , 468.
Mahdbhdshya, 38, 38.
Mahabharata , 85-6, 42, 43.
al-Mahdl, caliph, 194, 318.
Mahmud of Ghazni, 202.
Maidens’ Game, 459, 473.
Maisir, 188.
b. Makhsharl, 212.
Malay chess ( chator , main gajah ), 95-107 ;
diffusion, 95 ; nomenclature of game, 96 ;
of pieces, 98 ; chessboard, 98 ; rules, 99-
104 ; Openings, 104 ; illustrative games, 104 ;
chessmen, 105 ; pedigree, 106. See 66, 85.
Mftlik b. Anas, 187-9, 192, 196.
Malmesbury, William of, 203, 419.
al-Ma’mun, caliph, 197.
Mdnasolldsa, 56.
Mangesa B&makrishna Telanga, 91-2.
Mangiolino, 428.
Manqala, 95 n, 114 n, 865.
Mans&ba, Muslim problem, 266-885 ; deriva-
tion of word, 266 ; classification of mansu-
bftt, 270 ; MSS. discussed, 271-81 ; general
style, 276 ; conditional, 277 ; in European
MSS., 564, 568, 570, 574, 582, 607, 648-51.
M&nu, Code of, 86, 44.
Map, Walter, 486.
Marinelli, 856, 888.
Marini&re, La, 833-4.
Markings on Asiatic chessboards, 82 n, 39-42,
64-5, 98, 109-10, 126, 220.
al-Marr&koshl, 203, 407.
Marsden, Dr., 96, 99.
Martin V, King of Aragon, 447, 567, 624.
Mash&’IkhI, Muslim ta'blya, 237, 258-60.
al-Mas’udl, 86, 154, 164, 184, 195, 198-9, 209-
10, 389.
Mate : derivation of word, 159, in European
languages, 401-2, derived senses, 402. Be-
finements : to be given with specified piece,
651 ; Bishop, 278, 474 ; Pawn, 84, 91, 474,
794, 835, cf. 144; to be given on specified
square, 144, 277, 651 ; angle, 144, 474, in
metaphor, 755 ; four points, 104, 474, 482 ;
special terms, 468, 858. Classified, 882 n,
858 (blind mate, 882 n, 838 n, 852).
Matigan-i-chatrang : see Ckatrang-ndmak.
Maussac donation, 403-4.
al-M&wardl, 199.
b. M&zzaltob, Solomon, 511.
v
Digitized by boogie
INDEX
897
tedici, Catherine de, 839.
Ledinese victory, 57, 229.
lendheim, J., 884 n, 883.
lenials play chess, 439.
fennel, J acob, 468, 548.
Herels, SO n. Sin, 50 n, 188, 189, 194, 883,
399, 449, 613-5, 757 ; in BS and CB col-
lections, 702.
Her lift, 747.
Metaphors from chess : Arabic, 185 ; Persian,
281 ; European, 753-5.
Metellus, 413, 416.
Mid-game tactics, Muslim, 245.
Middleton, T., 882 n, 840.
Miniatures of games, 473, 476,
Mir. S. Fid is, Liber , 756.
Mochingoma, Japanese chess, 143-4.
Modern school, 889-90.
Mongol chess (sfcataro), 369-78 ; possible
traces in Europe, 888-98.
Monmouth, Geoffrey of, 430.
Moralities, 529-63.
Morocco, Muslim chess played, 356.
MorolJ, 756 n.
Morphy, Paul, 861, 864, 881, 888 9.
Afort Aymeri de Narbonne , 475.
Moris d’ Arthur, 754.
Mortali, V., 837.
Moura, 118,
Mouskes, Philippe de, 433 n, 758.
Muhammadan : see Muslim.
Mujannah, Muslim ta'blya, 237, 243, 245,
247-60.*
alMuktafl, caliph, 199, 306-7.
Multiple move at commencement of game :
Nllakant'ha, 66 ; Parsi chess, 83-4 ; Mon-
gol chess, 876 ; Russian chess, 885 ; Europe,
388-93. During game (Europe) : King and
Queen, 462-3 ; King and Pawn, 463, 812,
831 : see Castling.
Murtner Siegeslied , 750.
Muslim chess (sha{ranj, shtfranj ) : literature,
169-85 ; origin, 185 ; introduction, 187 ;
legality, 187-90; history, 186-206; legends,
207-19; early players, 191 ; master-players,
197-8, 231 ; nomenclature, 221 ; chessmen,
223 ; moves, 224-7 ; values of chessmen,
227 ; rules, 228 ; notation, 229-80 ; classes
of players, 231 ; odds, 232-3 ; etiquette of
play, 283 ; Opening play, 284-45 ; ta'blyat,
285-45 ; al-Lajl&j’s analysis, 247-65 ; mid-
game tactics, 245 ; End-game, 266-70 ; man-
lub&t, 270-885 ; mikh&riq, 271, 335-8 ; de-
rived games, 839-51 ; modern game, 352-65.
Muslim legal schools and chess, 187-90.
al-Mustansir bill&h, Sultan of Egypt, 202.
al-Mu'tadid, caliph, 199.
al-Mu'tasim, caliph, 197, 198, 312, 316.
al-Mutawakkil, caliph, 198.
al-Mu'tazz, caliph, 198; his son, b. al-Mu'tazz,
188, 185, 198 n.
Abu’n-Na'&m, 197, 227, 231 ; ta'blya, 239 ;
problems, 307, 809-10, 817.
Napoleon, Emperor, 877.
Nard, nardshir, 67n, 150, 152-4, 162, 208-10,
* 370, 876, 399 ; astronomical explanation,
162; Firdawsi’s game, 157. Mod. name
tawula, 162.
Neapolitan chess : rules, 826, 831 ; players,
16th c., 820, 821 ; 18th c., 838.
Nebolsin, P., 370.
Neck, Eng. technicality, 531.
Neckam, A., 468, 478, 500-8, 511.
Negre, Jouvenal, 431.
Neuenburg, Siboto, Count, 450.
Neves, Antonio de, 786.
Newspaper columns, 887.
Nicephorus, Eastern Emperor, 163-4, 195.
Nllakant'ha, 40, 62 n, 68-6, 80, 889, 392.
Nine castle (Chinese chess), 126, 130, 183 ;
(Corean chess), 136.
Nine holes, 614.
Nitis&ra , 42, 44.
Noldeke, Prof., 149-54, 213-4.
Nomenclature, 26-8; Indian, 79; Burmese,
111; Siamese, 115; Annamese, 118;
Chinese, 126-7 ; Corean, 185 ; Japanese, 142 ;
Persian, 158-60 ; Muslim, 221-7 ; Abys-
sinian, 221 ; Central and N. Asiatic, 866-8 ;
Georgian, 878; Russian, 886; European,
420-8; Mod. Greek, 168; Finnish, 854 n.
Nomocanon of Eastern Church, 167, 880.
Xomtandie , Hist, des dues de, 754.
Normandy, Robert, Duke of, 481.
Notation : Muslim, 229 ; European, 469,495 ;
KObel, 490 ; Stamina, 848 ; numerical,
470 n, 789, 823, 852.
N ushlrw&n (Khusraw I), Sfts&nian Sh&h of
Persia, 27, 150-7.
Nyout, 89, 50.
Oblong chess, 205, 340.
Occupations of feudal noble, 428, 437-8.
Odds : transposed King, 65, 785, 815 ; Malay,
104 ; Japanese, 145 ; Muslim, 282-4 ; Euro-
pean, 474, 785, 788, 815, 834 n, 845, 873.
Oderbornius, P., 882.
Oefele, A. v., 95-105.
Oger de Danemarche, 476, 740.
Ohashi family, 189-40.
Olqfs Saga, Saint, 420.
dlafsson, E., 858.
6lafsson, M., 856.
6lafsson, S., 856.
Olivier, Leo, 168.
'Omar b. al-Khatt&b, caliph, 187, 190, 212.
'Omar Khayy&m, 183.
'Omfira al-YamauI, 201.
Openings: Malay, 104; Chinese, 130; Japa-
nese, 144 ; European, mediaeval, 472 ;
modern, 788-4, 786, 788, 815, 823-4, 825,
826-7, 830, 837, 842, 845, 847, 868, 869,
875, 880-1, 885,886.
Orleans, Charles, Duke of, 431, 469, 471 n,
621, 752.
Orleans, Louis, Duke of, 431.
Orseln, Werner v., 411.
Osnabruck chessmen, 765.
Otte, Meister, 754.
Owen, George, 441.
PachlsI, 81 n, 87-8, 40, 49, 50, 72, 76.
Paciulo, L., 417 n.
Pallas, P. S., 869.
PaHchadandachattraprabandha, 68.
Paris players, 17th c., 843 ; 18th c., 845-6.
Parise la Duchesse , 483 n, 742.
Parker, H., SOn, 40, 50 n, 62 n, 79 n, 82.
Parsi chess, 66, 78, 80-6, 92-4.
Parsloe’s, 885, 863-5, 873.
Pasquier, E., 792, 812 n, 834.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by boogie
TNT>JTV
«K !£■*•* ■* '*»*■ ‘
— * in ii iiibi o- -vanrtj * tmir i5*-
Till mini umrv SSC
«■» ..; St ; it
T^wrr “***— I* TSf ; IT ve*fcU>- X*? . 1J
tecmlttrc. x.. V-7 no** JCrwatr-
Tnrenmwr
a. Itn 1. M£
jmdic *r -"umtyv - 1 ST» ?»t. :>ix t.
srJ-
^unviuunL Z. ^ S7$-
-fcvwianc C„ 4« r.
Invau rum* -- riwaa. 40*
ilmrhmrtur ^ .
i^na tn. hi i.
of mftQ*ci Lom&. "Sr- . lh*mi-
no. Tr-^ Lopei. >j X.
-iM»i JtfU-i
Mmdbt l 4ll 4 j 7*. V7&.
Bnai cite* n i— r.7$-SS . an .’-r^rr' .
f. iiMBorr 8 m*- 4 - hrrnliarr.tfr **: run
2m : n i ant*D riia urt n: emut. S>7 . *vf liwt'v
2*4 : 2's* . ritewanex,. £S7
Irriimimuici y_ WC 727. T^.
>»ahnim. S. Jr’S*. JX;..
Smckuu rr XV I7t$c.
Sk dl 3(J± i_
7$r. m. 1ST 3 C*:l 3X*. IT. *
Migt c iif omu . 1 = 424.
S**id l. Juhair. I VI -3.
S*il IdsIjl **‘Lcy*. ±36. 257 . 24 1» 242. 366-1
3l /limiiv 4 m c.
Suu-lmkiJi. P. C. F_ $77, SSI. $n\
Sl. Antlr*.. G. dr., 5*6.
$c L«mf chessmen. 76$.
Sc yieholas. Xicbola* df_ 127.
Seliml*exH . 4-Xf,.
^tltsbuiy. -Itikc of. 4S> ic 1*02. >4 \
Sail, flJ 363
Saivjo. A-. 411 . 7 >7 tl. SlT-fi. S 2 X- 7 . >Gm. > 7 *.
Sm mu *=* c 122, 1SS.
San Marie $30.
**-$aralLbid, 16 *. 170 ,
>ardurtuinw . fwi n, VI. 2>1.
J4THEL J. H-, 5*1. $26. SSS. >74 A
Ses-sa Siasi K Dahir. mythical lnxem -t oi
* cfceasL 1$3 201. 211-2, 217. ±22. 963
Sttamikiin, : aae Chuoru^x.
Saul, A., 5*1. 466.' 704. SX2-5. S$9. $41
S«T€sik<f 366-S4.
Submit. J<4d Frwirnck. Elector of. $ 51 .
SayyaL Muslim tatdya, 236, ±27, 240-2. 365-5.
Scacearium. 4 a* 1 .
Seaceum, scxceus. 591-9.
Sid# d’msmor, 459. 7S1.
Schools of play modern European chess :
Lopez, $17 ; Italian, $34, $69-70; Berlin.
$47 ; Philidor, $67 ; Lewis, $91 ; modem,
$89-90.
Schroeder, P., 171, 17S-4, 17$.
Science of play in Europe, mediaeval. 470.
Scott, Sir J. G. v Shway Yoe), 109, 111-5.
Sebastian, King of Portugal, $19.
Sfjarah Malay*, 96.
Selenus. 192 n. 292, 484, 570 n, 769, 772, 779,
852.
df-mate (problem), 651.
tmtii Iettx Partis des esekez, 707.
*sX>s»dar\ ‘v *«* 192 57^
S*ii .'iMKsam *T* ‘fUt IX' 11 E«—
»wt tan^naffr^
Se*a«. *-V. 2 * - .’44,
SfaafcTWJt ; raw. . usytfcirt* lrKtia* 4.n*
NJahmit. ^ a . T*«wb: KI,
StoaimxXt .' CK 2***- ».
S*arr*c.- - ^ ria mr- ^hass, ^ * -o,
1S» p.raii*- * ].», >* v ^
Fb^vm*! T rv J *{’i^K SSt.
Sr.n. -Sauac s r.'”> > .»Am . 2^ *k2'
Sno^, aasiT' -Si
NUMk *•$»»> . . I ' 7 TVANW^bT .>
o: aun^ . *-e cir Mf-vv . U
i]li>sTTjfc: v> ^*mr .
?%«axc 4 *+ ^*rr> : aar'tlhmi^
chesa.
Sihe'-JU: 9R<- ^ .
Sirjiuir nns^ -rv. 3K:| , n. x, v*s
Sctk 4*-'
Sjugln. G E.. ^ * -2
h Sirin. ?*SS ;92
Srssa «* >v'>«si.
>kea;. - 95 -9. 30* -K
Sfeoh^r. -c.
Sl»ut:i»4e: s Cofiee-hAir^e S4K Sk\
Nvjov 627.
^octra*«v 272 S&2.
>"iww X"> . 7 i* 2 k
Sorokin. $79.
Sf‘3*oi obessv. $7f‘-$
Spam. Oboss m Mnhan.madar.. 20$
Spani-sh c.)?e5s?v 4X7. 77X Tni 7. V.i 7, $52 X.
S$7 xc
S^oojjxx-n frames HiT>dw>4ani olvrsv $2:
P».r^i. $5; Malax. 1G* r $Ux»meee. ;7$ .
Chinese. 152 : O-orx-an. 1^7 ; 5apane>«o. 1 4$
modf m Mua: .m Kf^7^ -- 960. Majors \
961 ; X yoc 5^2 n.
Specxaxors j.r.; ob»>s>v 2.' -5. *75.
$p-^vyv^ 74 7.
$57 $.
sSjwarc -4 cbesjsKxarxi. 51 220 599.
$s*nan£ Ss>rt» ji. 959.
$**!« in chess. 574. 4*2. 451. *74 \ 554,5$!.
757 9. 7$6; in champi^vi :rv $$9.
S^alema;^ 57. 0<\ $5 e ; Hmdvivani oh*vsv
$2 ; l'arsi. $4 ; Malays 1A5 ; Brnyro^*, 1 15 ;
Siamese. 116; OP.nesc 12$. ,laixano>K\
144 ; Muslim. 229. 267. 519, 526. Mongol,
576; Kussian. 5$7 . Eimxpoan, 5$9 91.
46l> 1, 462. 464> 46K, 6*^9. 7$U 7$\ $14 \
$55, $42, SM, s52. S\S $T4.
Stamnva. I\. 22i\ 224 n, 250, 556 7. 591. 4 7\\
$46 50. $62.
Stale patr\xnjw> *xf chess. Japan. 159,
Siaunlxxn. H., 775, $SS 7.
SleiniU- W.. SSI, $$9.
Steinschneider, 1SN n.
i Stephan, 54$,
S5>y^/,5$1,
1 Stories attached tx> prohlenta, 5U, 516, 527,
535, 5$2, 695, 7l\V
; Stowe, 775,
i Str&beek, 66, 102, 590-5, 495 6, 779, SM,
Strohmei'er, 454, 756, 755,
Subandhu, 51.
Subtletiea v Pamiano\ 769, 799, 100,
as*SuMiya, Chess, 342, 459, 47$.
b, Sukaikir, 17$, 1SS, 1W, ihHk 206, 211, ^
Digitized by Google
898
INDEX
Paston, Margery, 431.
Patolli, 81 n.
Paulsen, Louis, 864.
Pavloff, A. A., 374.
Pawn (chessman) : in Censolis, 543-4. Dou-
ble step, European introduction, 457 ;
limitations, 458-9, 462, 464, 788, 851-2,
857 ; in Indian chess, 66, 88 ; Rumi chess,
372 ; N. Asiatic chess, 372. Taking in
passing: Malay chess, 101; European
chess, 461, 462, 465, 785, 788, 812, 833, 852.
Doubled Pawns forbidden (Japan), 144.
Pawn - promotion : Nllakant'ha, 66 ; Four-
handed dice chess, 73 ; Hindustani chess,
78, 81 ; Parsi chess, 88, 86 ; Malay chess,
101-2; Burmese chess, 110, 112; Siamese
chess, 111-6; Muslim chess, 226; Mongol
chess, 872 ; Russian chess, 885 ; StrSbeck,
392. European chess : nomenclature, 426-7 ;
in metaphor, 754; to Queen only, 452, 461,
462, 777, 833-5, 851 ; to Queen only after
loss of original Queen, 458-9, 498, 781,
852 ; to any lost piece, 834-5, 854, 857 ;
to any piece, 884-5 ; Pawn may remain
dummy, 835, 852-8.
Pchela , 381.
Per6dolsky, 378.
Perpetual check: Nllakant'ha, 66; Hindu-
stani chess, 82 ; Parsi chess, 84 ; Chinese
chess, 128.
Persian chess : under S&s&nians, 149-60 ;
importance of early, 158; modern Muslim
game, 358.
Persian MSS. used, description of, 174, 177,
181-2.
Perugia MS., 738.
Peter the Great, Tsar of Russia, 383 -4.
Petteia, 161, 166.
Peyrfere, La, 854-5.
Philidor, 356, 891, 858, 861-70.
Philidor’s legacy, 798.
Philip II, King of Spain, 817-9.
Philip III, King of Spain, 820.
Philip IV, King of Spain, 829.
Philometer, mythical inventor of chess, 501,
541.
Philosopher’s game : see Rythmomachy.
Piacenza, F., 354, 831, 885, 837-8.
Piccolo MS , 708.
Pillsbury, H. N., 864, 890.
Pinsent, Ross, 787 n.
Pisano, Leonardo, 218, 755.
Pistoia, C. de, 456.
Platt, C., 41, 89, 848, 38 8.
Pleiades, Berlin, 888-4.
Plowden, W. C., 863.
Poems on chess : Arabic, 182-5, 837 ; Persian,
18 8; European, 496-511 ,781,789-93,822,840.
Polerio, G. C., 819-22, 835 ; MSS. 820-1.
Ponziani, 816, 827, 868-71, 884.
Porter MS ., 600-5.
Porto, A , 787.
Position of board fixed, 458.
Pratt, P., 391, 835, 873.
Problems: Parsi, 91-4; Malay, 105; Chinese,
129 ; Japanese, 140, 147-8 ; Muslim : see
Mansuba ; modern Turkish, 857 ; Medi-
aeval European, 564-785; nomenclature,
366 ; Muslim ancestry, 664-5 ; Muslim ele-
ment, 648 ; educational value, 564 ; brevity
an excellence, 565, 649 ; not widely popu-
lar, 665 ; non-checking keys frequent, 649,
708 ; construction methods, 649-50 ; nu
ber of moves fixed, 650 ; mate in n mo\
exactly, 651 ; self- mate, 651 ; symmetric^
problem, 651 ; conditional problem, 651 ;
unsound problem, 651-2 ; tricks of profes-
sional gamester, 652-3 ; MSS., Alf., 568-
73; Arch., 578-9; AN MSS., 679-607;
D, 607-13; BS, 618-42; CB, 648-99; Mun.
and WA, 704-6 ; Kttbel, 706-7 ; Sens.,
707 ; Pice., 708-19 ; S, 719-26 ; C, 727-33 ;
Per., 738 ; Luc., 704-5 ; WD, 735. Modern
European : early problems, 794-808 ; late
17th c., 885-6; Stamm a, 849; Modenese
masters, 870-1 ; later development, 871-2.
Promotion in Japanese chess, 143.
Proven9al references to che98, 758-5, 758.
Proverbs, Russian, 387.
Pruon, Rev. T., 878.
Pseudo-Bert in : see Kurtze und deutliche Unterricht .
Q&bus b. Washmglr, 202.
Qafi&n, mythical inventor of chess, 209, 313.
Q&’Im, qSm, 229, 281, 876.
Qatranj : see Atranj.
Quarrels at chess, 418, 483, 486, 443, 444, 739.
Queen (chessman) in European chess, 423,
426-8. Warned when attacked : Malay
chess, 103 ; Russian chess, 385 ; European
chess, 888-9, 891, 779, 858. With mediae-
val European leap, 457-9, 462-4, 468 ; and
in modern Asiatic games, 853, 362. Per-
mitted Knight’s move, 855, 378, 384, 7 85,
857. Curious problem restriction, 465.
Queen’s-Pawn Opening popular in mediaeval
Europe, 472-3.
Quek, 442.
Qur'an and chess, 187-8.
Rabelais, 465, 748, 792.
Rabrab, 197, 227, 281 ; ta’blyat, 288 ; prob-
lems, 806, 807, 811, 812.
Rftdhakant, 48-9, 73.
ar-R&dl, caliph, 199-200.
Raffles, Sir T. Stamford, 100-3.
ar-R&ghib, 184 n, 194, 197.
Raghunandana : see Tithitattva.
Rdmdyana , 88, 42, 43, 111.
Ramsey Chron ., 419.
Raoal de Cambrai , 436, 745 n.
Rapidity of play, 859.
Rascioti, D., 787.
Ratn&kara, 58.
Raulin, J., 535.
R&van, King of Lanka, 48 n.
ar-R&zI, 169, 170, 198, 281, 246, 266, 273 ;
problems, 306, 307, 311, 314.
Reims Poem , 519.
Renart , 747, 749.
Renaud de Montauban , 741.
Reval MS., 585.
Rhingieri, 748.
Rhys Davids, 84-5.
ar-Ristfiml, 215.
River on Chinese chessboard, 121 n, 125.
Robado, Sp. technicality, 461, 785,814-5, 883,
851.
Robert, King of Hungary, 420.
Robert of Brunne, 430.
Robert qf Gloucester , 480.
Robinson, H. C., 96-106.
Rocco, B., 888.
Rockhill, 369.
\
Digitized by Google
899
; Dami«
. ancestry,
ies of rule.
•"» ; of pieces,
.. 387.
776.
• I, 211.
: 24.
.37, 240, 242,260-1.
- 7, 881, 885.
i«‘, 527.
> n, 502, 540.
. S17-9, 825-7, 869, 874.
»8.
. 0 .
91, 181.
- . 826 , 833, 874-5.
) >ahir, mythical inventor of
211-2, 217, 222, 362.
•game : see Chaturanga.
■ 6 , 704, 832-3, 839, 841.
t.
f rederick, Elector of, 851.
m ta'blya, 226, 237, 240-2, 263-5.
M.
ecus, 391-9.
, 459, 781.
play (modern European chess) :
7 ; Italian, 824, 869-70; Bertin.
lidor, 867 ; Lewis, 881 ; modern,
r, P., 171, 178-4, 178.
•f play in Europe, mediaeval, 470.
r J. G. (Shway Yoe), 109, 1 1 1—3.
n, King of Portugal, 819.
Malayu, 96.
s 192 n, 292, 484, 570 n, 769, 772, 779,
uate (problem), 651.
' Ieux Partis des eschez, 707.
ash-Shftfi'I, 187, 190, 192, 272.
Shah (chessman) : derivation, 159 ; in Euro-
pean languages, 395-9, 407.
Shdhndma , 150, 153-9, 178, 218, 341.
ShahrSm (Shihram'i, mythical Indian king,
154-5, 211-6.
Sh&hrukh, son of Timur, 167, 204.
Sh&hrukhlya, 204 n.
Shafranj, Arabic name of chess, pronunciation,
186 ; popular etymologies, 151, 186 n, 209 ;
European derivatives, 895.
Ship, as-§afadl's problem of, 280, 620.
Short assize, 476-82.
Siamese chess makruk), 113-7 ; nomenclature
of game, 114; of pieces, 115; rules, 115;
illustrative game, 116.
Siang k*i : see Astronomical game and Chinese
chess.
Siberian chess, 369-77.
Sicilian’ players, 16th c., 811 n, 819.
Slga, 39, 40.
Singha, G. K., 80-2.
S t nh asanavatriki ns i ka , 68.
b. Sirin, 165, 192.
§issa : set §assa.
Skeat, W. wV, 95-9, 104-5.
Skelton, 752.
Slaughter's Coffee-house, 846, 863.
Socius, 627.
Socrates, 272, 331.
Sorbonrus MS., 719-26.
Sorokin, 379.
Soyot chess, 370-3.
Spain, Chess in Muhammadan, 203.
Spanish chess, 457, 778, 781-7, 812-7, 832-3,
837 n.
Specimen games: Hindustani chess, 82;
Parsi, 85; Malay, 104: Siamese, 116;
Chinese, 132 ; Corean, 137 ; Japanese, 145 ;
modern Muslim (Egypt , 860, (Algiers),
361 ; Soyot, 872 n.
Spectators and chess, 233, 475.
Sperxogel , 747.
SpiUtbok , 857-8.
Square of chessboard, 51 , 220, 399.
Ssanang Ssetsen, 869.
Stake in chess, 374, 412, 481, 474-5, 584, 581,
787-9, 786; in championship, 889.
Stalemate, 57, 60, 65-6 ; Hindustani chess,
82 ; Parsi, 84 ; Malay, 103 ; Burmese, 113 ;
Siamese, 116; Chinese, 128; Japanese,
144 ; Muslim, 229, 267, 819, 826; Mongol,
876; Russian, 387; European, 389-91.
460-1,462. 464, 466, 609, 781, 785, 814-5,
833, 842, 851, 852, 858, 874.
Stamma. P., 220, 224 n, 230, 356 7, 891, 470,
846-50, 862.
State patronage of chess, Japan, 139.
Staunton, H., 773, 885-7.
Steinitz, W., 881, 889.
Steinschneider. 165 n.
Stephan, 548.
Stoglaf, 381.
Stories attached to problems, 311, 816. 827,
385, 582, 698, 705.
Stowe, 778.
StrObeck, 66, 102, 890-3, 488-5, 779, 851.
Strohmeyer, 484, 786, 755.
Subandhu, 61.
Subtleties (Damiano), 789, 799, 100.
as-Su'diya, Chess, 342, 459, 478.
b. Sukaikir, 178, 188, 190, 200, 206, 211.
/
Digitized by Google
900
INDEX
as-Suli, 169-73, 176, 199-201, 211, 221, 227,
281 ; ta'bly&t, 285-40, 245 ; problems, 271-6,
306-17, 818; exercise, 837.
Sunderland, Charles, Earl of, 845.
Surrey, Henry, Earl of, 889, 799.
Sutrakrildnga , 85.
Swinton, G., 181.
Syamakisora, 82.
Sylvester. Protohierarch, 881.
Symes, 109. 111.
Syria, Muslim chess plavod. 356, 358.
af-Tabarl, 163, 198, 202.
Ta’bly&t, 112, 235-44.
Tabla, taula : Ar. tawula; Rus. table i ; =
nard, 153, 162, 380-8.
Tables : Chinese, 120 ; in European MSS.,
569, 581, 702.
Tablut, 445.
Tabula, history of word, 407, 411, 418.
Tax Ping YU Lan y 122-4.
Takhtaritus, 151-4.
Talkhand, 218-5.
Ta-raa, 132.
Tarsia, 769, 818, 852.
Taverns, chess in, 441. .
Teriace, John de. 587.
ath-Tha'&libl, 155, 185, 198 n, 213 n.
Thomas, F. W., 42 n, 51-8.
Three-handed chess, 183-4, 888.
Three-dimensional chess, 860.
Tibetan chess ( chandaraki ), 868-9.
Timur, Mongol Sultan, 167, 171, 182, 204-6,
331 ; Timur’s chess : see Great chess.
Tiruvengadachftrya Shastri, 82-4, 87, 91-4.
Tithitattva , 48, 69-72.
Touch and move : Japan, 144 ; Europe, 475,
781,785.
Tournaments : Japan, 139 ; modern Europe,
887-90.
Tourney 8, Problem, 888.
Tours: Knight's, 54, 64, 885-7, 589, 609,
674, 730, 789 n ; Knight-Fers, 336; Knight-
FU, 336 ; Elephant, 54-5 ; Rook, 54.
Town statutes, 440 n.
Towns built on plan of chessboard, 38.
Trimberg, H. v, SSS.
Tripoli, Muslim chess played, 356.
Tristan , 738.
Tristrem 1 Sir , 428, 455.
Trithem, 538.
Troil, v., 856-7.
Troyes, Chrestien de : Cliges , 753 ; Ivain f 467 ;
Ptrcival, 753.
Tungus, Mongol chess played, 878.
Turberville, 882.
Turkestan, Muslim and Russian chess played,
859.
Turkey, Muslim and European chess played,
359.
Turkish MSS. used, description of, 178, 181-2.
Twiss, R., 348, 855.
Tylor, E. B., 31 n, 42 n.
Ufuba, 365.
Ulysses, mythical inventor of chess, 482.
Universities and chess, 441.
Urgel, Ermengard, Count of, 405, 418.
Uryankh8, Mongol chess played, 370-3.
1>. AbT Usaibi’a, 170, 203.
Vaidyan&tha Pfiyagunda, 60, 66, 86.
Valentia, Lord, 362.
Values of chessmen : China, 127 n ; Japan,
148 ; Muslim, 227-8 ; European, 228.
Vengeance Raguidel , 754.
Verdoni, 872-5.
Verney, Capt., 859-60.
Vespajo, Valentino, 827.
Vetula , 410, 507, 520, 643.
Viana, Prince of, 448.
Vida, M. A. H., Bishop of Alba, 789-93.
Vignay, Jchan de, 545.
Villani, 192 n.
Vinayaka Rajarama Tope, 79 n, 91-2.
Violette 1 Roman de la f 755 n.
Voeux du Paonj 472, 474, 476, 772.
Wace : Brut , 430 ; Roman de Row, 484 n.
Wager games : in Alf., 570, 572, 651-2.
Wagner, J. L., 374.
Walewein, 746.
Waloys, John of (Gallensis), 530-2.
Walld I, caliph, 198.
Walker, George, 181, 182, 865, 881.
Ward, Eng. technicality, 471.
Weber, Prof. A., 48, 55, 63, 65-6, 69.
Wei k’i, 28 n, 114, 123,124,129, 137, 139 n, 140.
Welled Selasse, Ras of Tigre, 362-8.
White, A. C., 887.
White, J. G., 179, 479 n, 787 n, 841, 884.
MSS. : Gu., 645; Arch., 673-9; WD, 358,
735, 789, 800, 822, 844.
Wielius, 389, 851-2.
Wigalois, 483, 763.
Wilkinson, R. J., 95 n, 98 n, 108 n.
Wilkinson, W. H., 125-30, 185-7.
Winchester Poem, 419, 499, 514.
Windisch, E., 61 n.
Wu Ti, Chinese Emperor, 120, 122, 133.
Wycliffe, 441 n.
Xerxes, mythical inventor of chess, 217, 541,
645.
b. Yahya, Bonsenior, 510.
Yakovlef, E. K., 870, 872.
Yakutat Indians’ (Alaska) chessmen, 374.
al-Ya'qubl, 151, 186 n, 207, 208, 212.
Yukagiris, chess played, 878.
Zagareli, 878.
Zatrikion, Byzantine name of chess, 162-3.
b. az-Zayy&t, 198, 221 ; problem, 812.
Zibrt, 420 n.
Zimmermann, 98-102.
Zonares, John, 166, 167, 880.
Zukertort, J. H., 864.
I Zwetre, Reinmar v., 446, 629.
Oxford : Horace Hart M.A, Printer to the University
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
I
To avoid fine, this book should be returned on
•r before the date last stamped be 1 '' '*
1
l7»«
-1913
; 1344
1944
6 1944
5 45
1946
’ s ;::3
it,
g'l'iydv
— Qi£|itized by
Google
Live Music
Archive
Librivox
Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland
Museum of Art
Internet
Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American
Libraries
TV News
Understanding
9/11